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AUTHOR: 


LIVIUS,  TITUS 


TITLE:    I 


.IVY,  BOOKS  XXI.  AND 
XXII. 


PLACE: 


LONDON 


DA  TE : 


1902 


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»< 


87LR 
IF02 


D87L76 
154 

D87IJI 
IF02 


Lib.  21-22.     1902. 
Livius,   Titus. 

Livy,   books  XXI.  and  XXII.   Hannibal's  first 
canpaign  in  Italy,   ed.   with  introduction,   notes, 
appendices...     by  W.  W.   Capes.      London,  Macmil- 
lan,    1902. 

Iv,  327  p.     ftont.,  maps   (part  fold)     (Macmil- 
lan's  school  class  books) 

Copy  in  Barnard. 


Copy  in  Classics.     1902. 

(       I 


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LI  V  Y 


BOOKS    XXL    AND    XXIT. 


HANNIBAL'S    FIRST    CAMPAIGN 

IN    ITALY. 


EDITED 

WITH    INTRODUCTIONS,    NOTES,    APPENDICES, 

AND    MAPS, 

BY   THE 

Rev.   W.   W.   CAPES, 

FELLOW    OF   HERTFORD   COLLEGE,    AND    READSE 
IN    ANCIENT    HISTORY,    OXFORD. 


Hontfon 

MACMTLLAN   AND   CO,   Limited 

MEW  York:  the  macmillan  companx 

1902 


[2 he  Right  of  Tramlation  is  reierved.] 


Printed  by  C,  J,  CLA  K,  at  the  University  Press, 

Camh-idge,  August  1878. 

Heprinted  1879,    1880,   1881,  1883,   1884,   1887,  1889. 

1892,   190a 


PREFACE 

The  text  of  Livy  which  is  here  adopted  is  a 
reprint  of  Madvig's,  whose  Emendationes  Liviance 
discuss  most  of  the  important  variations  from  the 
common  text.  To  that  work  therefore  reference 
is  made  when  Madvig's  authority  or  arguments 
are  mentioned  in  the  notes. 

In  matters  of  Latinity  the  commentary  of 
Fabri,  as  enlarged  by  Heerwagen,  has  been  found 
most  useful,  especially  the  illustrations  drawn 
from  Latin  authors.  Weissenbom's  notes  for 
German  schools  are  quoted  only  (as  W)  when 
they  contain  information  which  is  not  to  be 
found  in  earlier  commentators. 

In  questions  of  etymology  most  stress  is  laid 
upon  the  views  of  Corssen  in  his  Aussprache, 
Vocalismm,  u.  Betonung  der  Lateinischen  Sprcuih^ 


▼1 


PREFACE. 


For  the  subjects  treated  specially  in  the  Intro- 
ductions and  Appendices  the  chief  authorities 
are  in  each  case  mentioned ;  others  have  often 
been  referred  to,  but  it  has  not  been  thought 
desirable  to  crowd  the  notes  with  names. 


Brahshott, 

Augmt^  1878. 


\ 


LIVY, 

BOOKS  XXL  AND  xxn 


:i| 


CONTENTS. 

PA«K 

Inteoduotion  I.    The  Early  History  of  Carthage  and 

the  Antecedents  of  the  Second  Panic  War        .        .  ix 

Intboduotion  II.     The  Authorities  for  the  History  of 

the  Second  Punic  War xxxii 

Ihtboducjtion  in.     On  the  Language  and  Style  of  Livy  xlv 

Intboduotion  IV.     The  Text  and  Orthography  of  Livy .  1 

Chbonolooical  Summary M 

LiYu  Liber  XXI.            1 

LiVii  Liber  XXII. 72 

Notes ^^^ 

Appendix  L     On  the  Koute  of  Hannibal        ...  807 
Appendix  II.    Excursus  on  the  Eoman  Beligion  in  Bela- 

tion  to  the  Prodigies  in  Livy  XXI.  62  and  XXIL  10  316 

Appendix  HI.    On  the  Character  of  C.  Flaminius          .  320 

Index  Nominum  ex  Looorum 323 


\ 


Page 

154, 

tf 

156. 

ft 

176, 

tt 

186, 

>t 

191, 

ti 

211, 

i» 

226. 

It 

237, 

•t 


243, 


„  246, 

„  251, 

„  Jit}  J, 

,1  ^u, 


It 


285, 


ADDENDA. 


line  4  from  the  end,  after  'comttia'  add  Cic.  Mur.  18. 

88,  tanta  illu  camitiU  religio  e»t  ut  adiiuc  semper 

omen  valuerU  prarogativum. 

line  34,  after  *gcod  will'  odd  or,  *hi8  likeneas  to  his 

father  was  bat  the  least  influence',  <&o.,  i.  e.  was  only 

the  least  among  many  influences. 

line  27,  after  '  Greek '  add  (opt.  with  Sm),  and  after 

*  Latin  *  add  cf.  use  of  crediderim,  ausim. 

line  4  from  the  end,  add  a  note  ad  Muttnam,  o4= 

to  the  neighbourhood  of,  cf.  above  §  3  Mutinam  con- 

fugerint,  I  e.  inside  ot 

Ime  24,  /or  'Nor  could  S.'  read  «S.  could  not*  and 

after  &c.  add  *  and  H.  was '  &c. 

line  7  from  the  end,  add  note  §  4  indignitag.  perhaps 

*  a  sense  of  the  heinousness  *. 

line  14,  after  *  endurance'  add  cf.  Tac.  Hist.  ii.  4.  e, 
quantum  illu  roboris  ducrimiiia  et  labor,  tantum  his 
vigaris  addiderat  Integra  quies.  *       c  oo 

line  6,  after  Urade*  add  cf.  Cic.  Bosc.  Am.  §  »», 
quastum  nosset  nuUum,  fructum  autem  eum  solum 
quern  labore  peperisset.  .  .,      .. 

line  31.  add  noU  cohihtntsm^ cohtbendi  causa,  an 
imitation  of  a  Greek  idiom,  cf.  use  of  circumspectane 

23  10 

line  8  from  end,  add  after   accepta  and  the  more 
probable  rtfcep««(  =  withdrawn).     ^    ^„   ^     ,     ^,. 
line  5  from  end,  add  Verg.  Mn.  1.  33,  tanta  molu 

eratf  Ac.  ,  » 

line  22,  add  after  videam  cf.  use  of  -wtfuopoM. 
line  12,  for  'was  not*    read    'would  probably  not 
have  been*.  ,      ,      , 

line  11  from  end,  add  note  dwnum  =  *  only  when   or 

*  not  till*. 


The  thanks  of  the  editor  are  due  to  S.  Bloxsidge,  Esq.,  for 
suggestions  on  these  and  other  points. 


INTKODUCTION.     I. 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  CARTHAGE  AND 
THE  ANTECEDENTS  OF  THE  SECOND 
PUNIC  WAR*. 

In  the  earliest  times  of  which  history  can  take  ac- 
count we  find  the  traces  of  an  active  trade  in  the 
Mediterranean  waters  which  was  mainly  in  the  hands 
of  the  Phoenician  merchants.      The  enterprising  race 
which  peopled  the  narrow  strip  of  Canaan  hemmed  in 
between  the  mountains  and  the  sea,  soon  found  out 
its  vocation  in  the  carrying  trade  of  the  prehistoric 
world.      Its   colonists   pushed    their   way   along   the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor,  and  through  the  isles  of  the 
iEgean,    planting    their   factories  on  every  favoured 
spot,  and  opening  up  the  mineral  wealth  or  purple 
fisheries  of  the  countries  on  their  way ;  their  inter- 
change of  national  products  gave  the  first  stimulus  to 
the  energy  of  many  a  backward  race,  while  their  mer- 
chant navy  pi-obably  supplied  the  wants  of  the  great  land 

•  Compare  especially  Polybius,  Book  i.;  Heeren,  Cartha- 
ginians; Movers,  Phamizier;  Lenormant,  Manuel  d*Histoire 
Ancienne, 

C.  L.  ^ 


X  fNTnonrcTiON,    /. 

power  of  Egypt,  bringing  together  the  scattered  ele- 
ments of  tin  and  copper  to  be  combined  by  the  in- 
dustrial arts  of  the  early  age  of  bronze.  The  course 
of  these  Phoenician  adventurers  was  directed  almost 
wholly  by  the  interests  of  trade,  but  on  the  Northern 
coast  of  Africa  their  colonies  assumed  another  cha- 
racter. There  were  indeed  some  early  settlements 
from  Sidon  on  the  shore,  as  at  Hippo  and  at  Cambe, 
but  these  were  probably  of  little  note,  till  larger 
streams  of  immigrants  appeared,  who,  unlike  the  rest, 
betook  themselves  to  the  interior,  and  lived  an  agri- 
cultural life.  Tliere  is  reason  to  believe  that  they 
were  Canaanites  from  the  inland,  dis|)ossessed  perhaps 
by  Israel  under  Joshua  from  the  country  on  the  North 
of  Palestine,  and  guided  fjom  the  ports  of  Sidon  to 
their  new  homes  by  pilots  already  familiar  with  the 
country.  Here  they  may  have  found  some  kindred 
races,  peoples  of  the  Hittite  stock,  who  had  spread 
from  Egypt  in  the  period  known  as  that  of  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Shepherd  dynasties.  The  new  comers 
mingled  with  the  native  Libyans,  and  from  their 
union  in  the  course  of  ages  grew  the  numerous  popu- 
lations found  in  later  times  in  Zeugitana  and  Byza- 
cene,  and  known  as  a  mixed  race  by  the  name  of 
Liby-phcenicians. 

When  Sidon  fell  before  a  sudden  onset  of  the 
Philistines  in  B.c.  1209,  Tyre  stepped  into  her  place,  as 
the  chief  power  of  the  Phoenician  league,  which  took 
up  henceforth  a  more  decided  policy  in  the  far  West. 


INTRODUCTION,     I. 


XI 


In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  iEgean  the  Carian 
pirates  and  the  Ionian  traders  were  as  enterprising 
as  themselves,  and  one  after  another  their  factories 
had  to  be  deserted,  or  fell  into  their  rivals'  hands, 
but  in  the  West  they  came  only  into  contact  with 
less  civilised  races,  who  had  no  navy  on  theii-  seas, 
and  felt  little  jealousy  of  the  modest  settlements  upon 
their  coasts.     First  they  planted  the  important  town 
of  Utica,  and  coasting  thence  they  pushed  across  to 
Gades,  where,  attracted  by  the  mines  and  other  wealth 
of  Southern  Spain— the  Tarsis  of  traditional  fancy— 
they  made  a  chain  of  factories  and  forts  along  the 
shores   up   to  and   even  beyond   the   Pyrenees,    not 
forgetting  to  gain  a  foothold  upon  the  neighbouring 
islands,  and   Sardinia  above  all.     But  rapid  as  was 
the  progress  of  these  colonies,  they  were  all  of  them 
eclipsed  by  the  brilliant  fortunes  of  a  younger  sister. 
Some   noble   refugees   from   Tyre,   flying  under  the 
guidance   of  Elissar,  Vergil's  Dido,   settled   on   the 
almost  desei-ted  site  of  the  old  Sidonian  Cambe,  near 
the  centre  of  the  gi-eat  basin  formed  by  the  gulf  of 
Tunis.     There  they  resolved  to  make  a  home,  and 
built   themselves  a  stronghold  which  they  called  *a 
new  city,'  Kirjath-Had^schath,  known  to  the  Latins 
as   Carthago    (b.c.    872).     The   energy,  and  wealth, 
and   powerful   connections  of  the  emigrants  secured 
for  the  new  settlement  a  rapid  start  in  social  pro- 
gress;    its   happy   site  between  the  rich  com  lands 
of  the  Bagradas,  and  the  splendid  anchorage   of  its 

62 


nJIkJl  I 


INTRODUCTION.     I 


natural  karboui-s,  seemed  to  mark  out  for  it  a  career 
of  supremacy  in  trade;  while  there  were  many  pos- 
iible  allies  and  friends  in  the  kindred  communities 
upon  the  neighbouring  coasts,  or  in  the  Liby-pha3- 
nicians  of  the  main  land.  With  such  consciousness 
of  growing  strength  they  could  not  long  maintain 
the  huDible  attitude  towards  the  native  races,  which 
is  typified  in  the  tradition  of  the  tribute  paid  for 
the  ground  on  which  the  city  had  been  built  Forced 
therefore  before  long  into  collision  with  the  Libyan 
peoples,  they  forsook  the  old  Phcenician  i^licy  which 
shrank  from  territoiial  conquests,  save  on  islands 
or  projecting  headlands;  step  by  step  they  pushed 
their  way  into  the  interior,  annexing  wide  tracts  of 
cultivated  soil,  and  driving  back  the  Nomad  tribes 
into  their  deserts. 

Other  causes  also  tended  to  force  them  into  a 
career  of  imperial  ambition.  When  Tyre  was  ruined 
by  Nabuchodorossor,  her  colonies  in  the  far  West, 
in  Sicily,  Sardinia,  Africa,  and  Siiain,  were  thrown 
unprepared  upon  their  own  resources.  The  native 
races  rose  against  them,  the  jealous  Greeks  seized 
the  moment  of  their  rivals'  weakness,  and  there  was 
nothing  for  it  but  to  look  round  for  timely  aid  or 
perish.  They  turned  in  their  despair  to  Carthage, 
their  vigorous  and  wealthy  sister :  she  in  her  turn 
took  up  the  legacy  bequeathed  by  Tyre,  and  found 
a  colonial  empire  ready  made.  But  she  had  to  fight 
hard    to   maintain    it.     War-navies    were   needed    to 


INTRODUCTION.     I. 


xui 


keep  her  hold  upon  the  distant    islands :    Liby-phoe- 
nicians  were  drilled  and  armed  and  sent  as  colonists 
to  secure  the   mines  of  Southern  Spain,  endangered 
by  the  native  tribes.     Their  old  enemies,  the  Greeks, 
meanwhile  were  making  steady  progress.      Much  of 
the  coast  line  of  Sicily  was  in  their  hands,  Phocsean 
colonies  were  planted  on  the  shores  of  Gaul,  as  at 
Massilia,  and  on  the  North-East  of  Spain,  and  nearer 
home    in   Africa,  the   prosperous   Gyrene    was    soon 
to   trouble   them   with    rivalry   and   war;    Carthage 
accepted  the  defiance,  and  engaged  as  in  a  duel  that 
must  be  fought  out  to  the  bitter  end.     After  a  hard- 
fought   struggle   she    checked    the    advance    of    the 
Phocsean   colonists,    destroyed   one   after   another   of 
their  towns,  and  swept  their  navies   from   the   sea, 
even  forcing  humbled   Massilia   to  submit   to  see  a 
Punic  factory  rise  within  sight  of  its  port,  some  trace 
of  which  was  fouiid  a  few  years  since  in  a  tariff  of 
the  sacrifices  to  be  used  in  BaaPs  temple,  as  sanctioned 
by  the  magistrates  of  Carthage.     With   Cyrene   she 
disputed    merely    the   paramount   lordship  over   the 
Libyan  races,   but  after   long  hostilities  they  found 
that  in  that  wide  continent  there  was  room  enough 
for  a  separate   career   for  each,  and  agreed  upon  a 
frontier  line,  to  which  tradition   gave 'the   name   of 
the  altars  of  the   Philseni,   from  a  romantic   legend 
of    the   self-devotion    of    the    arbitrators   sent   from 

Carthage. 

But  on  the  other  hand  the  Greeks  of  Sicily  stood 


XIV 


INTRODUCTION.     I, 


resolutely  at  bay;  time  after  time  great  arniamenta 
from  Cai-thage  landed  in  the  island,  enough  as  it 
might  seem  to  sweep  away  all  before  them,  and  many 
of  the  old  cities  were  rained  in  the  course  of  the  long 
straggle,  but  Syracuse,  weakened  as  she  was,  was 
able  to  the  last  to  make  head  against  her  ancient 
enemy,  driving  her  back  sometimes  to  a  little  corner 
of  the  North- West,  once  even  carrying  the  war  to 
the  very  doors  of  Carthage,  and  at  last  only  dropping 
it  when  Rome  was  there  to  take  it  up  with  greater 

might 

Meanwhile  the  power  of  Carthage  was  growing 
to  the  fulness  of  its  stature.  Though  unable  to  con- 
quer Sicily  entirely,  she  had  tightened  her  grasp  upon 
the  islands  near  it  Sardinia  was  wholly  hers,  and 
she  raled  it  with  such  skill  and  wise  economy  that 
after  three  centuries  of  tenure  she  left  large  pai-te 
of  it  a  fair  and  fraitful  gaiden,  to  become  afterwards, 
in  the  hands  of  other  masters,  waste  and  wild. 

The  Balearic  isles  formed  convenient  stepping 
stones  across  the  sea  to  Spain,  whose  coasting  trade 
she  now  possessed  without  a  rival.  Along  the  con- 
tinent of  Africa  she  stretched  her  arms,  making  or 
strengthening  on  the  fringe  of  Mauretania  a  long 
line  of  forts,  known  as  the  MetagonitsB ;  her  surplus 
population  was  drafted  off  in  numerous  colonies,  which 
spread  the  civilized  arts  of  peace  in  the  interior,  and 
drove  further  back  the  clouds  of  Nomad  savagely. 
At  home  she  opened  up  the  i-esources  of  her  fertile 


INTRODUCTION,     l. 


XV 


country,  making  husbandry  and  irrigation  matters 
of  scientific  study,  so  that  even  the  Roman  senate 
in  a  later  age  thought  her  books  on  agriculture 
worthy  of  translation.  Abroad,  she  guided  the  streams 
of  trade  to  every  quarter,  now  opening  up  relations 
with  the  heart  of  Africa  by  means  of  caravans,  now 
turning  to  account  in  Spain  the  old  Phoenician  skill 
in  mining,  now  with  daring  enterprise  exploring 
regions  hitherto  unknown. 

Of  two  such    attempts  especially    we   have   some 
detailed  accoiuits.      One  called  the  Periplus  of  Hanno 
was  a  long  coasting  voyage  along  the  South- West  of 
Africa  to  about  the  8th  degree  of  latitude,  conducted 
by  the  order  of  the  State  with  a  fleet  of  60  vessels. 
On    his    return   the     admiral     drew     up    a    report 
officially,   which  was   consigned    to    the    archives   in 
the  temple  of  Baal,  and  part  of  it  is  still  extant  in 
a   Greek   translation.     We  may  still  perhaps  distin- 
guish in  his  narrative  the  crocodiles  of  Senegal,  the 
sweet-scented  forests  of  Cape  Verde,  the  lofty  moun- 
tains of  Sierra  Leone,  and  the  fantastic  forms  of  the 
Gorillas,  so  called  from  a  faulty  reading  of  a  passage 
in  the  Periplus.     The  second  enterprise  under  Himilco 
was  directed  along  the  coast  of  Portugal  and  Gaul, 
and  thence  across  to  the  Cassiterides  or  Scilly  Isles,  at 
which  Phcenician  adventure  in  olden  times  had  stopped 
in    its   quest   for   tin,   but   from    which   the   Cartha- 
ginians   pushed    on    to    the    neighbouring    shores    of 
Cornwall  and  of  Ireland. 


"I 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION.     I. 


It  is  time  perhaps  to  tiim  from  such  romantic  tales 
of  early  navigation  to  inquire  what  was  tlie  nature  of 
the  first  relations  between  this  Queen  of  Western 
Trade  and  Rome.  The  earliest  historic  datum  is 
furnished  by  the  treaty  in  Polybius  (iii.  22),  which 
was  concluded  in  the  year  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
Tarquins  (b.c  509),  and  the  archaic  tei*ms  of  which  in 
the  original  Latin  were  scai-cely  intelligible  in  the 
days  of  the  historian.  The  Carthaginians  on  their 
side  pledged  themselves  not  to  disturb  any  of  the  sub- 
jects or  allies  of  Rome,  not  to  hold  any  fortress  or 
attack  a  town  in  Latium,  while  Rome  covenanted  for 
herself  and  her  allies  not  to  sail  or  trade  in  Africa 
beyond  the  headland  to  the  West  of  Carthage.  Sicily 
was  to  be  a  neutral  ground  for  commerce,  in  which 
both  were  to  enjoy  like  rights. 

The  treaty  points  to  the  increasing  enterprise  of 
the  Italian  traders  which  stirred  so  soon  the  jealousy 
of  Carthage,  and  to  the  corsairs  of  the  latter  power 
whose  visits  were  dreaded  even  then  in  the  Tyrrhe- 
nian watei-s,  as  when  they  combined  with  the  Etrus- 
cans to  crush  the  Phocaeans  of  Alalia. 

A  century  afterwards  a  second  treaty  (b.c.  347) 
opened  the  markets  of  Rome  and  Carthage  to  each 
other,  but  the  foraier  was  not  to  trade  in  Libya  or 
Sardinia,  the  latter  was  to  spare  the  subject-soil  of 
Rome  from  piracy  and  damage.  Cai*thage  spoke  in 
this  case  in  the  name  of  Utica  and  of  the  free  lyrian 
peoples.     This  treaty  closed  to  Roman  traders  many 


INTRODUCTION,     I. 


xvii 


of  the  poi-ts  which  the  former  had  left  open,  and  there- 
fore marked  the  jealous  policy  of  Carthage,  which 
hoped  to  monopolize  the  sources  of  her  wealth. 

A  third  treaty  in  the  time  of  Pyrrhus  (b.c.  279) 
provided  for  an  alliance  of  an  offensive  and  defensive 
nature  in  which  Carthage  was  to  lend  its  fleet,  but 
maintained  the  restrictions  on  free  trade.     So  far  it 
has  been  seen  that  Sicily  was  regarded  as  commer- 
cially a  neutral  ground  between  the  powers,  but  it  was 
soon  to  be  their  battle  field.     The  long  struggle  for  the 
possession  of  the  island  had  greatly  weakened  Syracuse 
and  mined  most  of  the  Greek  cities.     One  of  the  few 
that  were  still  left  standing,  Messana,  was  seized  by  a 
lawless  band  of  Campanian  soldiers  turned  freebooters, 
who  followed  a  course  that  had  been  popular  of  late 
at  Rhegium  and  elsewhere.     There  they  were  soon 
attacked  by  Hiero,  who,  first  as  general,  then  as  king, 
had  lately  trained  to  order  the  turbulent  populace  of 
Syracuse,    and   revived   the   dignity   of   the   Sicilian 
Greeks.     Hard  pressed  by  the  besiegers  the  Mamer- 
tini,  *men  of  Mars,' as  the  free  lances  called  themselves, 
could  only  baffle  Hiero  by  turning  to  Carthage  or  to 
Rome,  and  rival  parties  in  the  city  made  overtures  to 
each.     The  former  was  first  upon  the  scene,  and  her 
soldiers  in  the  citadel.     But  Rome  who  had  sternly 
punished  a  like  act  of  Campanian  treachery  at  Rhe- 
gium,   and   was   besides   in   league  with   Hiero   the 
avenger,  could  not  turn  her  back  on  the  temptation  of 
gaining  a  footing  on  the  soil  of  Sicily,   with  a  safe 


*N 


XVlll 


INTRODUCTION,     L 


\\\ 


passage  in  the  straits.  She  enrolled  the  Maiuertines 
as  her  allies,  and  sent  a  general  to  the  rescue,  who  by 
dexterous  use  of  wiles  and  force  ousted  the  Cartha- 
ginians from  Messaiia.  So  began  the  first  Punic  war 
(rc.  264),  the  first  act  in  a  long  tragedy  of  bloodshed. 
The  steady  infantry  of  the  Romans  swept  before  it 
the  motley  gatherings  of  mercenaries  brought  against 
them  in  the  field,  and  Hiero,  who  had  little  to  hope 
except  a  choice  of  masters,  changed  sides  after  a  cam- 
paign or  two,  and  joined  the  stronger,  whose  success 
he  dreaded  least.  But  the  war  in  Sicily  could  not  be 
decided  by  hard  fighting  on  the  open  field.  A  period 
of  alow  sieges  followed,  and  Rome's  success  was  more 
than  balanced  by  the  fleets  of  privateers  which  ravaged 
the  coasts  of  Italy  and  ruined  all  its  trade,  while 
Carthage  was  mistress  of  the  seas.  Then  Rome  de- 
cided to  create  a  navy.  She  could  not  raise  at  once 
skilled  sailoi-s  to  manoeuvre  with  precision,  and  more 
than  one  great  fleet  was  lost  by  the  rashness  or  inex- 
peiience  of  her  captains :  but  she  could  so  build  as  to 
enable  them  to  grapple  and  board  each  ship  that  came 
alongside,  and  to  decide  the  battle  by  sheer  weight  of 
discipline  and  numbers.  Her  navy  so  constructed 
swept  the  seas,  and  landed  her  legions  under  Regulus 
almost  within  sight  of  Carthage,  but  the  rash  con6- 
dence  of  general  and  senate  while  dictating  haughty 
terms  of  peace  kept  the  weakened  army  long  inactive, 
to  be  crushed  at  length  by  overpowering  numbers. 
The  well-aimed  blow  failed  utterly,  and  fresh  disasters 


INTRODUCTION     I. 


XIX 


followed,  as  fleet  after  fleet  was  wrecked  by  storms, 
or  sunk,  or  taken  by  the  enemy,  till  Rome  sullenly 
withdrew  from  her  adventurous  policy  upon  the  sea, 
and  confined  herself  to  drawing  closer  the  besieging 
lines  round  Drepane  and  Lilybseum,  and  the  little 
corner  of  the  North- West  of  Sicily  in  which  the  Car- 
thaginians lay  entrenched.  But  now  her  fortune 
seemed  to  fail  her  even  there,  for  a  commander  of 
genius  confronted  her.  Hamilcar  Barca  (Barak, 
lightning)  drilled  his  crowd  of  fighting-men  into  an 
army  worthy  of  its  leader;  trained  them  in  a  war  of 
outposts  to  withstand  the  onset  of  the  legions;  found 
natural  strongholds  first  at  Ercte  then  at  Eryx,  where 
safe  within  his  lines  he  could  defy  attack,  so  long  as 
the  approach  by  sea  was  in  his  grasp. 

So  years  passed  away  and  victory  seemed  no  nearer, 
while  the  tmde  of  Italy  was  ruined  and  the  treasury 
was  exhausted. 

But  the  spirit  of  the  citizens  rose  higher  as  the 
star  of  Rome's  fortunes  seemed  to  sink.  Wealthy 
volunteers  came  forward  with  the  ofier  of  a  fleet,  built 
and  equipped  at  their  expense,  to  make  one  more  bold 
stroke  for  possession  of  the  seas.  Rome  was  once 
more  a  naval  power.  The  Carthaginians,  unprepared 
for  energy  so  great,  had  neglected  to  keep  up  their 
navy;  the  convoys  and  the  transports  hastily  despatch- 
ed with  the  supplies  for  the  Sicilian  forts,  scantily 
equipped  and  badly  handled,  made  a  poor  show  of 
resistance  to  the  admiral  Lutatius,  whose  victory  off" 


ml 


INTRODUCTION.     L 


iEgusa  ciushed  for  the  present  all  the  naval  power  of 
Carthage  (b.c.  241).  The  blow  was  quite  decisive. 
Hamilcar  with  all  his  biilliant  genius  could  not  hold 
his  highland  fortress  without  access  to  tlie  sea,  and  the 
door  had  been  abruptly  closed.  At  home  there  were 
no  ships  in  the  ai-senals  to  send  him,  there  was  no 
army  except  his,  there  were  no  levies  to  meet  the 
legions  who  might  land  within  sight  of  Carthage. 

They  had  suffered  probably  far  less  than  their 
enemy,  to  whom  the  war  had  caused  a  fearful  loss  of 
men  and  money:  but  they  were  in  no  heroic  mood, 
and  Hamilcar  was  forced  to  offer  submission  in  their 
name.  The  terms  of  peace  were  moderate  enough. 
Sicily  had  to  be  surrendered,  and  a  war-contribution 
to  be  paid,  which  was  raised  from  2000  to  3200 
talents,  when  commissioners  were  sent  from  Rome  to 
supersede  Lutatius  and  to  conclude  a  definitive  treaty. 
Carthage  was  left  a  sovereign  power,  though  bound  as 
was  Rome  itself  by  the  condition,  that  neither  should 
deal  separately  with  the  dependent  allies  of  the  other. 

It  may  be  well  to  gather  up  some  of  the  lessons  of 
the  war.  It  had  been  proved  first  that  Carthage  was 
no  match  for  Rome  in  calm  and  pertinacious  vigour. 
Her  resolution  was  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the 
energy  with  which  Rome  first  created  a  war  navy, 
and  struggled  on  while  fleet  after  fleet  peiished  by 
untoward  fate,  and  hostile  privateera  swept  her  coasts 
of  merchant  shipping.  Phoenician  enterprise  was 
overmatched  on  its   own  element;  first  it  failed  in 


INTRODUCTION     /. 


XXI 


power  of  speedy  adaptation  to  the  new  conditions  of 
the  times;  next  it  neglected  to  \)\\t  forth  all  its  strength 
to  keep  the  advantage  it  had  gained. 

For  Carthage  was  essentially  a  trading  power,  as 
such  it  hankered  after  a  policy  of  peace,  and  only 
fitfully  encouraged  its  dreams  of  imperial  ambition. 

Secondly,  there  was  a  difference  in  the  position 
of  the  general  in  chief  of  the  two  states.  The  com- 
mander of  the  legions  was  a  statesman  or  a  party 
leader  transferred  suddenly  into  the  camp  :  like  every 
Roman,  he  had  had  a  soldier's  training,  but  when 
his  wealth,  or  birth,  or  civil  services,  or  powerful 
connections  had  raised  him  to  the  highest  rank  of 
consul,  he  had  yet  to  prove  his  fitness  for  supreme 
command.  He  might  leave  his  mark  on  history  in 
one  short  campaign,  but  the  brave  rank  and  file  had 
often  cause  to  rue  his  inexperience  or  rash  ambition. 
The  single  year  of  office  was  far  too  short  for  a  good 
general,  and  too  long  for  a  bad  one.  At  Carthage  the 
profession  of  a  soldier  was  often  special  and  life-long. 
The  able  man,  once  found,  continued  long  in  office, 
and  could  carry  out  a  policy  of  patient  genius  like 
that  of  Hamilcar,  though  unlucky  blunderers  pro- 
voked sometimes  a  burst  of  fury,  and  were  crucified  as 
a  warning  to  the  rest. 

But  this  was  balanced  by  a  difference  still  more 
marked.  The  armies  of  Rome  were  at  once  citizens 
and  soldiers,  were  drilled  and  trained  from  early 
years,  called  out  on  active  service  to  fight  for  their 


HlHtt'  m%i-  Ml  I 


INTRO  DUCTTON.     L 


homes  and  fatherland.  Carthage  relied  upon  her 
wealth  to  buy  the  raw  material  of  her  armies.  Her 
people  were  too  busy  at  their  work  of  agriculture, 
industry,  or  commerce,  to  be  spared  for  the  soldier's 
unproductive  trade ;  but  there  was  no  lack  of  markets 
in  ruder  and  less  civilized  countries  where  men  might 
be  had  for  money's  worth.  Their  recruiting  officers 
went  far  afield,  and  the  motley  host  thus  gathered  to 
their  bannei-s  must  have  presented  a  stmnge  spectacle 
indeed,  as  Heeren  pictures  to  our  fancy.  "Hordes  of 
half-naked  Gauls  were  ranged  next  to  companies  of 
white-clothed  Iberians,  and  savage  Ligurians  next  to 
the  far-travelled  Nasamones  and  Lotophagi;  Cartha- 
ginians and  Liby-phcenicians  formed  the  centi-e,  the 
former  of  whom  were  a  sort  of  separate  corps,  dignified 
by  the  title  of  the  sacred  legion;  while  innumerable 
troops  of  Numidian  horsemen,  taken  from  all  the 
tribes  of  the  desert,  swarmed  around  upon  unsaddled 
horses,  and  formed  the  wings;  the  van  was  composed 
of  Balearic  slingers,  and  a  line  of  colossal  elephants, 
with  their  Ethiopian  guides,  formed  as  it  were  a  chain 
of  moving  fortresses  before  the  whole  army." 

Multitudinous  gatherings  like  these  took  time  to 
raise,  still  more  to  hold  well  in  hand  and  turn  to  good 
account;  pestilence  often  hovered  in  their  train,  and 
they  were  commonly  soon  shattered  by  the  onset  of 
steady  infantry  like  that  of  Rome.  There  was  yet 
another  danger  in  their  use,  which  was  now  to  be 
brought  home  to  them  in  an  appalling  shape. 


INTRODUCTION,     I, 


XXIU 


The  war  once  over,  it  remained  to  pay  the  arrears 
and  to  disband  the  army.  But  the  funds  were  long  in 
coming,  and  the  men  shipped  cautiously  in  small  de- 
tachments were  allowed  to  meet  once  more  in  Africa, 
to  fan  each  other's  discontent,  invent  wild  stories  of 
the  plans  hatched  for  their  destruction,  and  break  out 
at  last  in  open  mutiny.  So  began  the  disastrous 
Mercenary  war. 

The  hardy  veterans  found  daring  leaders  who  swept 
the  oj^en  country  with  their  arms  and  carried  all  before 
them  for  a  time.  Nor  was  that  the  only  danger  to  the 
state.  The  subject  populations  all  around  had  little 
love  for  the  proud  city  who  had  been  so  imperious  a 
mistress.  Except  a  favoured  few  who  had  preserved 
their  independence  as  Phoenician  colonies  upon  the 
coast,  the  rest  had  been  governed  with  a  rod  of  iron, 
and  taxed  oppressively  in  men  and  money  to  support 
the  imperial  policy  of  Carthage.  In  the  background 
rolled  the  threatening  clouds  of  Nomads,  who  had 
never  ceased  to  hate  her  for  her  stern  repression  of 
their  licence.  Among  all  these  a  smouldering  fire  of 
disafiection  burnt,  which  was  now  to  burst  into  a 
flame.  On  every  side  they  made  common  cause  with 
the  insurgent  army,  and  raised  the  banner  of  revolt. 
So  Cai-thage  stood  upon  the  very  brink  of  ruin.  Be- 
sides the  enemies  thus  leagued  against  her,  she  sufiered 
from  the  spirit  of  faction  which  crippled  her  policy 
and  checked  her  arms.  Her  foremost  leaders,  Hamil- 
car  and  Hanno,  wasted  in  their  mutual  jealousy  the 


XXIV 


INTRODUCTION     L 


strength  which  should  have  been  turned  against  the 
common  enemy :  each  was  singly  tried  a  while,  and 
each  failed  in  turn  to  close  the  war,  till  no  course  was 
left  but  to  plead  with  them  in  their  country's  name,  to 
drop  their  rivalries  in  the  sense  of  overwhelming 
danger.  That  done  the  prospect  brightened,  and  the 
tenible  insurrection  was  trampled  out  at  last. 

But  friends  and  enemies  alike  had  learnt  two 
lessons  from  the  war. 

1.  It  had  revenled  the  chronic  danger  of  all  mer- 
cenary  troops,  wh<j  might  at  any  moment  turn  against 
their  own  paymasters,  and  ruin  the  State  while  off  its 
guard. 

2.  It  had  laid  bare  the  weakest  point  in  the 
home-rule  of  Carthage.  Her  failure  to  win  the  loyalty 
of  her  allies  near  home  was  very  fatal.  She  would 
not  let  their  towns  be  walled  in  her  jealous  fears  of 
disaffection.  An  invader  might  therefore  march  at  his 
will  through  open  country,  and  look  to  find  thousands 
rally  to  his  standard.  The  Syracusan  Agathocles, 
the  Koman  Regulus,  had  each  tried  in  this  way  to 
close  the  war  by  a  decisive  blow:  a  surer  hand  would 
one  day  succeed  where  they  had  failed. 

What  was  the  attitude  of  Rome  meanwhile,  when 
her  late  enemy  was  fighting  thus  for  very  lifel  At 
first  she  was  entirely  neutral ;  there  was  indeed  some 
diplomatic  talk  of  the  complaints  of  the  Italian  traders 
whose  interests  were  wounded  by  the  blockade  of  the 
insurgent  towns,  but  for  a  time  she  was  ashamed  to 


INTRODUCTION,     I. 


_^ 


take  advantage  of  a  rival's  weakness.  As  the  war 
went  on  however,  and  the  mutinous  garrison  of  Sar- 
dinia offered  the  island  and  themselves  to  Rome,  the 
temptation  was  too  strong,  and  the  offer  was  accepted. 
The  protests  of  Carthage  were  cynically  met  with 
threats  of  war,  and  the  complainant  suUenly  retired  to 
brood  over  her  wrongs  and  hoj)es  of  vengeance.  It 
was  this  wrong  that  rankled  in  her  memory,  and 
made  the  peace  only  a  short  breathing  space  in  a  duel 
of  life  and  death. 

Hamilcar  above  all  felt  the  ignominy  keenly, 
dogged  as  he  was  by  factious  spirits  which  taunted  him 
with  all  the  losses  of  the  war,  or  even  formally  im- 
peached him.  To  hold  his  own  he  had  to  find  or 
organize  a  party,  and  i)osaibly  to  tamper  with  the 
spirit  of  tlie  constitution.  Our  authorities,  familiar 
chiefly  with  the  civil  strife  of  Greece  and  Rome,  speak 
as  if  he  became  the  head  of  the  democratic  party,  of 
which  Hasdrubal,  his  future  son-in-law,  was  a  marked 
leader.  This  may  lead  us  to  inquire  what  were  the 
distmctive  forms  of  the  government  of  Cai-thage. 

The  noble  emigrants  who  fled  from  Tyre  seem  to 
have  given  a  bias  to  the  infant  State  which  lasted  on 
in  the  stable  aristocracy  of  later  ages.  A  few  ruling 
families  held  the  chief  power  in  their  hands,  not  by 
established  right  of  an  hereditary  peerage,  but  by  the 
wealth  and  merit  and  the  proud  traditions  which  won 
them  tlie  affections  of  the  people.  For  some  sort  of 
popular  assembly,  though  how  arranged  we  are  not 

C.  L.  0 


XXVI 


INTRODUCTION,     L 


told,  held  the  elections  of  the  magistmtes,  aiid  debated 
state  aflairs  of  high  importance,  but  it  was  not  above 
suspicion  in  its  choice,  for  Aristotle  says  expressly, 
that  the  highest  offices  were  bought  and  sold.  Above 
it  stood  the  senate,  which  is  constantly  referred  to  in 
our  authors  as  the  working  machinery  of  government, 
through  which  all  questions  of  foreign  policy  must 
pafis,  as  well  as  all  the  business  of  legislation.  It  was 
a  numerous  body,  with  settled  aims  and  definite  tra- 
ditions, with  probably  a  lengthy,  if  not  a  lifelong 
tenure  of  their  office.  Within  the  circle  of  this  senate 
or  m/nkletos  we  hear  of  a  more  select  and  smaller  body 
{concilium^  ycpowea)  which  was  held,  as  Livy  says,  in 
highest  reverence,  and  had  a  paramount  control  over 
the  senate  (id  sanctius  apud  illos  concilium,  maxima- 
que  ad  ipsum  senatum  regendum  vis,  Livy  xxx.  16.  3). 
Its  origin  is  thus  explained  by  Justin  (xix.  2  ap. 
Heeren  p.  122)  as  due  t-o  the  jealousy  with  which  an 
aristocracy  regards  the  paramount  power  of  any  of  its 
body:  "As  the  house  of  Mago  became  dangerous  to  a 
free  state,  an  hundred  judges  were  chosen  from  among 
the  senators,  who  upon  the  return  of  generals  from  the 
war,  should  demand  an  account  of  the  things  trans- 
acted by  them,  that  they  being  thereby  kept  in  awe, 
should  so  bear  themselves  in  their  command,  as  to  have 
regard  to  the  laws  and  judicature  at  home."  As  the 
highest  state  tribunal  and  guardian  of  the  constitution, 
doing  its  duty  without  reward  or  fee,  it  gained  a  moral 
influence   and   j)ower  which  it  may  have  sometimes 


INTRODUOTION     L 


xxvu 


harshly  used  in  the  interest  of  the  established  order, 
or  even  tended  to  become  a  sort  of  social  inquisition. 

The  choice  of  this  inner  council  rested  with  the 
pmitarchiesj  or  boards  of  five,  who  seem  to  have  dis- 
charged many  of  the  executive  functions  of  the  state. 
It  is  probable  that  they  corresi>onded  to  the  chief 
departments  of  the  Civil  Service,  and  their  long  tenure 
of  their  office  commonly  secured  a  stable  and  coherent 
system  of  administration. 

At  the  head  of  the  whole  Republic  stood  suffetes 
(sclioplietim  in  Hebrew)  wlio  were  called  by  the  Greek 
writers  kings.  These  were  appointed  by  election 
from  the  chief  families  of  state,  and  were  probably 
two  in  number,  as  Polybius  compares  them  with  the 
Roman  consuls,  though  Cicero  {de  Repuhlica  ii.  23) 
specially  contrasts  them  with  the  magistrates  who 
were  annually  changed,  and  implies  therefore  a  longer 
term  of  power.  The  Roman  consuls,  up  to  the  Punic 
wai-s  at  least,  were  commanders  of  the  legions,  but 
Carthage  kept  distinct  the  civil  and  the  military  power. 
The  general  came  next  in  order  to  the  suffes,  and  in 
his  election  regard  was  also  had  to  rank  and  wealth. 
The  nomination  rested  with  the  council  {yepovaU),  but 
the  sanction  of  the  senate  and  the  people  was  required. 

On  the  whole  it  was  an  aristocracy  of  wealth  and 
talent.  The  governing  families  were  careful  to  ob- 
serve the  constitutional  forms.  They  asked,  or  bought, 
the  votes  of  the  electors;  they  referred  grave  ques- 
tions  to  the   j)opular   assembly;    by   colonial   grants 

c2 


xxvm 


INTRODUCTION.     I. 


they  consulted  the  material  interests  of  the  jworer 
clajjsea,  at  the  same  time  respecting  their  pride  of 
self-respect  even  while  ruling  in  their  name. 

Of  the  i)eopIe  itself  we  know  not  much,  but  we 
may  do  their  memory  a  wrong  if  we  repeat  without 
misgiving  the  comments  of  the  Greeks  or  Komans. 
It   is  idle  to  say  they  were  effeminate  because  they 
mostly   did  not  care  to  fight  themselves  in   foreign 
wars.     The  PhcBnicians,  of   whose   race   they   came, 
were   no   soldiers,    but   they  were   no    cowards.      It 
needed  counige  and  the  spirit  of  adventure  to  make 
their  way  among  wild   races,  to  brave  the  dangers 
of  the  unknown  waters,  and  be  the  pioneers  of  civi- 
lized progress.     It  is  true  that  they   had  not,    like 
the  Romans,  the  barbaric  pride  which  thought  that 
war  was  noble,  but  industry  was  mean  :   they  had 
little  mind  to  fight  for  imperial  interests  which  did 
not  move  them   greatly,  and    were  well   content  to 
see   their  rulers  buy  soldiei-s  in  a  cheaper  market 
It  is  i-ash  to  say  they  had  no  sense  of  honour,  be- 
cause  Aristotle   tells   us   that   offices   of  state   were 
bought  and  sold.     It  may  be  true  to  own  that  in 
their  race  the  political  instincts  were  less  strong  than 
other  motives,  but  we  shall  do  well  to  remember  that 
the  French  monarchy  with  all  its  talk  of  honour  sold 
public  offices  by  thousands,   and  if  it  be  a  question 
simply  of  bribery  at  elections,  Englishmen  had,  till 
lately,  little  right  to  condemn  others. 

Dynastic  feuds,  or  quarrels  among  leading  houses. 


INTRODUCTION     I. 


XXIX 


have  often  proved  a  fatal  weakness  to  ruling  aris- 
tocracies. Carthage  had  suffered  from  it  keenly  in 
the  Mei'cenary  war,  and  she  felt  it  even  when  the 
war  was  over.  Of  the  two  great  party  leadei-s  Ha- 
milcjir  and  Hanno,  the  former  was  the  most  popular 
among  the  people,  by  virtue  of  his  signal  merits  as 
a  soldier,  if  not  by  the  factious  help  of  Hasdrubal. 
He  was  made  general  by  their  votes,  to  secure  their 
hold  on  Southern  Spain,  and  he  was  glad  to  go,  for 
he  breathed  more  freely  in  tlie  camp  than  in  the  city, 
and  had  far-reaching  projects  to  secure.  Ko  better 
scene  of  action  could  easily  be  found  than  Spain. 
The  mines  which  had  tempted  Phoenician  enterprise 
in  early  days  were  unexhausted  still,  and  might  give 
him  the  command  of  untold  wealth.  The  native 
tribes  might  be  won  by  fair  words  or  show  of  force, 
and  their  homes  would  then  be  recruiting  grounds 
for  1  lardy  soldiers.  The  scene  was  far  enough  away 
to  be  out  of  sight  of  jealous  rivals,  and  conquests 
made  upon  it  were  no  immediate  defiance  of  Rome's 
power.  If  such  were  his  aims,  they  were  successful. 
He  pushed  on  with  slow  and  patient  stejis  till  the 
South  of  Spain  was  in  his  hands;  he  organized  a 
powerful  army  which  was  disciplined  by  constant 
warfare  and  maintained  with  little  hulp  from  home, 
while  he  kept  up  almost  royal  state,  not  forgetting 
to  find  funds  for  his  partisans  at  Cartilage,  the  so- 
called  Barcine  faction. 

When  death  abruptly  closed  the  career  of  his  am- 


XXX 


INTRODUCTION.     I. 


bition,  Hasdrubal,  Ms  son-in-law,  wtis  ready  to  step 
into  bis  place  and  carry  on  Lis  work  with  equal  skill, 
and  when  he  too  was  hurried  off  by  an  assassin's  knife, 
the  army  felt  such  sense  of  strength  and  personal 
will  as  to  choose  a  general  for  itself,  asking  the  state 
only  to  approve  its  choice.  Hannibal,  with  all  his 
father's  bitterness  of  hate,  and  more  than  his  father's 
genius,  was  ready  to  carry  on  the  sti-uggle  against 
Ronie.  His  army,  composite  as  was  its  structure, 
was  welded  into  a  mighty  thunderbolt  of  war ;  secure 
of  its  loyalty,  and  relying  on  his  party  organized  at 
home,  he  might  hope  to  overrule  the  scruples  uf  warier 
statesmen  or  opponents. 

Rome  meanwhile  looked  on  quietly  at  fii-st  at  the 
progress  of  the  Punic  arms  in  Spain,  but  with  gi-owing 
uneasiness  as  time  went  on.  At  last  she  forced  on 
Hasdrubal  a  treaty  to  respect  the  line  of  the  Hiberus 
as  the  boundiuy  of  the  influence  of  the  two  great 
empires,  but  showed  scant  respect  for  it  herself  when 
she  accepted  an  ally  in  Saguntum,  which  lay  across 
the  river.  Slie  would  perhaps  have  pushed  mattei-s 
to  extremes  at  once,  had  not  her  attention  been  dis- 
tracted by  the  war  with  the  Cisali)ine  Gauls.  That 
enemy  wtis  conquered,  but  not  crushed ;  the  colonies 
of  Placentia  and  Cremona,  whose  walls  wei-e  being 
built  to  OA  erawe  them,  were  soon  to  provoke  another 
outbui-st,  and  they  were  ready  to  welcome  any  an- 
tagonist of  Rome.  Now  that  she  was  misti-ess  of  the 
6eaS|  there  couKl  be  no  better  iMiae  of  oi)erations  for 


INTRODUCTION.     L 


XXXI 


a  war  against  her  than  the  country  of  these  Gauls, 
who  were  of  race  akin  to  the  Spanish  Celts  who  fought 
for  Hannibal.  The  way  indeed  by  land  was  long  and 
rough,  and  Punic  armies  had  seldom  faced  the  legions 
except  to  be  defeated,  but  Hannibal  relied  on  his  own 
genius,  and  was  impatient  to  begin  the  struggle  anew. 
He  flung  defiance  in  the  teeth  of  Rome  by  striking 
down  Saguntum  her  ally,  and  then  in  early  spring 
puslied  rapidly  along  the  road  which  was  at  last  to 
lead  him  through  the  Ali)s  to  Italy,  where  for  fifteen 
years  he  was  to  upend  all  the  unparalleled  resources 
of  his  military  skill  in  the  vain  efFoi*t  to  destroy  the 
|)ower  of  RouK*. 


INTRODUCTION.     II. 


THE  AUTHORITIES  FOR  THE  HISTORY  OF 
THE  SECOND   PUNIC  WAR> 

Thb  authorities  for  the  history  of  tlie  Second  Punic 
war  consist  not  only  of  the  third  decade  of  Livy 
(book  XXI— xxx),  but  of  the  third  book  of  Pol^-bius, 
together  with  fragments  of  some  later  books,  of  the 
war  of  Hannibal  by  Appian,  of  some  passages  of 
Dion  Cassius,  preserved  or  summarized  by  Zonaras, 
and  also  of  a  long  and  tedious  poem  by  Silius 
Italicus. 

Of  these  the  history  of  Polybius  ia  much  the 
earliest  in  date.  Its  author,  though  a  Greek,  lived 
long  at  Rome  in  intimate  relations  with  the  circle 
of  the  Scipios,  and  other  ruling  families,  whose 
memories  of  the  great  struggle  were  likely  to  be 
fresh   and   vivid;    he   travelled,    as   lie    tells   us,   to 

'  On  this  subject  compare  Nissen,  Kritische  Untersueh- 
ungen  Uher  die  Qtiellen  des  Livim.  Bottcher,  Kfit  Unt.  in 
Jakrb.  Clmi.  Phil.  Sitppl.  1864.     Nitzsch,  Uhein.  Mm.  1868. 


INTRODUCTION.     II. 


XXXIU 


gain  a  special  knowledge  of  the  scenes  of  the  cam- 
paigns, and  he  possessed,  in  a  high  degree,  many  of 
the  qualifications  for  the  work  of  an  historian.  It 
is  important  therefore  to  compare  his  narrative  with 

that  of  Livy. 

Upon  careful  scrutiny  it  may  be  seen  that  in 
many  passages  of  the  two  writers  there  is  very  close 
resemblance  in  the  language  used,  more  especially  in 
dealing  with  the  first  part  of  the  war.  The  agree- 
ment is  too  minute  and  circumstantial  to  be  ascribed 
to  chance,  or  to  faithful  rendering  only  of  the  facts. 

At  first  therefore  it  was  thought,  as  by  Lachmann 
.and  by  others,  that  the  later  author  Livy  must  have 
copied  freely  from  Polybius,  though  without  acknow- 
ledging his  debts,  or  even  mentioning  him  by  name 
until  the  end  (xxx.  45.  4).  We  can  lay  little  stress 
indeed  M\^n  this  silence,  for  ancient  writers  had  no 
scruples  in  using  the  materials  which  they  found 
ready  to  their  hands;  they  borrowed  often  largely 
from  each  other,  and  had  no  delicacy  of  feeling 
about  such  debts  of  honour.  But  there  is  good 
reason  for  believing  that  the  view  just  stated  is  not 
an  adequate  explanation  of  the  facts. 

1.  Even  in  the  passages  where  Livy  seems  at 
first  sight  to  copy  Polybius  most  closely,  we  may 
find  commonly  some  incidents,  some  names  of  persons 
or  of  things,  some  notices  of  causes  or  effects,  which 
form  distinct  additions  to  the  story  of  the  earlier 
writer,  and  which  point  to  some  other  literary  source, 


XXX IV 


INTRODUCTION.     IL 


as  they  would  not  come  within  the  range  of  Livy's 
own  thought  or  observation. 

2.  It  is  8tiU  more  noteworthy  that  in  one  place 
(xxii.  24.  4)  we  find  surpiise  expressed  at  a  couise 
of  action  on  the  part  of  Hannibal  which  is  suf- 
ficiently explained  in  the  corresponding  i)a8sage  of 
Polybius, 

3.  At  other  times  we  find  that  Livy  gives  details 
without  apparent  misgivings  or  defence,  although 
Polybius  had  already  protested  or  complained  of 
them  as  silly  absurdities  and  exaggemted  tales.  Ex- 
auuples  of  this  kind  may  be  found  in  x.\i.  22  and  36. 

4.  It  would  seem  natural  to  urge  that  Livy 
might  have  had  several  authorities  befoi-e  him, 
and  have  seen  reasons  for  preferiing  ii^st  oii^  and 
tlien  another,  as  he  worked  up  their  materials  into 
the  coui'se  of  his  own  narrative.  But  before  accepting 
this  conclusion,  it  may  be  well  to  turn  to  tlie  fourth 
and  fifth  decades  of  his  work,  where  by  general  con- 
sent it  is  admitted  that  he  followed  Polybius  most 
closely  in  all  matters  which  i-elated  to  Greece  or  to 
the  East.  We  may  study  with  advantage  his  method 
of  pi"ocedure  in  such  cases.  Careful  obsei-vatiou  seems 
to  show  that  in  all  these  he  uses  Polybius  without 
acknowledgment,  translating  and  abiidgiug  lengthy 
passages,  without  collating  other  soui'ces  at  the  time, 
or  changing  to  any  gi'eat  extent  the  order  and  method 
of  the  naiTative,  though  he  often  makes  mistakes 
aud  altei-atioiiM  from  ignorance,  or  haste,  or  patriotic 


INTROD  UCTION.     IL 


XXXV 


pride.  The  classical  historians  of  later  date,  we 
know,  followed  the  same  course,  and  still  more  cer- 
tainly, the  chroniclers  of  the  middle  ages.  For  the 
most  part  it  would  seem  that  they  were  quite  content 
in  each  part  of  their  work  with  following  one  au- 
thority alone,  and  that  they  transcribed  fj-eely  from 
it  for  a  time,  with  little  effort  to  balance  or  coirect 
from  other  soui-ces,  till  at  length  another  was  taken 
in  its  place,  to  be  used  for  a  while  with  equal  free- 
dom. But  in  the  thii-d  decade  of  Livy  the  elements 
of  the  mosaic  are  much  smaller  than  in  the  fourth 
or  fifth ;  the  passages  are  shorter  where  the  agreement 
with  Polybius  is  most  marked,  and  yet  in  them  the 
variations  are  often  too  minute  and  numerous  to  be 
consistent  with  such  a  method  of  procedure  as  that 
which  hiis  been  stated.  If  Livy  had  had  the  pages 
of  Polybius  before  him,  he  would  probably  have  fol- 
lowed him  more  closely,  as  the  ditferences  are  often 
not  improvements. 

5.  The  rciisons  given,  as  well  as  others  which 
aiise  from  a  detailed  comparison  between  the  two, 
j)oint  to  a  common  use  of  the  same  sources,  rather 
than  to  a  direct  borrowing  of  the  one  historian  from 
the  other.  But  they  must  have  dealt  with  these  in 
different  fashion,  Livy  keeping  close  to  the  early 
naiTative  in  its  fuller  form,  while  the  edition  which 
Polybius  gives  is  a  summary  and  corrected  one.  It 
remains  then  to  ascei-taiu,  if  i)oasible,  the  nature  of 
*    these  common  sources. 


mr-mrxVl 


INTRODUCTION,     IL 


6.  The  passages  of  the  two  writers  in  wliich 
the  features  of  resemblance  are  most  marked,  ai-e 
those  in  which  Hannibal  is  throughout  the  moving 
spirit  of  the  scenes,  and  the  fortunes  of  his  soldiers 
are  described  in  most  detail. 

They  deal  with  the  march  of  the  invading  anny, 
with  the  fields  of  battle,  and  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
campaigns.  The  touches  here  are  often  very  delicate 
and  minute,  and  the  narrative  is  that  of  an  eye- 
witness, or  of  one  whoso  information  could  be  drawn 
from  Carthaginian  sources. 

One  such  especially  is  known  to  us  by  name,  the 
Greek  Silenus,  who  is  said  to  have  served  from  fii-st 
to  last  in  Hannibal's  campaigns  (Corn.  Nepos,  Harm, 
13)  and  to  have  written  with  gi-eat  care  the  history 
of  his  wai-8  (Cic.  de  Divin.  i.  24),  and  as  such  is 
quoted  as  an  authority  by  livy  (xxvi.  49.  3).  Con- 
temporary evidence  of  so  high  an  order,  which  is 
referred  to  by  writei-s  of  two  centuries  later,  could 
harilly  fail  to  be  consulted  by  a  painstaking  author 
like  Polybius,  and  his  silence  on  the  subject  goes  for 
little,  as  it  was  not  the  practice  of  those  times  to 
mention  earlier  authorities  excei>t  when  the  data 
were  specially  conflicting.  Silenus  was  certainly  con- 
sulted by  the  Roman  writers  on  the  Punic  wars, 
and  there  is  good  reason  for  believing  that  part  of 
Livy's  narrative  takes  from  this  source  much  of  its 

coloui  and  contents.     But  it  does  not  therefore  fol- 

t 

low  tliat  Silenus  was  dii-ectly  used    by  Livy,  as   the 


INTRODUCTION.     II, 


XXX  vu 


materials  collected  by  him  may  have  been  worked 
up  by  other  hands  into  something  like  the  form  in 
which  we  have  them  in  their  Latin  dress.  In  dealing 
with  this  question  we  may  do  best  to  consider  first 
the  other  parts  of  Livy^s  stoiy,  where  Rome  itself  is 
the  centre  of  the  scene,  and  tlie  information  must 
have  come  from  Roman  sources.  What  were  the 
authorities  which  could  be  consulted  here,  and  in 
what  way  do  they  seem  to  have  been  used  1  It  is 
needful  perhaps  here  to  enter  into  more  details. 

7.     In  early  ages  it  had  been  the  practice  to  x^ut 
out  an  official  register  of  the   names  of  the   magis- 
trates elected,  with  some  sort  of  scanty  calendar  of 
general  news.      The  priests  were  in  Rome,  as  often 
elsewhere,  the   earliest   chroniclers,    and   the   meagre 
notices   which  the  chief  Pontiff  {Pontifex   summus) 
posted  on  a  whitened  board,  grew  lengthier  as  time 
went  on,  and  the  practice  of  registration  became  more 
complete.     The  materials  thus  collected  year  by  year 
were  the  groundwork  of  a  national  chronicle,  which 
was  kept  in  the  Archives  of  the  Pontiffs,  and  formed 
at  the  period  of  the  last  revision  a  series  of   some 
eighty  books.      In   form   it  was  a  sort  of  diary  on 
which  were  noted  the  results  of  the  elections,   and 
the  chief  events  of  national  importance.     In  the  in- 
terests of  the  priesthood  it  was  natural  to  find  room 
for  all  the  matters  which  especially  concerned  them ; 
the   august   ceremonials   of    the   state   religion:    the 
eclipses  of  the  sun  and  moon  :    the  fasts  and  feasts 


XXXVIll 


mTRODUCTJON.     1 1. 


and  days  of  evil  omen  to  be  noted  on  the  calendar : 
the  prodigies  and  freaks  of  nature  which  in  stirring 
times  excited  the  fancy  of  a  superstitious  people— 
these  were  set  down  witli  an  exceeding  fulness  of 
detail— as  facts  which  deserved  careful  study  in  tlie 
present^  and  were  likely  to  be  of  interest  to  after 
generations. 

8.     The  early  writers  in  their  history  of  the  past 
freely   used   the  outlines  whicli   were   thus   ready  to 
their  hand,  and  adopted  a  like  order  in  the  narrative 
of  tlieir  own  times.     Here  and    tijere   indeed   com- 
plaints  were    made   of    such    meagre    chronicles   of 
petty  and   disjointed    facts,   and    it  was    urged    tliat 
there  could  be   no  national   order  or  historical   per- 
spective   in    a   continuous   diary    where   no   attempt 
was  made  to  trace  the  connection  between  causes  and 
effects,   but  the  memory  was  overloaded  with   ill-di- 
gested  food.     A  narrative  so  written,  said  Sempro- 
nius  Asellio,  can    hardly  rise   above   the  dignity  of 
nursery  tales  (Aul.  Gell.  v.  18).     But  still  from  first 
to  la»t  the  prevailing  practice  with  the  historians  of 
Rome  was  to  set  down   year   by  year  the  order  of 
events,  mentioning  first  the  results  of  the  elections, 
the  division  of  the  Provinces  and  Legions,  the  pro- 
digies which    stirred    the   public   mind,  the   starting 
of  the  Generals  for  the  scenes  of  war,  and  the  doings 
of   the  armies  on  the  field  of   battle.      In  these  i-e- 
spects  the  difference   between   the  earlier  and   later 
writers  consisted  chiefly  in  the  qualities  of  style  and 


INTRODUCTION.     !L 


XXXIX 


literary  treatment,  for  which  the  first  chroniclers 
cared  little,  but  which  seemed  of  paramount  imi>or- 
tance  as  the  taste  for  rhetoric  increased.  Thus 
Cicero  speaks  contemptuously  of  the  meagre  and 
graceless  annals,  rough  hewn,  as  he  implies,  by  pren- 
tice hands  which  had  as  yet  no  experience  or  skill 
of  literary  craft  {De  Oral.  ii.  12). 

The  earlier  chroniclers,  he  adds,  seem  to  have 
chiefly  aimed  at  brevity,  and  to  have  told  their  story 
simply,  without  a  thought  of  grace  or  diction  (non 
exornatores  sed  narratores).  Of  those  included  in  this 
sweeping  criticism  the  first  recorded  were  contem- 
I)onirie8  of  the  First  Punic  war.  Fabius  Pictor  and 
Cincius  Alimentus  both  bore  a  part  in  the  great 
struggle,  and  are  referred  to  as  authorities  by  Livy, 
as  men  who  helped  to  make  history  as  well  as  write 
it.  Of  those  who  followed  somt*  like  M.  Porcius  Cato 
and  L.  Calpurnius  Piso  took  a  high  rank  in  the 
world  of  politics,  but  are  included  in  Cicero's  sweeping 
censure  as  historians  without  a  style.  The  first  who 
aimed  at  dignity  of  language  was  Caelius  Antipater, 
who  lived  in  the  period  of  the  Gracchi,  a  century  later 
than  the  first  chroniclers  just  mentioned.  There  was 
little  elegance  indeed,  adds  Cicero  {de  leg.  i.  2),  in 
the  rough  vigour  of  his  style,  but  at  least  we  may  see 
in  him  the  first  beginning  of  something  like  literary 
care  (paulo  inflavit  veliemervtius  hahuitque  vires  agres- 
tes  tile  quidem  atque  horridas^  sine  nitore  ac  pcdcestra  : 
sed  tanien  luinwn&re  reliquos  potuitf  ut  accv/ratitis  scri- 


INTRODUCTION.     11. 


herent).  In  later  times  indeed  the  caprice  of  fashion 
fondly  recurred  to  the  old  models  of  archaic  diction, 
and  the  accomplished  Emperor  Hadrian,  who  set  up 
for  a  literary  critic,  avowed  his  preference  of  Cselius 
Antipater  to  Sallust  (Spartian.  Ilctdr.  16).  His  wri- 
tings were  evidently  in  good  repute  at  the  end  of  the 
Republic,  for  Brutus  took  the  trouble  to  compress 
them  into  shorter  form,  and  Cicero  asks  Atticus  to 
send  him  the  Epitome  of  which  he  had  just  heard 
(Epitomen  Bruti  Ccdianorum^  Cic.  ad  Ait.  xiii.  8). 
His  history  of  the  Punic  war  was  singled  out  for 
special  mention  (in  proeniio  belli  Funici,  Cic.  Or.  69), 
and  in  this  we  are  told  that  he  followed  Silenus  very 
closely  (Cic.  de  divin.  i.  24).  In  the  third  decade 
Livy  mentions  him  more  often  than  any  other  writer, 
and  in  terms  which  show  that  his  evidence  ranked 
very  high,  and  should  be  weighed  in  any  conflict  of 
authorities.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  was 
uften  used  when  not  explicitly  relerred  to.  The  dream 
of  Hannibal  at  Onusa,  as  found  in  Livy  xxi.  22.  5, 
agrees  with  the  description,  somewhat  more  fully 
given,  in  a  fragment  of  Caelius  which  Cicero  has  pre- 
served for  us  (de  divm.  i.  24),  and  which  as  we  are 
told  was  first  drawn  from  Silenus.  So  too  of  the 
omens  before  the  disaster  at  Lake  Trasimene  (Liv. 
XXII.  3),  which  Cicero  (de  div.  i.  35)  quotes  to  like 
efiect  from  Cielius,  as  also  in  the  account  of  the  earth- 
quake which  passed  unnoticed  by  the  combatants  in 
the  same  battle.     There  are  a  few  words  quoted  from 


INTRODUCTION.     II. 


xli 


him  by  Priscian  (xiii.  06),  antequam  liarca  perie- 
rat,  alii  rei  causa  in  Africam  missiis  est,  which  seem 
to  point  to  the  recall  of  Hannibal  to  Africa  after  some 
years  of  stay  in  Carthage,  to  which  he  had  retm-ned  in 
early  life, — a  residence  required  to  reconcile  the  ex- 
pressions used  by  Livy,  though  he  has  neglected  expli- 
citly to  state  it.  There  are  also  verbal  similarities 
which  point  in  the  same  direction,  as  in  the  passage  of 
Ca4ius  preserved  by  A.  Gellius  (x.  24.  6),  si  vis  mihi 
equUatum  dare,  et  ipse  cum  cetero  eocercitu  irie  sequi, 
die  quinti  Rornce  in  Capitolium  curabo  tibi  cena  sit 
coda,  compared  with  that  of  Livy  xxii.  51.  2  :  as  also 
another  which  we  find  in  Priscian  in.  607,  dextimos 
in  dextris,  scuta  jubet  habere,  to  which  we  may  trace 
a  likeness  in  Livy  xxii.  50.  11.  It  is  not  unlikely 
therefore  that  a  writer  in  good  repute  like  Caelius, 
whose  style  had  more  force  and  colour  in  it  than  the 
bare  and  rugged  annalists'  of  earlier  days,  should  have 
been  freely  used  by  Livy  with  little  effort  to  himt  up 
his  authorities,  or  to  compare  the  various  sources 
fused  into  the  current  narrative.  Occasional  discre- 
pancies noted  by  the  former  were  probably  reported 
also  by  the  hitter,  who  sometimes  exercised  his  judg- 
ment on  them,  but  did  not  always,  as  we  may  suppose, 
carry  the  criticism  further,  or  look  for  fresh  evidence 
U)  decide  the  question.  The  manual  effort  of  collating 
many  authoi-s,  of  unfolding  the  long  rolls  in  which 
their  histories  were  written,  and  poring  over  their 
arcliaic  style,  was  stire  to  be  distasteful  to  a  man  of 
C.  L.  d 


zlii 


INTRODUCTION,     Ih 


Livy's  tastes ;  the  critical  standard  of  the  age  did  not 
require  such  labour  at  his  hands;  the  reading  public 
had  not  such  severe  historic  canons,  and  much  pre- 
ferred a  piece  of  fine  writing  to  proof  of  antiquarian 
research,  and  Livy  naturally  enough  catered  for  the 
literary  appetites  which  he  found  around  him.  The 
work  which  he  had  set  himself  to  do  seemed  great 
enough,  and  left  him  little  leisure  to  sift  and  to  com- 
pare; the  history  of  seven  centuries  stretched  out 
before  him,  and  he  hurried  on  to  rear  his  noble 
monument  fco  the  memory  of  the  Great  Republic. 

In  this  way  may  be  probably  explained  both  the 
features  of  agreement  and  of  difference  between  Poly- 
bius  and  Livy,  by  supposing  that  some  of  the  same 
sources  may  be  traced  in  both,  from  which  the  former 
drew  directly,  while  the  latter  used  them  as  he  found 
them  worked  up  already  in  the  narrative  of  one  who 
was  almost  a  contemporary  of  the  Greek  writer.  The 
theory  itself  is  worthy  of  acceptance,  even  if  we  do 
not  lay  much  stress  upon  the  evidence  which  seems  to 
|ioint  to  Silenus  as  the  common  authority  of  both 
alike,  and  to  Caelius  as  the  compiler  of  the  Roman 
version  of  the  story.  It  is  chiefly  in  the  earlier  books 
tliat  the  probability  of  this  is  strongest ;  later  in  the 
decade  other  influences  seem  to  have  come  prominently 
forward,  among  which  may  be  mentioned  memoirs 
current  in  the  Scipionic  circle,  native  traditions  or 
chronicles  of  Africa,  such  as  those  consulted  by  Kintr 
Juba,  and  works  of  a  h.ter  and  diffuser  style  Hke  thoJ^ 
of  Yalerius  Antia& 


INTRODUCTION,     11. 


xliii 


From  what  has  been  already  said  it  will  be  seen  that 
some  at  least  of  the  qualifications  of  an  historian  will 
not  be  found  in  any  high  degree  in  Livy.  He  draws 
his  narrative  too  readily  at  second  hand  from  earlier 
writers,  and  fills  in  the  meagre  outlines  with  rhetorical 
details,  which  are  often  the  common-places  of  the 
schools,  more  than  the  results  of  independent  study. 
He  is  too  little  on  his  guard  against  the  patriotic  bias 
of  the  Roman  chroniclers,  and  the  party  spirit  of 
patrician  informants,  and  so  treats  unfairly  both  the 
statesmanship  of  Flaminius  and  the  policy  of  Cai-thage. 
There  was  monumental  evidence  ready  to  his  hand  on 
every  side  in  the  inscriptions  to  be  found  in  every 
place  of  national  resort,  but  there  are  scanty  signs  to 
show  that  he  recognized  their  value.  A  few  weeks  of 
travel  would  hove  given  him  a  personal  knowledge  of 
the  scenes  of  the  campaigns,  which  combined  with  his 
undoubted  powers  of  description,  would  have  left  few 
questions  still  unsettled  in  connection  with  the  battle- 
fields and  movements  of  the  armies.  The  archives  of 
the  Priestly  Colleges,  whose  formularies  he  sometimes 
copied,  would  have  told  him  much  about  the  character- 
istic features  of  the  old  religion,  which  he  leaves  almost 
unexplained,  as  if  it  were  still  unaltered  in  his  own 
day  a  His  language  tends  often  to  confuse  the  customs 
of  Italy  with  those  of  other  races.  Thus  he  ascribes  to 
Cai-thage  the  distinctive  name  of  the  Jupiter  of  Rome, 
as  well  as  those  of  the  political  and  military  systems 
of  her  rival.     The  lengthy  speeches  iusei*ted  by  him  in 

d2 


xliv 


INTRODUCTION,     II . 


the  narrative  are  convenient  vehicles  for  his  theories 
of  political  causation,  but  have  often  little  semblance 
of  reality ;  while  the  annalistic  form,  suggested  as  it 
was  by  the  yearly  change  of  consuls,  fatigues  the 
memory  and  disturbs  the  judgment  in  tracing  the 
natural  connection  of  events.  But  these  defects  be- 
long in  a  great  measure  to  tlie  literary  standards  of 
his  age  and  country,  and  we  should  not  fail  to  re- 
cognize tlie  merits  which  are  pecidiarly  his  own,  his 
high  moral  tone  and  honesty  of  purpose,  the  eloquence 
and  pathos  of  his  speeches,  tlie  vivid  powera  of  por- 
traiture, and  the  varied  beauties  of  his  style,  which 
have  given  his  history  so  high  a  place  among  the 
works  of  classical  antiquity.  , 


INTRODUCTION.    III. 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  AND  STYLE  OF  LIVY  \ 


In  order  to  illustrate  the  peculiarities  of  Livy's  style, 
a  list  is  now  given  of  those  forms  of  expression 
which,  though  for  the  most  part  found  elsewhere,  recur 
more  often  in  his  pages  than  in  those  of  earlier  writei'S 
such  as  Cicero  and  Caesar. 

Substantive.  Concrete  for  collective,  e.g.  equeSy 
pedes,  Pcenus ;  abstract  for  concr.  :  in  sing,  levis 
armalura,  remigium ;  plur.  servitia,  dignitales,  robora 
Icgionujti.  Large  number  of  verbals  in  us :  trajectus, 
saltatus,  effectus ;  and  in  tor:  concUoTj  ostentator;  the 
same  used  adjectively,  domitor  ille  exercitus. 

Adjectives  used  substantively  :  in  sing.  ace.  or 
abl.  neut.  :  in  medium^  in  publico,  in  immensum  alti- 
tudinisy  in  majus  verOy  in  muUum  diei,  per  Europcc 
plerumqu£f  hoc  tantum  licentice ;  plur.  neut.:  per 
aversa  urbis,  per  patentia  ruinisj  per  cetera  pacaiaj 
icedio  prcesentium  ;  plur.  masc.  less  frequent :  potiortSj 

'  Compare    NagelsLacli,    Lat.    Stilistik.      Kuhnast,    Liv. 
Syntax.    Fabri,  Liv.  xxi.  xxii. 


jclvi 


INTRODUCTION.     11 L 


dodi,  mortaleSy  cum  expedUis  mUitum;  forms  in  osus 
frequent :  proceUosits,  facinorosus ;  and  in  htrndus : 
amtionabunduSf  terUabundua ;  predicative  adj.  used 
adverbially :  repens  nmdiatur  cladeSj  con/erti  pugna- 
bant. 

Pkonoun.  Alius  =  o  oAXos  :  alia  a^des,  alhia  eocer- 
cUus;  alter  for  aUender  xxi.  8.  7  ;  nvMus  for  nemo ; 
quicunque,  qualiscmnque,  qiuinluscunqite,  &c.,  without 
a  verb. 

Adverb  instead  of  attributive  adj. :  omnibus  circa 
solo  mquMis,  postero  ac  deinceps  aliquot  diebus  ;  use  of 
cetefnim  for  sed,  f&rme  for  fefrty  juocta  for  j)ariter,  adhuc 
for  past  time ;  widey  ib%  inde  for  persons ;  adniodum 
with  numerals ;  large  number  of  forms  in  m,  e.  g. 
ccesimf  genera>lim. 

Verb.  Affection  for  frequentatives,  often  in  sense 
of  simple  verb  :  frequent  recurrence  of  vadere,  currere, 
traliere  ;  form  of  peif.  pass,  with  fui  and  pluperf.  with 
fueram;  forem  in  place  of  essem;-  use  of  pres.  and 
perf.  subj.  in  Or,  oblique,  to  give  vivid  colour  to 
description. 

Preposition.  Common  use  of  drca^  not  only  for 
space,  but  for  time  and  mode. 

In  Construction  Frequent  forms  of  (rxnfia  Kara 
trvv€a-iv:  pa/rs  magna... nantes,  millia...eosdern,,  R. 
legion€a...tUtif  civitas...oriundij  Senaius  populusque 
voluit,  GcUlia...iis  xxi  20.  1,  equestre  prodium...qua 
parte  copiwrum  41.  4,  acriba  pontificis...quo8  vocanl 
57.    3 ;   in    pregnant  sense :   blandiente/n  ut    ducere^ 


IN  TROD  UCTWN.     III. 


xlvii 


tur^  vn  orbem  pugnanteSy  in  prcelium  rediit ;  irregulari- 
ties in  the  use  of  pronouns  :  remisso  id  quod  erepturi 
eranty  id  de  quo  ambigebatur...evetdus  belli... victoriam 
deditj  quod  quidam  auctores  8U7it,  quibus  si  videretur 
denuntiarent ;  quicquid  used  adverbially  =  yi^  longius  ; 
interrog.  within  a  final  sentence :  quid  ub  a  vobis 
sperent;  or  participial :  quid  credentes;  suus  referring 
to  an  oblique  case  of  a  subordinate  -sentence. 

Genitive.     Of  possession  extensively  used  :  plebs 

Ha/nnibalis  eratj  alterius  totus  eocercitus  erat,   didonis 

fac&rSy  H.  annorum  novem  erat.     Of  object  with  relar 

tive  adj.  like  improviduSy  nimiuSy  ceger;  or   without, 

ancipUis  certaminis  v^lctoria,  moris  sui  ca^^mine. 

Ablative.  Large  use  of  instrumental,  modal  and 
local  abl.  without  prepos.,  but  Livy  constantly  has 
prepos.  with  abl.  for  motion  from  a  town ;  frequency  of 
comparatio  c&mpendiariaf  as  spe  celeriuSy  solito  magis. 

Dative.  In  predicative  sense  :  caput  ItalicBy  auctor 
rebeUionis  Sa/rdiSy  quibusdam  volevitihus  erat  bellwn. 

Accusative.  With  adj.  or  partic.  pass.  :  cetera  teretiy 
soUicittis  omniay  paratus  omnia,  ictus  femur,  longam 
induicB  vestem,  assueti  devia  ;  omission  of  object  with 
verbs  used  absolutely  :  trans  mitterey  movere,  super  are, 
jungerey  incolere,  fallerey  &c. 

Adjective.  Expressing  the  object  of  subst.  with 
which  it  agrees  :  dictator ia  invidia,  consvlaria  impedi- 
vierUa ;  with  infin.:   dignu^y  obstinatuSy  dubhcs. 

Indicative.  In  hypothetical  construction,  fames 
qiiam  pestilentia  gravior  erat  ni. 


%l 


VI  n 


JNTROlWarJON.     III. 


Subjunctive.    With  ut  after  caw^a,  cum  eo,  pro  eo, 

ab  eo. 

Gerundive.  Fi'equentlj  used  in  abl.  abs.  or  instni- 
mental  abl.  :  qtuerendis  pedetentium  vadis  evasere ;  in- 
sertion of  ipse,  quwque  in  abl.  gerund,  pbi-ases.  Cf. 
note  on  xxi.  45.  9. 

Participle.  Substantival  use  of  past  part.  pass. : 
for  an  abstract  subst.,  as  Sicilia  amissa,  ex  dictatorio 
impe^'io  concusso ;  for  a  concrete  subst.,  as  Hdentis 
gpeciem,  streperUium  pavores;  as  object  to  the  verb,  id 
male  cammissum  ignavia  in  bonum  vertit ;  as  subject 
to  the  verb,  diu  non  perlilatum  dictatorem  tenuit; 
absolute  use  in  nom  :  habitarUes  LUybad ;  absolute 
use  in  abl. :  ineaydorato,  edicto,  auspicato ;  hypotheti- 
callj  :  invida  si  aequo  dlmicarelur  campo ;  future  part. 
to  expi-css  intention,  or  assumption  :  ita  transmismrus 
si ;  omission  of  participle,  cursus  per  urbem,  pw/na  ad 
TreUam,  rudis  ad  aries ;  asyndeton  in  use  of  part. : 
puUa  plebs  annaia  profecta;  in  comparative  and  su- 
I>erl.  forms:  conjunctius,  conspectior ;  Greek  idiom 
with /alio:  fe/ellere  instructi ;  large  number  of  de- 
ponent part,  in  passive  sense  :  pactuSj  emenms  ;  neuter 
verbs  impersonally  in  part.  pass.  :  concursum  est,  tur 
muUuatum, 

Pleonasm.  Gf  frequent  occurrence  :  legati  retro 
domum  unde  venerant  redieTrunt,  novus  rursus  de 
integro  labor ^  ante  prceoccupare. 

Brachylooy.  Quo  ad  conveniendum  diem  ediocerat, 
adfidem  promissorum  obsides  accipere,  rwutros  pugnam 


INTRODUCTION.     111. 


xlix 


incijdmtes  timor  tenuit;  carried  to  an  awkward  ex- 
treme in  in  eos  versa  peditum  acies.-.haud  dubium 
fecit   quin...    XXL  34.  37,  cf.  52.  1,  55.  8,  and  xxii. 

18.  7. 

Ellipse.     Tantum  ne,  m^odo  ne,  at  enim,  retinere 

oonati  sunt  ni  summovissenL 

Chiasmus  is  a  marked  feature  of  his  style  :  animus 
ad  pugnam  ad  fugam  spes,  in  urbem  Romani  Poeni  in 

contra.  • 

Anaphora.  Hie  vobis  terminum.../ortuna  dedit: 
hie  dignam  mercedem  e.  s.  dabit ;  often  combined  with 
iteratioy  as  totiens  petita  foedera  totiens  rupta. 

Paronomasia.     Ilospitem  non  Imtem,  hostis  2^0 

liospUe, 

Inversion  in  order  of  familiar   expressions  :  pro 

parte  virili,  belli  domique,  node  dieque,  inferos  super- 

osque. 

Anastrophe  of  Preposition.     Capuam  propius, 

Faisulas  inter  Arretiumque. 


In  general  we  may  notice  the  gi-owing  tendency  to 
copy  Greek  forms  of  expression,  which  the  want  of 
the  ai-ticle  as  also  of  the  participle  of  the  substantive 
verb  often  render  less  natural  in  Latin. 


INTRODUCTION.     IV. 


li 


INTRODUCTION.    IV. 


TH«   TEXT   AND    ORTHOGRAPHY   OB^ 

LIVY'. 

The  oldest  MS.  of  the  third  decfide  of  Liw  is  that 
which  ifi  preserved  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris, 
under  the  name  of  che  Codex  Puteanus  (P),  datiii;,' 
[irolmbly  from  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century. 
Ill  the  earlier  edition  (1860)  of  the  Emendatioiies 
Limarue,  Madvig  came  to  the  conclusion  that  this 
was  the  source  of  all  the  extant  MSS.,  which  he 
believed  to  differ  from  it  only  in  the  various  errors 
due  to  the  carelessnes-s  of  later  copyists.  But  the 
researcht^  of  Mommsen  and  Studemund  have  thrown 
light  on  the  influence  of  another  Codex  called  Spi- 
rensis  (S),  from  which  a  number  of  readings  were 
noted  down  long  ago  by  Beatus  Rhenanus,  Init  which 
lias  since  disappeared  with  the  exception  of  a  single 
leaf  discovered  a  few  years  back  (C.    Halm  in  Act. 

*  CompfiTe  Mudvlg,  Emendationeg  Liviana;  Mommsen  aud 
Studemuiiil,  Anahcta  Liviana;  Brambach,  NeugeHaltung  d. 
Lot.  Orthogmphk  ;  Corssen,  Aussprache  d.  Lat.  Sprache. 


Monac.  1869).  This,  or  its  unknown  original,  is  not 
entirel}  represented  by  any  extant  MS.;  it  seems  to 
have  come  to  light  at  a  later  time  than  P,  and  all  of 
the  copies  made  from  it,  or  derived  indirectly  from 
it,  show  distinct  traces  of  the  influence  of  P,  which 
was  referred  to  probably  in  obscure  or  doubtful 
passages,  so  that  readings  from  P  are  found  in  the 
margin,  or  the  text  even,  of  the  MSS.  that  can  best 

be  traced  to  S. 

Further  enquiry  may  possibly  succeed  in  distin- 
guishing still  further  the  two  families  of  MSS.  That 
of  P  is  admitted  to  be  the  earliest  and  best;  it 
abounds  however  in  obvious  errors  and  omissions, 
which  various  editors  have  gradually  corrected.  It 
would  be  quite  hopeless  to  adhere  even  to  the  best 
MS.  authority,  and  bold  as  some  of  the  suggestions 
of  Madvig  may  appear,  we  must  remember  that  the 
text  has  been  thrown  into  its  present  shape  by  many 
critics  who  have  been  forced  to  go  to  work  with 
equal  freedom.  Wc  may  take  one  specimen  as  given 
by  him  to  prove  in  his  own  words  '  quantum  vhique 
aordium  et  rohiginis  detergendum  siV  It  is  the  be- 
ginning of  B.  XXII,  as  it  appears  in  P.  Jam  vero 
adpetebatqtie  Hannibal  ex  hibemis  metuit  et  neque  eo 
qui  iam  ante  conatus  transcendere  Appenninum  in- 
tolerandis  frigoribus  et  cum  ingenti  periculo  m^oratus 
ac  metu.  GalliSj  quos  prcedce  populationumque  con- 
sciverat  spes,  postquam  pro  eo,  ut  ipsi  ex  alieno  agro 
rap&reiU  acgerentque,  suas  terras  sedem  belli  esse  //rw 


lii 


INTRODUCTION.     IV. 


miiqite  ulriitsque  partis  eocerdtuum  hibemis  viderent^ 
verterunt  retro  Hannibalem  odia.  So  faulty  a  MS. 
can  be  little  trusted  in  nice  questions  of  orthography, 
and  Madvig  accordingly  has  not  attempted  to  re- 
produce the  forms  of  Tii\7^'s  age,  or  to  give  us  the 
spelling  of  the  historian  himself,  but  has  fallen  back 
uiK)n  the  orthography  of  Quintilian's  age,  which  was 
fixed  by  the  authority  of  critics  and  giammarians, 
and  which  is  known  to  have  differed  in  material 
points  from  that  of  Livy's  time,  when  it  was  still 
shifting  and  unsettled.  It  may  be  convenient  how- 
ever t^  formulate  some  of  the  chief  points  of  dif- 
ference between  the  spelling  most  in  vogue  at  the 
end  of  the  Republic,  and  that  of  a  century  later, 
though  with  the  caution  that  we  cannot  tell  exactly 
when  the  change  in  each  case  took  place,  or  how  far 
personal  taste  may  have  modified  the  genei-al  fashion. 

O.  V.  vo  was  at  first  usual,  as  in  servoSy  volmis. 
The  change  to  vu  took  a  century  to  effect,  from 
Augustus  to  Vespasian,  cf.  Quintilian  i.  7.  §  26. 

0.  E.     The  change   from  vortex  to  vertex  Ijegan 
•-ith  Scipio  Africanus,  but  some  forms  advorsus,  con 
trovorsia^   roster  lasted  till    the  Empire,   when  there 
was  doubt  between  fcenoriSf  fomeris,  <fec. 

V.  E.  We  liave  the  later  form  of  the  gerundive 
of  the  third  and  fourth  conj.  as  early  as  b.c.  185,  but 
the  older  form,  as  fadundttSf  ajJiieai-s  much  later, 
especially  in  archaic  formularies. 

V.  1.     Maxumus,  optumus  were   common   befoi-e 


INTRODUCTION     IV. 


liii 


J.  Caesar,  who  set  the  fashion  of  writing  viaximuSf  &c. 
Quintil.  I.  7.  §  21. 

B.  I.  Livy  wrote  sibe^  quase,  and  many  in  the 
fii-st  century  did  likewise.  Quint,  i.  7.  §  24.  So  the 
abl.  of  words  like  agilisy  Viminalis  wiis  written  at  the 
end  of  the  Republic  with  a  final  e.  The  elder  Pliny 
proposed  to  write  agile  of  persons,  agili  of  things. 
J.  Caesar  decided  for  the  i,  to  distinguish  abl.  from 
neut.  nom.,  but  it  did  not  definitely  prevail  till  the 
end  of  the  century. 

The  form  of  the  ace.  plur.  gave  critics  much 
trouble  in  the  varieties  of  eis^  is,  es.  It  seems  to 
have  been  settled  that  is  was  the  commoner  ending 
in  wortls  whose  sing.  nom.  and  gen.  ended  in  -?^,  like 
omniSf  navis,  or  of  nominatives  in  -er  with  abl.  in  i,  as 
acer,  in  words  in  nSy  rs,  like  fans,  pars;  while  words 
in  aSy  X  more  frequently  assumed  a  plur.  in  es.  The 
account  of  the  grammarians  that  the  gen.  plurals  in 
ium  were  followed  by  atc.  plur.  in  is  requires  correc- 
tion in  this  respect. 

In  the  ace.  sing,  there  was  also  a  wavering  be- 
tween im  and  em,  and  the  i  prevailed  only  in  Greek 
words,  and  a  very  few  feminines. 

I  (pingue).  The  broad  i  sound  was  under  the 
Republic  commonly  written  si,  which  ceased  in  the 
Augustan    age,     though    grammarians     recognized    it 

much  latei'. 

11.  The  doubling  of  i  between  two  vowels  was 
preferred  by  Cicero,  as  in  aiio,  Maiia,  ami  inscriptions 


liv 


INTRODUCTION.     TV. 


INTRODUOTION.     fV. 


Iv 


of  the  early  Empire  show  this  spelling ;  but  nouns 
of  the  second  decl.  in  iuSf  turn  were  written  in  the 
Republic  with  one  t  only  in  the  gen,  as  imperi;  adjec- 
tives assumed  the  double  t  earlier,  and  gi-adually  a 
like  rule  spreitd  to  the  nouns. 

K.  C.  Originally  the  letter  C  corresponded  to  our 
G  sound,  as  in  the  C  which  stands  for  Gaius^  till 
Spurius  CarvUius  introduced  the  letter  G,  and  C 
then  took  the  place  of  the  tenuis  K. 

CI,  TI,  were  often  confused  in  common  speech, 
inscriptions,  and  MSS.,  but  in  the  following  words 
the  right  reading  seems  quite  established :  condlcioy 
contiOj  convitium,  dido,  indutimy  nuntius^  otium,  selius, 
mlctcium^  suspitio  (Fleckeisen,  Funfzig  Art). 

QVO.  CV.  QW.  The  old  form  quom  became 
cum  in  the  time  of  J.  Caesar,  there  being  little 
evidence  for  quum  in  the  first  century.  So  quoi 
passed  into  cm  and  quare  into  cur.  Secundtis  is 
early  found  for  sequondtis.  uEquom  became  cecum, 
then  later  on  ctquufn. 

N  in  old  Latin  was  often  omitted  before  i  and 
«,  as  in  cajunXy  cosolj  cesor^  MegaUaia;  but  in  the 
final  ena  of  the  numerals  it  was  retained  till  the 
end  of  the  Augustan  em,  though  afterwards  confined 
to  totieTWy  quotienSy  and  the  like. 

88,  frequent  at  the  end  of  the  Kepublic,  was 
clianged  to  * ;  thus  Cicero  used  cauasa.  divksiones,  but 
later  inscriptions  after  the  Monumentum  Ancyranum 
have  a  single  s. 


XS  was  common,  not  only  in  compounds  like 
exspecto,  but  in  others  like  saxmm,  proxmrnus,  and 
inscriptions  prove  this  in  spite  of  the  protests  of 
the  old  grammarians,  who  regarded  the  8  as  needless. 

Assimilation  of  the  last  letter  of  the  preposition 
to  the  first  of  the  verb  with  which  it  is  compounded 
began  early,  but  the  inscriptions  of  the  end  of  the 
Republic  have  forms  like  adclama/ro,  adlectu^,  adrideo^ 
corUega,  inlustris,  varied  by  more  modern  forms. 
The  grammarians  favoured  the  genenil  assimilation, 
and  the  process  went  forwai-d  steadily,  though  modi- 
fied  l»y  personal  caprice. 


CHRONO LOGICAL  SUMMARY. 


B.C. 

229. 

221. 

219. 
218. 


217. 


216. 


Death  of  Hamilcar,  the  Carthaginian  general  in  Spain ; 

Hasdrubal  succeeds  to  his  place. 
Roman  treaty  with  Hasdrubal. 
Death  of  Hasdrubal.     Hannibal  takes  the  command  in 

Spain. 
Saguntum  taken  by  Hannibal. 
Hannibal  marches  through   Spain,  crosses   the  Rhone 

and  passes  the  Alps. 
Battles  of  Ticinus  and  Trebia. 
Successes  of  Cn.  Scipio  in  Spain. 
Defeat  and  death  of  C.  Flamiuius  at  L.  Trasiraene. 
Hannibal  marches  througli  Central  Italy. 
The  cautious  policy  of  Q.  Fabius  Maximus. 
Hannibal  winters  in  Apulia. 
Battle  of  CanusB. 
Revolt  of  Italian  allies. 


^'ta!rSondT7!«o^^*t€AU*hmeTU. 


liondon.  MarmiUaii  &:r9Ltd. 


LIBER  XXI. 


In  pai-te    oi)eris    mei  licet  mihi  praefarl,  quod  in 
piincipio  Kuiiimie  totius  profesai  plerique  Tiie    memoraMp 

*  .  cliaincter    (.f  the 

sunt  reinini  scriptores,  bellum  maxime  Secouti  Punio  war 
omnium  meuioiabile,  quie  unquam  gesta  sint,  me 
scripturum,  quod  Hannibale  duce  Cartbaginienses 
cum  populo  Romano  gessere.  Nam  neque  validiores  « 
opibus  ullae  inter  se  civitates  gentesque  contulerunt 
arma,  neque  his  ipsis  tantum  unquam  virium  aut 
roboris  fuit,  et  baud  ignotas  belli  artes  inter  sese,  sed 
expertas  primo  Punico  conserebant  bello,  et  adeo  varia 
fortuna  belli  ancepsque  Mai-s  fuit,  ut  propius  pericu- 
lum  fuerint,  qui  vicerunt  Odiis  etiam  prope  maiori-  3 
bus  ceitarunt  quam  viribus,  Romanis  indignantibus, 
quod  victoribus  victi  ultro  inferrent  arma,  Pcenis, 
quod  superbe  avareque  crederent  imperitatum  victis 
esse.  Fama  est  etiam,  Hannibalem  annonim  ferme  4 
novem,  pueriliter  blandientem  patri  Hamilcari,  ut 
duceretur  in  Hispaniam,  quum,  perfecto  Africo  bello, 
exercitum  eo  traiecturus  sacrificaret,  altaribus  admo- 
tum,  tactis  sacris,  iure  iurando  adactum,  se,  quum 
prim  urn  posset,  bostem  fore  populo  Romano.     Ange-  s 

C.  I..  1 


2  Livn 

bant  ingentis  spiritus  vii*um  Sicilm  Sardiuiaque  amissie : 
nam  eb  Siciliam  nimis  celeii  desperatione  renim  con- 
cessam  et  Sardiiiiam  inter  motum  Afiicae  fraiide  Ro- 
manorum,  stipendio  etiam  insuper  imposito,  intercep- 
2  tarn.  His  anxius  curis  ita  se  Africo  bello,  quod  fuit 
Hub  recentem  Romanam  pacem,  per  quinque  annos, 
ita  deinde  novem  annis  in  Hispania  augendo  Punico 

•  which  wm  post-  imperio  gessit,  ut  apparcret,  mains  euin, 
rte'^dmto'^o'f  q^H^  V^^  gereret,  agitaie  in  auimo  bel- 
liiiHiicar.  Yum,  et,  si  diutius  vixisset,  Hauiilcare  duce  j^ 

Poenos  aroia  Italise   illaturoe  fuisse,  quae  Hannibalis 
ductu  intulerunt. 

J  Mors  Hamilcaris  peropportuna  et  pueritia  Hanni- 
balis distulerunt  bellum.  Medius  Hahdmbal  inter 
patrein  ac  filium  octo  ferme  annos  imperium  obtinuit, 

4  iore  ffitatis,"  uti  ferunt,  priiiio  Hamilcari  conciliatus, 
gener  inde  ob  aliam  indolem  profecto  animi  adscitus 
et,  quia  gener  erat,  factionis  Barciuse  opibus,  quae  apud 
milites  plebemque  plus  quam  modicae  erant,  baud  sane 

s  voluntate  principum,  in  iniperio  positus.  Is  plura  con- 
silio  quam  vi  gerens,  bospitiis  magis  regulonim  con- 
iiMdmbrd,  his  ciliandisque  per  amicitiam  principum  no- 
'S^^^'eueaded  vis  gentibus  quam  bello  aut  armis  rem 

6  cIrthageTspakI  Carthaginiensem  auxit.  Ceterum  nihilo  ei 
pax  tutiorfuit;  barbarus  eum  quidam  palam  ob  iram  in- 
terfecti  ab  eo  domini  obtruncat ;  comprensusque  ab  cir- 
cumstantibuB  baud  alio,  quam  si  evasisset,  vultu,  tor- 
mentis  quoque  quum  laceraretur,  eo  fuit  habitu  oris, 
ut  superante  laetitia  dolores  ridentis  etiam   speciem 

7  pi-ajbuerit.  Cum  hoc  Hasdrubale,  quia  mirse  aitis  in 
sollicitandis  gentibus  imperioque  suo  iungendis  fuemt, 
fcedus  renovaverat  populus  Romanus,  ut  tinis  utriusc juc 


^ 


LIBER   XXL  3 

imperii   esset   amnis   Hiberus,    Saguntinisque   mediis 
inter  imperia  duorum  populorum  libertas  servaretur. 

In  Hasdrubalis  locum  baud  dubia  res  fuit,  quin  3 
prserogativa  militaris,  qua  extemplo  iuvenis  Hannibal 
in  prsetorium  delatus   imperatorque  ingenti  omnium 
clamoro  atque  assensu  appellatus  erat,  *  *  favor  plebis 
sequebatur.    Hunc  vixdum  puberem  Has-  and  was  succeeded 

*  .         ,  •        .  J.  by   the    youthful 

drubal  lit  tens  ad  se  accersierat,  actaque  Hannibal  who  had 

-rj        .    .        •     served  under  him. 

res  etiam  in  senatu  luerat.     J5arcini8  ni- 
tentibus,  ut  assuesceret  militise  Hannibal  atque  in  pa- 
ternas  succederet  opes,  Hanno,  alterius  factionis  prin-  3 
ceps,  • '  Et  sequuni  postulare  videtur"  inquit "  Hasdrubal, 
et  ego  tamen  non  censeo,  quod  petit,   tribuendum." 
Quum  admiratione  tarn  ancipitis  sententi^  in  se  omnes  4 
convertisset,    "Florem    setatis"    inquit    "Hasdrubal, 
quem  ipse  patri  Hannibalis  fruendum  pr«ebuit,  iusto 
iure  eum  a  filio  repeti  censet ;  nos  tamen  minime  de- 
cet  iuventutem  nostram  pro  militari  rudimento  assue- 
facere  libidini  prsetorum.     An  hoc  timemus,  ne  Ha-  5 
milcaris  filius  nimis  sero  imperia  immodica  et  regni 
patemi  speciem  videat,  et,  cuius  regis  genero  heredi- 
tai'ii  sint  relicti  exercitus  nostii,  eius  filio  parum  ma- 
ture serviamus  %     Ego  istum  iuvenem  domi  tenendum  6 
sub  legibus,  sub  magistratibus,  docendum  vivere  sequo 
iure  cum  ceteris  censeo,  ne  quandoque  pai-vus  hie  ignis 
incendium  ingens  exsuscitet."     Pauci,  ac  ferme  opti-  4 
mus  quisque,  Hannoni  assentiebantur  j  sed,  ut  plerum- 
que  fit,  maior  pars  meliorem  vicit. 

Missus  Hannibal  in  Hispaniam  primo  statim  ad- 
ventu  omnem  exercitum  in  se  convertit ;  Hannibal's  popu- 

larity  aud  charac- 

Hamilcarem  iuvenem  redditum   sibi   ve-  ter.  a 

teres  milites  credere;  eundem  vigorem  in  vultu  vimque 

V  1—2 


v 


LIVII 


in  ociilia,  liabitiim  oris  liueiimeutaque  iiitiieii.  Dein 
brevi  effecit,  ut  pater  in  se  minimum  momentum  ad 

3  favorem  conciliandum  esset.  Nunquam  ingeuium  idem 
ad  res  diversisaimas,  parendum  atque  imperandum, 
habilius  fiiit.     Itaque  baud  facile  discemeres,  utrum 

A  imperatori  an  exercitui  earior  esset ;  neque  Hasdrubal 
alium  quemquam  jiraeticei-e  malic,  ul>i  quid  fortiter  ae 
strenue  agendum  esset,  neque  milite«  alio  duee  plus 

5  confidere  aut  audei-e.  Plurimum  audaci»  ad  pericula 
capessenda,  plurimum  consilii  inter  ipsa  pericula  erat. 
Nullo  labore  aut  corpus  fatigari  aut  animu«  vinci  po- 

6  terat.  Caloris  ac  frigoiis  [jatientia  par  ;  cibi  potion- 
isque  deaiderio  naturali,  noii  voluptate  modus  tiuitus; 
vigilianim  somniqtie  nee   «lie  nee  nocte  discriminata 

7  tenqiom;  id,  quoil  gerendis  rebub  superesset,  quieti 
datum  ;  ea  m^que  molli  strato  neque  »ilentio  accersita ; 
niulti  saepe  militari  sagulo  oi)ertum  bumi  iacentem 
inter   custodias   stationesque    militum    consi)exerunt. 

8  VestituH  nibil  inter  sequales  excellens  ;  arma  atque 
equi  couspieiebantur.  Equitum  peditumque  idem  longe 
primus  erat;  princeps  in  proelium  ibat,  ultimus  con- 

9  serto  proBlio  excedebat.  Has  tantas  viri  virtutes  in- 
gentia  vitia  sequabant,  inbumana  crudelitas,  perfidia 
plus  quam  Punica,  nibil  veri,  nibil  sancti,  nullus  deum 

ro  metus,  nullum  ius  iurandum,  nulla  religio.  Cum  bac 
indole  virtutum  atque  vitiorum  triennio  sub  Hasdru- 
bale  imperatore  meruit,  nulla  re,  quae  agenda  viden- 
daque  magno  futuro  duci  esset,  praetermissa. 

6  Ceterum,  ex  quo  die  dux  est  declaratus,  velut  Italia 
„,.,^  ei  provincia  decreta  bellumque  Romanum 

With    a  view   to  ^  ^ 

i^ii'thaoiil!  mandatum  esset,  nibil  prolatandum  ratus, 
ne  86   quoque,  ut  j>atrem    Hamilcarem, 


war 
'  reduces  the  Oloi 


LIBER   XXL  5 

deinde  HaHdrubalem,  cunctantem  casus  aliquis  opi)ri- 
mei-et,  Sas^untinis  inferre  bellum  statuit.     Quibus  op-  3 
pugnandis  quia  baud  dubie  Romaua  arma  movebantur, 
in  Olcadum  prius   fines  (ultra    Hiberum   ea  gens  in 
parte  magis  quam  in  dicione  Cartliaginiensium  erat) 
induxit    exercitum,    ut    non    petisse    Saguntinos,    sed 
rerum  serie,   finitimis  domitis  gentibus,   iungendoque 
tractus  ad  id  bellum  videri  posset.     Cartalam,  urbem  4 
opulontam,  caput  gentis  eius,  expugnat  diripitque;  quo 
metu   perculsje   minores   civitates   stipendio   imposito 
imi)erium    accepere.      Victor    exercitus   opulentusque 
praida  Carthaginem   Novam  in  biberna  est  deductus. 
Ibi   large   partiendo    pr^dam    stipendioque    prseterito  s 
cum  fide  exsolvendo  cunctis  civium  socioriunque  animis 
iij  sefirmatis,  vere  primo  in  Yaccajoa  promotum  belluDi. 
Hermandica  et  Arbocala,  eonim  urbes,  vi  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^,_^^^^.     6 
captse;  Arbocala  et  virtute  et  multitudine 
oppidanorum  diu  defensa.  Ab  Hermandica  profugi  ex-  7 
sulibus  Olcadum,  priore  sestate  domitte  gentis,  quum 
se  iunxissent,   concitant   Carpetanos,  adortique  Han-  8 
nibalem  regressum  ex  Vaccajis  baud  procul  Tago  flu- 
mine,  agmen  grave  prseda  turbavere.    Hannibal  prcelio 
abstinuit,  castrisque  super  ripam  positis,  quum  prima 
quies  silentiumque  ab  bostibus  fuit,  amnem  vado  tra- 
iecit,  valloque  ita  producto,  ut  locum  ad  transgredien- 
dum  hostes  baberent,  invadere  eos  transeuntes  statuit. 
Equitibus  prsecepit,  ut,  quum   ingressos  aquam  vide-  »o 
rent,  adorirentur  impeditum  agmen ;  in  ripa  elepbantos 
(quadraginU  autem  erant)   disponit.      Cavpetanorum  11 
cum  appeudicibus  Olcadum  Vaccajorum-  and  mishcs  the 

i  A  _  ^    resistance  of  the 

que  centum  millia  fuere,  iuvicta  acies,  si  Carpetani. 

aequo  dimicaretur  carapo.     Itaque  et  ingenio  feroces  et  la 


e 


LIVIl 


niultituiHne  fifti  et,  quod  metu  cessisse  cretlt;bant  hos- 
teni,  id  morari  victoriam  rati,  quod  interesset  aniDis, 
clamore  sublato  passim  sine  ullius  imperio,  qua  cuique 

13  proximum  est,  in  amnem  ruunt.  Et  ex  parte  altera 
ripiB  vis  in  gens  equitum  in  flumen  immissa,  niedio- 
que   alveo  haudquaquam   pari   certamine  concursum, 

14  quippe  ubi  pedes  instabilis  ac  vix  vado  fidens  vel  ab 
inermi  equite,  equo  temere  acto,  perverti  posset,  eques 
corpore  armiHque  liber,  equo  vel  per  medios  gurgites 

15  stjibili,  coniinus  eminusque  rem  gereret.  Pars  magna 
flumine  absumpta;  quidam   verticoso  amni  delati  in 

16  hostea  ab  elephantis  obtriti  sunt.  Postremi,  quibus 
regressus  in  suam  ripam  tutior  fuit,  ex  varia  trepi- 
datione  quuoi  in  unum  colligerpntur,  priusquam  a  tanto 
pavore  reciperent  animos,  Hannibal  agniine  quadrato 
amnem  ingressus  fugani  ex  rij)a  fecit,  vastatisque  agris, 
intra  paucos  dies  Carpetanos  quoque  in  deditionem  ac- 

17  cepit ;  et  iam  omnia  trans  Hiberum  pi-aeter  Saguntinos 
Carthaginiensium  erant. 

6  Cum  Saguntinis  bellum  nondum  erat,  ceterum  iam 
«-     ♦  ™.f  «^«^  belli  causa.    Certaniina  cum  finitimis  sere- 

2  sen Ts*  emoy9''to  bantur,  maxinic  Tui*detanis.  Quibus  qu urn 
iiome  adesset  idem,  qui  litis  erat  sator,  nee  cer- 
tiimen  iuris,  sed  vim  quasri  appareret,  leg-ati  a  Sagun- 
tinis   Romam   missi   auxilium   ad   bellum   iam  baud 

3  dubie  imminens  orantes.  Consules  tunc  llomae  erant 
P.  Cornelius  Scipio  et  Ti.  Sempronius  Longus.  Qui 
quum,  legatis  in  senatum  introductis,  de  re  publica 
rettnlissent,  placiiissetqne  rnitti  legatos  in  Hispaniam 

4  ad  res  sociorum  insijiciendas,  quibus  si  videretur  digna 
causa,  ©t  Hannibali  denuntiarent,  iit  ab  Saguntinis, 
sociis  populi  Romani,  abstineret,   et  Cartliaginem   in 


UBER   XXL  7 

AtVicam  traiicereut  ac  sociorum  populi  Komani  queri- 
monias  deferrent,  bac  legatione   decreta  ^^^tj.foro^  5 

necdum  missa,  omnium  spe  celerius  Sa-  ^^^^^J^t^. 
guntum  oppugnari  allatum  est.    Tunc  re-  lies  of  Home        6 
lata  de  integro  res  ad  senatum ;  et  alii  provincias  con- 
sulibus  Hispaniam  atque  Africam   decernentes  terra 
manque  rem  gerendam  censebant,  alii  totum  in  His- 
paniam  Hannibal emque  intendebant  bellum  ;    erant,  7 
qui  non  temere  movendam  rem  tantam  exspectandos- 
que  ex  Hispania  legatos  censerent.     H^c  sententia,  8 
qu»  tutissima  videbatur,  vicit,  legatique  eo  maturius 
missi,  P.  Valerius  Flaccus  et  Q.  Baebius  Tampbilus, 
Saguntum  ad  Hannibalem  atque  inde  Cartbagmem,  si 
non  absisteretur   bello,  ad   duccm   ipsum   in  poenam 
foederis  rupti  deposcendum. 

Dum  ea  Romani  parant  consul tantque,  iam  Sagun-  7 
turn  summa  vi  oppugnabatur.    Civitas  ea  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  g^.  ^ 
longe  opulentissima  ultra  Hiberum  fuit,  «untum  is  begun 
sita°  passus  mille  ferme  a  mari.     Oriundi  a  Zacyntlio 
insula  dicuntur,  mixtique  etiam  ab  Ardea  Rutulorum 
quidam   generis  ;   ceterum  in  tantas  brevi  creverant  3 
opes  seu  maritimis  seu  terrestribus  fructibus  sen  mul- 
titudinis    incremento   seu   disciplinse   sanctitate,    qua 
fidem  socialem  usque  ad  perniciem   suam  coluerunt. 
Hannibal  infesto  exercitu  ingressus  fines,  pervastatis  4 
passim  agris,  urbem  tripertito  aggreditur.     Angulus  5 
muri  erat  in  planiorem  patentioremque,  quam  cetera 
circa,  vallem  vergens  ;  advei-sus  eum  vineas  agere  in- 
stituit,  per  quas  aries  moenibus  admoveri  posset.     Sed  6 
ut  locus  procul  muro  satis  sequus  agendis  vineis  fuit, 
ita    baudquaquam    prospere,    postquam   ad    effectum 
operis  ventum  est,  cceptis  succedebat.     Et  turns  m-  7 


8 


///  V I J 


gens  imminehat,  et  niurus,  ut  in  suspccto  loco,  supi-a 
cetene  modum  altitudinis  emunitus  eiat,  et  inventus 
delecta,  ubi  plurimum  periculi  ac  timoris  ostendebatur, 

8  ibi  vi  maiore  obsistebant.  Ac  prime  missilibus  sum- 
movere  hostem  nee  quicquam  satis  tutum  munientibus 
paii ;  deinde  iam  non  pro  moenibus  modo  atquc  turri 
tela  micare,  sed  ad  erum})enduiij   etiani   in  stationos 

9  0]'>eraque  bostium  animus  erat;  quibus  tuniultuariis 
cei-taminibus  baud   ferme   plures  Saguntini  cadebant 

lo  quam  Pani.  Ut  vero  Hannibal  ipse,  duni  niurum 
incautius  siibit,  adversum  femur  tragiila  graviter  ictus 
cecidit,  tanta  circa  fuga  ac  trepidatio  fuit,  ut  jion 
multum  abesset,  quin  opera  ac  vineae    deserorentur. 

8  Obsidio  deinde  per  paucos  dies  magis  quam  oppugnatio 
fuit,  dum  viibius  ducis  curaretur;  per  quod  temjius  ut 
quies  certaminum    erat,   ita   ab  apparatu  operum  ac 

t  munitionum  nibil  cessatum.  Itaque  acrius  de  integro 
niMi  pnsiied  for-  coortum  cst  bcllum,  pluribusque  partibus 

ward  vigorouslj.         •„  -    •      .-%  .,         ,  ' 

vix  accipientibus  quibusdam  oi)era  locis, 

3  \TneaB  coeptae  agi  admoverique  aries.  Abundabat  mul- 
titudine  hominum  Poenus;  (ad  centum  quinquaginta 

4  millia  habuisse  in  annis  satis  creditur ;)  oppidani  ad 
omnia   tuenda  atque   obeunda   multifariam    dLstineii 

5  ccEpti  sunt ;  non  sufficiebant  itaque.  Iam  feriebantur 
arietibus  muri  quassatajque  niultaj  pai-tes  erant ;  una 
continenti[)U8  ruinis  nudaverat  urbem ;  tres  deinceps 
turres,  quantumque  inter  eas  muri  erat,  cum  fmgore 

6  ingenti  prociderunt.  Captum  oppidum  ea  ruina  cre- 
diderant  Poeni,  qua,  velut  si   pariter  utrosque  murus 

7  t<ixisaet,  ita  utrinque  in  pugnam  i>rocuraum  est.  Nibil 
tumultuaria;  pugna;  simile  erat,  quales  in  oi)pugna- 
tionibus  urbium  per  occasionem  paitis  alterius  con- 


y\ 


t      4 


s 

4. 


LIBER   XXI.  9 

sen  soloiit,  sed  ius<a3  acies,  velut  patenti  campo,  intei 
i-uiuas  muri  tectaque  urbis  modico  distantia  intervallo 
constiterant.   Hiiic  spes,  bine  desperatio  aninios  in'itat,  3 
Poeno  cepisse  iam  se  urbem,  si  paulum  annitatur,  cre- 
dente,  Saguntinis  pro  nudata  mwnibus  patria  corpora 
opponentibus  nee  nllo  pedem  referente,  ne  in  relictuni 
a  se  locum  bosteni  immitteret.     Itaque  quo  acrius  et  9 
conferti  magis  utrinque  pugnabant,  eo  plures  vulner- 
abantur,    nullo   inter  arma  corporaque   vano  interci- 
dente  telo.     Phalaiica  erat  Saguntinis  missile  telum  10 
liastili  abiegno  et  cetera  tei-eti  pvaiterquam  ad  extre- 
mum,  uiide  ferrum  exstabat ;  id,  sicut  in  pilo,  quad- 
ratum  stuppa  circumligabaiit  linebantque  pice;  ferrum  n 
autem  tres  longum  babebat  })edes,  ut  cum  armis  trans- 
figere  corpus  posset.     Sed  id  inaxime,  etiamsi  liaesisset 
in  scuto  nee  penetrasset  in  corpus,  pavorem  faciebat, 
quod,  quum  medium  accensum  mitteretur  conceptum-  12 
quo  ipso    motu   mul  to    maiorem    igngm    ferret,   arma 
omitti  cogebat  nudumque  militem  ad  insequentes  ictus 
pnebebat.     Quum  diu  anceps  fuisset  certamen,  et  Sa-  9 
guntinis,  quia  pi-a3ter  spem  resisterent,  crevissent  animi, 
Poenus,   (juia  non  vicisset,  pro  victo  esset,  clamorem  2 
repente  oppidani  toUunt  bostemque  in  ruinas  muri  ex- 
pellunt,   inde    impeditum    trepidantemque    exturbant, 
postremo  fusum  fugatumque  in  castra  redigunt. 

Interim  ab  Roma  legatos  venisse  nuntiatum  est;  3 
quibus  obviain  ad  mare  missi  ab  Hanni-  „     „ 

1  Tlie  Roman  am- 

balCj  qui  diccrent,  nee  tuto  eoa  adituros  ISlf^^iannTbai 
inter  tot  tarn  effrenatarum  gentium  arma,  ""ofuscd  to  troat 
!iec  Hannibali  in  tanto  discrimine  renim  o})erse  esse 
legationes  andire.      Apparebat,  non  admissos  protinus  4 
Caitbaginem  ituros.     Litteras    igitur    nnntiosque   ad 


I 


10 


LTVII 


principes  fiictionis  Rarciiue  piiemittit,  iit  piajparareiil 
suorum  iinimos,  ne  quid  pars  altera  grati6cari  populo 
10  Romano  posset  Itaque,  poeterqimm  quod  admissi 
went  on  to  Car-  ^"<^i*iq"6  sunt,  ca  qiioquo  vail  a  atqiie  ir- 
» ofX  sJronVpro^  "^^^  legatio  fuit.  Hanno  unus  adversus 
test  of  HRtmo.  seuatum  causam  foederis  magno  sileiitio 
propter  auctcjritatem  suam,  non  cum  assensu  audien- 

3  tin  III  egit,  per  decs  fcederum  arbitros  ac  testes  senar 
turn  obtestans,  ne  Romanuni  cum  Saguntino  susci- 
tarent  bellum  ;  monuisse,  pneilixisse  se,  ne  Hamilcaris 
progeniem  ad  exercitum  mitterent ;  non  manes,  non 
stirpem  eius  conquiescere  viri,  nee  unquam,  donee 
sanguinis  noiiiinisque  Barcini  quisquam  supersit,  quie- 

4  tuni  Romana  fcedera.  "  luvenem  flagrantem  cupidine 
regni  viamque  unain  ad  id  cernentem,  si  ex  bellis 
bella  serendo  suceiiiotus  armis  legionibusque  vivat,  velut 

I    niateriam  igni  praibentes,  ad  exercitus  misistis.     .^- 

5  istis  ergo  hoc  incendium,  quo  nunc  ardetis.  Saguntum 
vestri  circumsedent  exercitus,  unde  arcentur  fcedere ; 
mox  Carthaginem  circumsedebunt  Romanse   legiones, 

(  ducibus  iisdem  diis,  per  quos  priore  bello  rupta  foedera 

6  sunt  ulti.  Utrum  hostem  an  vos  an  fortuuam  utrius- 
que  populi  ignoratis  1  Legates  ab  sociis  et  pro  sociis 
venientes  bonus  imperator  vester  in  castra  non  ad- 
misit;  ius  gentiuin. sustulit ;  hi  tamen,  unde  ne  hos- 
tium  quidem  legati  arcentur,  pulsi,  ad  nos  venerunt; 
res  ex  fcedere  repetunt;  ut  publica  fraus  absit,  auc- 

7  torem  culpse  et  reum  criminis  deposcunt.  Quo  lenius 
agunt,  segnius  incipiunt,  eo,  quum  cceperint,  vereor, 
ne  perseverantius  sseviant.  iEgates  insulas  Erycem- 
que   ante   oculos   proponite,   quae   terra  marique  per 

squattuor  et  viginti  annos  passi  sitis.     Nee  puer  hie 


16 


M/V1»   OF    H/VNNmAi;S    KOITK 


CapKJi '  /.t*  »■  JUl-JXll 


LI  HER   XXL 


11 


<lux  erai,  sed  pater  ipse  Hamilcar,  Mars  alter,  ut  isti 
volunt.     Sed  Tarento,  id  est  Italia,  non  abstinueiu- 
miis  ex  foedere,  sicut  nunc  Sagunto  non  abstinemus  ; 
vicemnt  ergo  dii  homines  et,  id  de  quo  verbis  ambi-  9 
gebatur,  uter  populus  foedus  rupisset,    eventus   belli 
velut  jequus  index,  unde  ius  stabat,  ei  victoriam  dedit. 
Carthagini  nunc  Hannibal  vineas  turresque  admovet ;  lo 
Carthaginis  moenia  quatit  ariete.     Sagimti  ruinse  (fal- 
sus  utinam  vates  sim)  nostris  capitibus  incident,  sus- 
cepturaque  cum    Saguntinis   bellum   liabendum    cum 
Romanis  est.     Dedemus  ergo  Hannibalem  ?  dicet  ali-  n 
quis.     Scio  nieani  levem  esse  in  eo  auctoritatem  prop- 
ter paternus  inimicitias ;  sed  et  Hamilcarem  eo  perisse 
Itetatus  sum,  quod,  si  ille  viveret,  bellum  iam  habe- 
remus  cum  Romania,  et  hunc  iuvenem  tanquam  furiam 
facemque  liuius  belli  odi  ac  detestor ;  nec^^edendum  12 
solum  ad  piaculum  rupti  foederis,  sed,  si  nemo  deposcat, 
devebendum  in  ultimas  maris  terrarumque  oras,  able- 
jiandura    eo,    nude   nee  ad  nos  nomen  famaque  eius 
accidere  neque  ille  sollicitare  quietae  civitatis  statum 
possit.      Ego   ita   censeo,    legates   extemplo   Komam  13 
mittendos,   qui  senatui  satisfaciant ;  alios,  qui   Han- 
nibali  nuntieut,  ut   exercitum   ab    Sagunto   abducat, 
ipsumque  Hannibalem   ex   foedere   Romanis  dedant; 
tertiam   legationem  ad  res  Saguntinis  reddendas  de- 
cerno."     Quum    Hanno   peror.isset,    nemini   omnium  11 
certare  oratione  cum  eo  necesse  fuit  ]  adeo  prope  om- 
nis  senatus  Hannibalis  erat,  infestiusque  ^,jg  g^^^t^  ^f  car- 
locutum  arguebant  Hannonem  quam  Flac-  g^^  thf  Son  o*} 
cum  Valerium,  legatum  Romanum.     Re-  *''^"^  K^'"erai.       ^ 
sponsum  inde  legatis  Romanis  est,  bellum  ortum  ab 
Saguntinis,   non    ab    Hannibale    esse  ;    populum    Ro- 


12 


LI  VI I 


The  sicg«  goes  on 


manuTn  iuiuste  fiacere,  si  Saguntinos  vetustissiniie 
Cai*thaginii'n.siuiii  societati  prsepimat. 
,  Dum  Romani  tempus  temnt  legationibus  mitten- 
dis,  Hannibal,  quia  fessum  militem  proeliis 
operibusque  habebat,  paucorum  us  die- 
rum  quietem  dedit,  stationibiis  ad  custodiam  vinearum 
alioiTimque  operum  dispositis.  Interim  animos  eo- 
nim  nunc  ira  in  hostes  stimulando,  nunc  sp(i  prKiiiio- 

4  mm  accendit;  ut  vero  pro  contione  praedaiu'captse 
urbis  edixit  militum  fore,  adeo  accensi  omnes  sunt, 
ut,  si  ex  temple  signum  datum  esset,  nulla  vi  re.sisti 

5  videretnr  posse.  Saguntini  ut  a  prceliis  quietem  ha- 
buerant  nee  lacessentes  nee  lacessiti  per  aliquot  dies, 
ita  non  nocte,  non  die  unqimm  cessaverant  ab  opere, 
ut  novum  murum  ab  ea  parte,  qua  patefactum  op- 

6  pidum  ruinis  erat,  reficerent.  Incle  oppugnatio  eos 
aliquanto  atrocior  quam  ante  adorta  est,  nee,  qua 
primum  aut  potissimum  parte  fen-ent  openi,  quum 
omnia  variis  clamoribus  streperent,  satis  scire   pote- 

7  rant.  Ipse  Hannibal,  qua  turrLs  mobilis,  omnia  mu- 
nimenta  urbis  sui>erans  altitudine,  agcbatur,  hortator 
aderat.       Quae   quiim  admota,   catapultis   baliistisque 

s  per  omnia  tabulata  dispositis,  muros  defensoribus 
nudasset,  turn  Hannibal  occasionem  ratus,  quingentos 
ferme  Afros  cum  dolabris  ad  subruendum  ab  imo 
murum  mittit ;  nee  erat  difficile  opus,  quod  cajuienta 
non  calce  durata  erant,  sed  interlita  luto,  structui-ae 

9  anti(juaB  genere.  Itaque  latius,  quam  qua  csederetur, 
niebat,  perque  patentia  ruinis  agmina  armatorum  in 

lo  urbem  vadebant.  Locum  quoque  editum  capiunt, 
coUatisque  eo  catapultis  baliistisque,  ut  castellum  in 
ipsa   urbe  velut  arccm   iiiniiiiientt;ui    habereut,   uiuro 


LIBER   XXL 


13 


h 


circumdant ;  et  Saguntini  murum  interiorem  ab  non- 
dum  capta  parte  urbis  ducunt.     Utriiique  sumnia  vi  u 
et  muniunt   et  pugnant ;  sed  interiora  tuendo  mino- 
rem  in  dies  urbem  Saguntini  faciunt.     Simul  cn^scit  la 
inopia  omnium   longa  obsidione  et  minuitur  exspec- 
tatio  extemae  opis,  quum  tam  procul  Romani,  unica 
spes,  circa  omnia  hostium  essent.      Paulisper   tamen  13 
affectos  animos  recreavit  repentina   profectio  Hanni- 
balis  in  Oretanos  Carpetanosque,  qui  duo  though  iiaiuuhai 

.is     called     away 

populi,  dilectus  acerbitate  consternati,  re-  by  niovements  a- 

^     ^  .       .      mouK  the  Spanish 

tontis  conciuisitoribus,  metum  defectioms  tribes. 
quum  prajbuissent,  oppres-si  celeritate  Hannibali.s  omi- 
seriiiit  mota  arma.     Nee  Sagunti  oppugnatio  segiiior  12 
erat,  Maharbale  Hiniilconis  filio  (eum  prtefecerat  Han- 
nibal)  ita   impigre    rein    ageute.   ut  ducem  abesse  nee 
cives  nee  hostes  sentirent.     Is  et  prcelia  aliquot  se-  2 
cunda  fecit  et  tribus  arietibus  aliquantum  muri  dis- 
cussit,   strdtaque  onniia   recentibus  ruinis  advenienti 
Hannibal i  ostendit.     Itaque  ad  ipsam  arcem  extemplo  3 
ductus   exercitus,   atroxque   prcelium  cum    multorum 
utrinque  caede  initum  et  pars  arcis  capta  est. 

Tentata   deinde   per  duos   est  exigua  pacis  spes,  4 
Alconem  Saguntinum  et  Alorcum  His-  j^j^q      privately 
pnnum.   Alco  insciis  Saguntinis,  precibus,  *^^^*«  ^°'  p^^' 
ali(iuid   moturum  ratus,  quum  ad  Hannibalem   noctu 
transisset,  postquam  nihil  laerimae  move-  but  is  afraid  to 

*         *  .  report  the  terms 

bant  condicionesque  tristes  ut  ab  irato  ofiianuibai; 
victore  ferebantur,  transfuga  ex  oratore  factus   apud 
hostem    mansit,    moriturum  affirmans,   qui   sub    con- 
dicionibus  iia  de  pace  ageret,      Postulabatur   autem,  5 
rodderent  res  Turdetanis,  ti-aditoque  omni  auro  atque 
aigento  egressi  urbe  cum  singulis  vestimentis  ibi  habi- 


V 


\ 


14 


LIYH 


6  Urent,  ubi  Poenus  iussisset.  Has  paeis  leges  almueiito 
Alcone  accepturos  Saguntinos,  Alorcus,  viiici  iiniraos, 
ubi  alia  vincaiitur,  affirmans,  se  pacis  eius  iiiteqirt;teiii 
fore   pollicetur;    emt  autem  turn   miles   Hannibalis, 

7  ceterum  publico  Saguntinis  amicus  atque  liospes.  Ti-a- 
dito  palam  telo  custodibus  bostium,  transgressus  mu- 
nimenta  ad  pnetorem  Saguntinum  (et  ipse  ita  iubebat) 

s  est  deductus.  Quo  quum  extemplo  concursus  omnia 
generis  bominum  esset  factus,  summota  cetera  multi- 
tudine,  senatus  Aloreo  datus  est,  cuius  talis  oratio 
13  fuit.  •*  Si  civis  vester  Alco,  sicut  ad  pacem  peten- 
dam  ad  Hannibalem  venit,  ita  pacis  condiciones  ab 
Dut Alorcus iirt'fs  Haiuiibale  ad  vos  rettulisset,  supeivacar 
submiasioa-  neum    boc    milii   fuisset   it^r,    quo    nee 

s  orator  Hamiibalis  nee  ti-iinsfuga  ad  vos  veni ;  sed 
quum  ille  aut  vestm  aut  sua  culpa  manserit  apud 
hostem  (sua,  si  metum  simulavit,  vestra,  si  periculum 
eat  apud  vos  vera  referent ibus),  ego,  ne  ignoraretis, 
esse  aliquas  et  salutis  et  pacis  vobis  condiciones,  pro 
vetusto  bospitio,  quod  mibi  vobiscum  est,  ad  vos  veni. 

3  Vestra  autem  causa  me  nee  ullius  alterius  loqui,  quae 
loquor  apud  vos,  vel  ea  fides  sit,  quod  neque,  dum 

4  vestm  viribus  restitistis,  neque,  dum  auxilia  ab  Ro- 
inanis  spemstis,  pacis  unquam  apud  vos  mentionem 
feci  Postquam  nee  ab  Romanis  vobis  ulla  est  spes 
nee  vestra  vos  iam  aut  arma  aut  moenia  satis  do- 
fendunt,  pacem  affero  ad  vos  magis  necessariam  quam 

5  tequam.  Cuius  ita  aliqua  spes  est,  si  eam,  quemad- 
modum  ut  victor  fert  Hannibal,  sic  vos  ut  victi  au- 
dietis,  et  non  id,  quod  amittitur,  in  damno,  quum  omnia 
victoris  sint,  sed,   quicquid  relinquitur,    pro   munere 

6  habituri  estis.      Urbem  vobis,  quam  ex  magna  parte 


LTBER    XXI. 


15 


► 


dirutam,  captam  fere  totani  habet,  adimit,  agros  relin- 
quit,    locum   assignaturus,    in   quo    novum    oppiduin 
ffidificetis.     Aurum  et  argentum  omne,  publicum  pri- 
vatumque,  ad  se  iubet  deferri ;   corpora  vestra,  con-  7 
iiigum   ac  liberorum   vestrorum   servat    inviolata,    si 
inermes  cum  binis  vestimentis  velitis  ab  Sagunto  ex- 
ire.     Haec  victor  hostis  imperat ;  base,  quanquam  sunt  s 
gravia  atque  acerba,  fortuna  vestra  vobis  suadet.  Equi- 
dem  baud  despero,  quum  omnium  potesttis  ei  facta  sit, 
aliquid  ex  bis  rebus  remissurum ;  sed  vel  bsec  patienda  9 
censeo   potins,    quam   trucidari    corpora   vestra,    rapi 
traliique  ante  ora  vestra  coniuges  ac  liberos  belli  iure 
sinatis." 

Ad  baec  audieuda  quum  cii'cumfusa  paulatim  mul-  14 
titudine  perniixtum  senatui  esset  populi  ^^^   capture   of 
concilium,    repente   primores,   secessione  ^'^"g""*'*'"- 
facta,  priusquam  responsum  daretur,  argeutum  aurum- 
que  omne  ex  publico  privatoque  in  forum  collatum  in 
ignem  ad  id  raptim  factum  coniicientes,  eodem  plerique 
semet  ipsi  prsecipitaveinint.      Quum   ex  eo  pavor  ac  , 
trepidatio  totam  urbem  pervasisset,  alius  insuper  tu- 
multus  ex  arce  auditur.     Tunis  diu  quassata  proci- 
derat,  perque  ruinam   eius  cobors  Poenorum  impetu 
facto  quum  signum  imperatori  dedisset,  nudatam  star 
tionibus  custodiisque  solitis  bostium  esse  urbem,  non  3 
cunctandum  in  tali   occasione  ratus  Hannibal,  totis 
viribus  aggressus  urbem  momento  cepit,  signo  dato,  ut 
omnes  puberes  interficerentur.     Quod  imperium  cru- 
dele,  ceterum  prope  necessarium  cognitum  ipso  eventu 
est ;  cui  enim  parci  potuit  ex  iis,  qui  aut  inclusi  cum  4 
coniugibus  ac  liberis  domes  super  se  ipsos  concremave- 
runt  aut  armati  nullum  ante  finem  pugnae  quam  moii- 


16 


LIYU 


15  entes  feceruiit?  Captum  oppiduin  est  cum  ingenti 
prseda.  Quauquam  plenique  ab  doiniiiis  de  induatiiM 
corrupta  erant,  etin  ciedibus  vix  ulluiii  disciimen  a^tatis 

»  ira  fecerat,  et  captivi  railitum  prajda  fuerant,  tameii  et 
ex  pretio  reruni  venditarum  aliquantuiii  pecuniae  re- 
dactum  esse  constat  et  multani  luetiosam  supellectilem 
vcstemque  missam  Carthaginem. 

3  Octavo  mense,  quam  Cttptum  oppuguari,  captum 

...     SasuDtum  quidam  scripsere;  indeCartha- 

PiscTi'itniil   state-         o  ^  r  ' 

uH'uts  a^  tt,  the  giiiem    Novam    in    hiberna  Hamiibaleiii 

diUe  "f  the  eviifits   o 

dtj8i!niHjd.  concessisse;  quijito  deinde  mense,  quam 

ab   Cartbagine   profectus   sit,    in    Italiam    pervenisse. 

4  Quas  si  ita  sunt,  fieri  uon  potuit,  ut  P.  Cornelius,  Ti. 
Sempmnius  conaiiles  fuerint,  ad  t|Uos  et  prineipio  ot»- 
[lugnationis  legati  .Saguntini  missi  sint  et  qui  in  sue 
magistratu  cum  Haiinibale,  alter  ad  Ticinum  amnom, 

5  ambo  aliquanto  post  ad  Ti-ebiam,  pugnaverint.  Aut 
omnia  breviora  aliquanto  fuere,  aut  Saguntum  prin- 
cipio  anni,  quo  P.  Cornelius,  Ti.  Semprouius  consules 

6  fiierunt,  non  cteptum  oppugnari  est,  sed  captum.  Nam 
excessisse  i)iigna  ad  Trebiam  in  annum  Cn.  Servilii  et 
C.  Flaminii  non  potest,  quia  C.  Flaminius  Arimini 
consulatum  iniit,  ereatui  a  Ti.  Sempronio  consule,  qui 
post  pugnam  ad  Trebiam  ad  creandos  consul  es  Komani 
qiium  venisset,  comitiis  perfectis  ad  exercitum  in  lii- 
bema  rediit. 

16  Sub  idem  fei-e  tempus  (Jt  legati,  qui  redierant  ab  Car- 
indi^nrntion  and  tkagiuc, Romam rettuleruut, omniahostilia 
•lann lit Rohmi.     ^^^^  ^j.  gj^gunti  excidium  uuntiatnni  est; 

a  tantusque  siraul  mieror  patres  misericordiaque  sociorum 
peremptorum  indigne  et  pudor  non  lati  auxilii  et  ira 
in  Caithaginiensea  metusque  de  sum  ma  renim  cepit, 


LIBER  XXL 


17 


velut  si  iam  ad  portas  hostis  esset,  ut  tot  uno  tempore 
motibus  animi  turbati  trepidarent  magis  quam  consu- 
lerent:  nam  neque  hostem  acriorem  belli cosioremque  3 
secum  congressum,  nee  rem   Romanam   tarn  desidem 
unquam  fuisse  atque  imbellem.     Sardos  Corsosque  et  4 
Histros  atque  Illyrios  lacessisse  magis  quam  exercuisse 
Romana   arma,    et   cum  Gallis    tumultuatum    verius 
quam  belligeratum ;  Poenum  hostem  veteranum,  triiim  5 
et  viginti  aimoruni  militia  durissima  inter  Hispanas 
geutes  semper  victorem,  duci  acerrimo  assuetum,  re- 
centem  ab  excidio  opulentissimae  urbis,  Iliberum  trans- 
ire;  trahere  secum  tot  excitos  Hispanorum  populos; 
conciturum  avidas  semper  armorum  Gallicas  gentes;  6 
cum  orbe  terrarum  bellum  gerendum  in  Italia  ac  pro 
moenibus  Romanis  esse. 

Nominat^e  iam  antea  consulibus  provincise  erant;  17 
tum  sortiri  iussi.  Cornel io  Hispania,  Sem-  Levies  and  pre„a. 
pronio  Africa  cum  Sicilia  evenit.     Sex  in  ^ar""'   ^°''   '"^^  , 
eum  annum  decretas  legiones  et  socium,  quantum  ipsis 
videretur,  et  classis,  quanta  parari  posset.     Quattuor  3 
et  viginti  peditum  Romanorum  millia  scripta  et  mille 
octingenti   equites,  sociorum  quadraginta  millia  pedi- 
tum, quattuor  millia  et  quadringenti  equites;  naves 
ducentse    viginti    quinqueremes,    celoces    viginti  de- 
ducti.      Latum    inde    ad  populum,  vellent  iuberent  4 
populo   Cartbaginiensi    bellum    indici ;    eiusque   belli 
causa  supplicatio  per  urbem  habita  atque  adorati  dii, 
ut  bene  ac   feliciter   eveniret,  quod   bellum   populus 
Romanus  iussisset.     Inter  consules  ita  copia  divisae :  5 
Sempronio  datse  legiones  dua  (ea  quaterna  millia  erant 
peditum  et  treceni  equites)  et  sociorum  sedecim  millia 
peditum,  equites  mOle  octingenti;  naves  longa?  centum 
C.  L.  2 


18 


LIVH 


II 


6  8cxagintn,  celoccs  duodcciin.  Cum  his  terrostrihus 
maritimisquo  copiis  Ti.  Sempronius  uiissus  iii  Siciliaiii, 
ito  in  Africiim  transmissurus,  m  ad  arcenduni   Italia 

7  Fcenum  consul  alter  satis  essct.  Conielio  minus 
copiarum  datum,  quia  L.  Manlius  piwtor  et  ii)se  cum 

s  liaud  invalido  pi-ajsidio  in  Galliam  mittebatur;  navium 

maxime  Conielio  numerus  deminutus;  sexaginta  quin- 

quercmes   ilatic  (neque  enim    mari  venturum  aut  ea 

parte   belli   dimicatuium    liosteni    credebant)   et   dua5 

Romniine  legioncs  cum  suo  iusto  equitatu  et  quattuor- 

decim  niilliljus  sociorum  pcditum,  equitibus  mille  sex- 

9  ccntis.     Buas  legiones  Romanas  et  decern  millia  socio- 

i-um  peditum,  millc  equites  socios,  sexcentos  Romanes 

Gallia  provincia  eodeni  verea  in  Puiiicum  bellum  Imbuit. 

18        HiR  ita  comparatis,   ut  omnia  iusta  ante  bellum 

Aacrnndcniimssj  fic^rent,  legatos  maiorcs  natu,  Q.  Fabium, 

imtwitiioiitcfiect,  M.  Livium,   L.  ^milium,  C.  Licinium, 

Q.  Biebium,  in  Africam  mittunt  ad  jiercontandos  Car- 

thaginienses,  publicone   consilio  Hannibal   Sagimtum 

»  oppugnasset,  et,  si,  id  quod  facturi  videbantur,  fateren- 

tur  ac  defenderent  ])ublico  consilio  factum,  ut  indicc- 

3  rent  populo  Cartliaginiensi  bellum.  Romani  postquam 
Cartliaginem  venenint,  quum  senatus  datus  esset  et  Q. 
Fabius  nihil  ultra  quam  unum,  quod  mandatum  erat, 
percontatus   esscst,    turn    ex    Carthaginien.sibus    unus: 

4  "Praeceps  vestra,  Romani,  et  prior  legatio  fuit,  quum 
JIannibalcm  tanquam  suo  consilio  Saguntum  oppug- 
nantem  dcposcebatis ;  ceterum  Iutc  legatio  verbis  adhuc 

5  lenior  est,  re  asperior.  Tunc  enim  Hannibal  et  insi- 
mulabatur  ot  deposcebatur;  nunc  ab  nobis  et  confcssio 
€ulp:c  oxprimitur  et  ut  a  confessis  res  extemplo  rcpe- 

fi  tuntur.     Ego  auteni  non,  privato  publicone  consilio 


LTBER   XXJ, 


19 


Saguntum  oppugnatum  tjit,  quairenduiu  c(;]is(^am,  sed 
utrum  iure  an  iniuria;  nostra  enim  haec  quses^fcio  atquo  7 
animadversio  in  civem  nostrum  est,  quid  nostro  aut 
suo    fecerit    arbitrio  ;    vobiscum    una  disceptatio   est, 
licueritne   per  fcedus  fieri.     Itaquo   quoniam  discerni  8 
placet,  quid  publico  consilio,  quid  sua  sponte  impera- 
tores  fisciant,  nobis  vobiscum  fcedus  est  a  C.  Lutatio 
oonsule   ictum,   in   quo   quum   caveretur  utrorumque 
sociis,  nihil  de  Saguntinis  (necdum  enim   erant  socii 
vestri)  cautum  est.     At  enim    eo   foBdere.  quod  cum  9 
Hasdrubale  ictum  est,  Saguntini  excipiuntur.     Adver- 
sus  quod  ego  nihil   dicturus  sum,   nisi  quod  a  vobis 
didici.     Vos   enim,    quod  C.    Lutatius   consul   primo  xo 
nobiscum  fcedus  icit,  quia  neque   auctoritate  patrum 
nee  populi  iussu  ictum  erat,  negastis  vos  eo  teueri; 
itaque  aliud  de  integro  fosdus  publico  consilio  ictum 
est.     Si  vos  non  tenent  fccdera  vestra  nisi  ex  auctori-  n 
tate  aut  iussu  vestro  icta,  ne  nos  quideni  Hasdrubalis 
foedus,  quod  nobis  insciis  icit,  obligare  potuit.     Proinde  12 
omittite  Sagunti  atque  Hiberi  mentionem  facere,  et, 
quod  diu  parturit  animus  vester,  aliquando  pariat." 
Turn   Romanus,    sinu   ex    toga    facto,    "Hie"    inquit  13 
"vobis   bellum    et   pacom    portamus ;    utnim    placet, 
sumite."      Sub    banc    vocem    baud    minus   ferociter, 
daret,  utrum  vellet,  succlamatum  est ;  et  and  war  is  de-  m 
quum  is  iterum,  sinu  effuso,  bellum  dare  ^^^^ 
dixisset,    accipere    se  omnes    responderunt  et,   qui  bus 
acciperent  animis,  iisdem  se  gesturos. 

Haec  directa  percontatio  ac  denuntiatio  belli  magis  19 
ex  dignitate  populi  Romani  visa  est  quam  it  was  idle  then  tr. 

J      /'    J  .  '     1  •       T  ,  discuss  tlie  terms 

oe  itederum  lure  verbis  disceptare,  quum  of  tho  old  treaties, 
ante,  turn  maxime  Sagunto  excisa.      Nam  si   verboruni  ^ 

2—2 


20 


L1VII 


LIBER  XXJ. 


21 


I 


disceptationis  res  esaet,  quid  foedus  Hasdrubalis  cum 
Lutatii  i.riore  foedere,  quod  mutatum  est,  comparan- 

3  dum  erat,  quum  in  Lutatii  foedere  d^eite  additum 
csset,  ita  id  ratuni  fore,  si  populus  ceiisuisse<  in  Hii-s- 
drubalia  fccdeie  nee  exceptum  tale  quicquam  fuerit,  ^ 
tot  annomm  silentio  ita  vivo  eo  comprobatum  sit 
fe<fes,  ut  ne  mortuo  quidem  auctore  quicquam  muta- 

ireturi'  Quanquam,  etsi  priore  foedere  staretur,  satis 
cautum  erat  Saguntinia,  sociis  utroruDique  exceptia; 
nam  neque  additum  erat  "iis,  qui  tunc  essent,"  nee, 

5  "  ne  qui  postea  assumerentur."  Et  quum  assumere 
uovos  liceret  socios,  quia  sequum  censeret,  aut  ob 
nulla  quemquam  meiita  in  amicitiam  recipi  aut  recep- 
tos  in  fidem  non  defendi,  tantmn  ne  Carthaginiensium 
feocii  aut  sollicitai-entur  ad  defectionem  aut  sua  spontc 
dcsciscentes  reciperentur? 

6  Legati  Komani  ab  Carthagine,  sicut  iia  Romae,  im- 
The  Roman  en-  peratum  erat,  in  Hispaniai^,  ut  adireiit 
SSi^:itJnt  civitates  et  in  societatem  pellicerent  aut 

ySr&f "'  averterent  a  Poenis,  traiecerunt  Ad 
Bargusioa  pil^mum  venerunt,  a  quibus  benigne  excepti, 
quia  tajdebat  imperii  Punici,  multos  trans  Hiberum 

8  populos  ad  cupidinem  novae  fortunaj  erexerunt.  Ad 
Volcianos  inde  eat  ventum,  quorum  celebre  per  Hia- 
paniam  respoiisum  ceteros  populos  ab  societate  Romar 
na  avertit.     Ita  enim  maximus  natu  ex  iia  in  conciHo 

^respondit:  "Quje  verecundia  est,  Romani,  posLulare 
voa,  uti  vestram  Carthaginiensium  amicitiae  pra3|{ona- 
inus,  quum,  qui  id  fecerunt,  crudeliua,  quam  Poenus 

.o  bostis  perdidit,  vos  socii  prodideritisl  Ibi  quseratis 
socios  censeo,  ubi  Saguntina  clades  ignota  est;  His- 
pania  poiiulis  sicut  lugubre,  ita  insigne  documentum 


Sagunti  ruinse  erunt,  ne  quis  fidei  Romange  aut  socie- 
tati   confidat."     Inde  extemplo  abire  finibus  Volciano-  n 
rum  iussi,  ab  uullo  deinde  concilij)  Hispai^iae  benignioi-a 
verba  t'ulere.     Ita  nequicquam  peragrata  Hispania,  in 
Galliam  transeunt.    +In  his  nova  terribi-  20 

,.  .  .  ,  ,  ...         and  none  in  Gaul 

lisque  species  visa  est,  quod  armati  (ita 
mos  gentis  erat)  in  concilium  venerunt.      Quum  verbis  a 
cxtollentes  gloriam  virtu temque  populi  Romani  ac  mag- 
nitudinem  imperii  petissent,  ne  Poeno  bellum  Italia?  iu- 
ferenti  per  agros  urbesque  suaa  transitum  darent,  tantus 
cum  fremitu  risua  dieitur  ortus,  ut  vix  a  magistratibus  3 
maioribusque   natu    inventus  sedaretur ;    adeo  stolida  4 
impudensque  postulatio  visa  est  censere,  ne  in  Italiam 
transmittant    Galli    bellnm,    ipsos   id    avert  ere    in    se 
agrosque  suos  pro  alienis  populandos  obiicere.     Sedato  5 
tandem  tremitu,  responsum  k^gatis  est,  neque  Romano- 
rum  in  se  meritum  esse  neque  Carthaginiensium   in- 
iuriam,  ob  qua?  aut  pro  Romania  aut  adversus  Pa^nos 
suniaut  arma;  contra  ea  audire  sese,  gentis  sua?  homi-  6 
nes   agro  finibusque    Italia?   pelli   a   populo    Romano 
stipendi unique  pendere  et  cetera  indignapati.     Eadem  7 
ferme  in  ceteris  Galliae  conciliis   dicta  auditaque,  nee 
hospitale   quicquam    pacatumve   satis   prius  auditum, 
quam  Massiliam  venere.     Ibi  omnia  ab  s 

««^::^    •  •   'j.  /.I  .  except  at -Massilia. 

sociia  mquisita  cum  cura  ac  hde  cognita : 
prseoccupatos  iam  ante  ab  Hannibale  Gallorum  animos 
esse;  sed  ne  illi  quidem  ipsi  satis  mitem  gent  em  fore 
(adeo  ferocia  atque  indomita  ingenia  esse),  ni  ^ubinde 
auro,  cuius  avidissima  gens  est,  principum  animi  conci- 
lientur.  Ita  peragratis  Hispiiniae  et  Gallia?  populis,  9 
legati  Romam  redeunt  hand  ita  multo  post,  quam  con- 
sules  in  provincias  profecti  erant.     Civitatem  omnem 


LlVIl 


exspectatione  !>elli  erectam  invenerunt,  satis  constante 
fama,  iam  Hibeium  Poenos  transioisisse. 
21  Hannibal  Sagunto  capto  Carthaginem  Novani  m 
hiberna  concesserat,  ibique  aiiditis,  qiw  Romaj  qu^quo 
iianuibai  winters  Carthagine  acU  decreUiciue  foreiit,  seque 
:J,raf  *Td;  non  ducem  solum,  sed  etiam  causam  esse 
,  LCoifurruX  belli,  partitis  diveiiditisque  reliquiis  prae- 
a-e    iiibil   ultra   differendum   ratus,   Hispani   generis 

3  inilitea  convocat  -Credo  ego  vos"  inquit,  "socii,  et 
ipsos  ceruere,  pacatis  omuibus  Hispaniie  populis,  aut 
finiendam    nobis    militiam    exercitusque   dimitteiidos 

4  esse  aut  in  alias  terras  transferendum  bellum :  ita  enim 
to  gentes  non  pacis  solum,  sed  etiam  victoria  bonis 
florebunt,  si  ex  aliis  geotibus  pra3dam  et  gloiiam  quae- 

5  remus.  Itaque  quum  longinqua  a  domo  instet  militia 
incertumque  sit,  quando  domos  vestraa  et  quae  cuique 
ibi  cara  sunt,  visuri  sitis,  si  quis  vestrum  suos  invisere 

6  viilt,  commeatum  do.  Primo  vere  edico  adsitis,  ut 
diis  bene  invantibus  bellum  ingentis  gloriae  prad^que 

7  futurum  incipiamus."  Omnibus  fere  visendi  domos 
oblata  ulti-o  potestas  grata  erat,  et  iam  desiderantibus 
suos  et  lougius  in  futurum  providentibus  desiderium. 

s  Per  totum  tempus  hiemis  quies  inter  labores  aut  iam 
exhaustos  aut  mox  exliauriendos  renovavit  corpora 
animosque  ad  omnia  de  integro  patienda;  vere  pmno 
ad  edictum  convenere. 

9  Hannibal  quum  recensuisset  onmium  gentium 
While  musturinK  auxiUa,  Gades  profectus  Herculi  vota  ex- 
JLttXX  solvit,  novisque  8e  obligat  votis,  si  cetem 

,„  lletot'o/AfrSr  prospera  evenissent.  Indepartiens  curas 
simul  in  inferendum  atque  arcendum  bellum,  iie, 
duni  ipse  teiTCstri  per  Hispaiiiam  Galliasque  itinere 


[ABER   XXL 


23 


aud  Spain, 


Itiiliam  peterut,  nuda  apertaque   Romaui.s  Africa  ab 
Sicilia  esset,  valido  priesidio  firmare  earn  statuit;  pro  u 
eo  supplementum  ipse  ex  Africa  maxime  iacukitoruin, 
leviuni  armis,  petiib,  ut  Afri  in  Hispaiiia,  Hispani  in 
Africa,  melior  procul  ab  donio  futurus  uter(iue  miles, 
velut   mutuis  pigneribus  obligati,  stipendia   facerent. 
Tredecim  millia  octingentos  quinquaginta  pedites  cte-  u 
tratus  misit  in  Africarn  et  funditores  Baliares  octin- 
gentos septuaginta,  equites  mixtos  ex  multis  gentibus 
mille  ducentos.      Has  copias  partini  Carthagini  [uuisi-  ii 
dio  esse,  pariini  distribui  per  Afrieam  iubet.    Simul  con- 
quisitoribusincivitates  missis,  quattuur  millia  conscrip- 
ta  delectie  iuventutis,  presidium  eosdeni  et  obsides,  duci 
Carthaginem  iubet.     Neque   Hispaniam   negligeudam  22 
ratus,  atque  id  eo  miims,  quod  Laud  ig- 
narus  erat,  ciicumitam  ab  Romanis  earn 
legatis  ad  sollicitandos  principum  auimos,   Hasdrubali  a 
fratri,  viro  impigro,  earn  provinciam  destinat,  lirmat- 
que  earn  Africis  maxinie  prajsidiis,  peditum  Afronini 
undecim  millibus  octingentis  quinquaginta,  Lignribus 
trecentis,    Baliaribus    quingmtis.     Ad    huic    peditinn  3 
auxilia  additi  equites  Libyphcenices,  niixtum  Piinicum 
Afria   genua,  quadringenti  quinqucKjluta  et    Nuuiidie 
Maurique  accolaj  Oceani  ad  mille  octingenti  et  [jarva 
Ilergetum  manus  ex   Hispania,  ducenti  equites,  et,  ne 
quod  terrestris  deesset  auxilii  genus,  elephant!  viginti 
unus.     Classis  praeterea  data  ad  tuendam  maritimam  4 
Oram,  quia,  qua  parte  belli  vicerant,  ea  tum  quoque 
rem   gesturos    Romanos   credi    poterat,    quinquaginta 
quinqueremea,  quadriremes  duse,  triremes  quinque;  sed 
aptae  instructseque  reniigio  triginta  et  duai  quinquero- 
mcs  enint  et  trii*emes  quinque. 


n 


Lini 


5  Ab   Gadibiis   Carthaginem   axl   hiberna   exercitns 

.,     rediit ;  atque  inde  profectiis  praeter  Oniisam 

His  vision  on  the    i^^uixi/,  «w»i  r  i 

waj  from  Gadea.    ur^m  ad  Hibcrum  mantima  ora  ducit. 

6  Ibi  fama  est  in  quiete  visum  ab  eo  iuvenem  divina 
specie,  qui  se  ab  love  diceret  ducem  in  Italiam  T^an- 
nibali  missum ;  proinde  sequeretur  neque  usquam  a  se 

ydeflecteret  oculos.  Pavidum  primo,  nusquam  circum- 
spicientem  aut  resiiicientem,  secutum ;  deinde  cura 
ingenii  bumani  quuni,  quidnam  id  esset,  quod  lespi- 
oere  vetitus  esset,  agitaret  anirao,  temperare  oculis  ne- 

8  quivisse;  turn  vidisse  post  sase  serpentem  iiiim  mag- 
nitudine  cum  ingenti  arborum  ac  virgultorum  strage 

9  ferri,  ac  post  insequi  cum  fragore  caili  nimbum.  Turn, 
qu»  moles  ea  quidve  prodigii  esset,  quaerentem  audisse, 
vastitatem  Italiae  esse;  pergeret  porro  ire  nee  ultm 
iiiquireret  sineretque  fata  in  occulto  esse. 

23        Hoc  visu  Isetus  trii>ertito  Hiberum  copias  traiecit, 

pni'-missis,  qni  Gallorum  aniinos,  qua  tra- 

ducendusext'icituserat,  donis  conciliarent 

Alpiumque  traiisitus  s])ecularentur.     Nonaginta  millia 

peditum,  duodecim  millia  equitum  Hil)erum  traduxit. 

a  subduingtiiespiin-  Ilergetes  inde  Bargusiosque  et  Ausetauos 

ish^tribcs  ou  hia  ^^   L^^etauiam,   quffi   subiecta  Pyrenseis 

montibus  est,  subt^git,  oiwque  huic  omni  pnefecit  Han- 
nonem,  ut  fauces,  quae  Hispanias  Galliis  iungunt,  in 

3  potestate  essent.  Decern  millia  peditum  Hannoni  ad 
prasidium  obtinendse  regionis  data  et  mille  equites. 

4  Postquam  per  Pyremeum  8altum  traduci  exercitus  est 
cceptus,  rumorque  per  barbaros  manavit  certior  de  bello 
Romano,  tria  millia  inde  Carpetanorum  peditum  iter 
avei-terunt.  Constabat,  uon  tarn  bello  motos  quam 
longinquitate  vise  inexsuperabilique  Alpium  transitu. 


LIBER   XXL 


25 


He  crosses  the 
Uibenia, 


Hannibal,   quia  revocare   aut  vi  retinere   eos  anceps  5 
erat,  ne  ceteroinim  etiam   feroces  animi  and  sending  home 

'  .     .       ,  .     unwilling   contin- 

iriitarentur,  supra  septem   millia   nomi-  gents,  6 

num  domos  remisit,  quos  et  ipsos  gravari  militia  sense- 
rat,  Carpetanos  quoque  ab  se  dimissos  simulans.  Inde,  ne  24 
mora  atque  otium  animos  sollicitaret,cum  reliquis  copiis 
Pyrenseum  transgreditur  et  ad  oppidum    ^^^^^^  t^g  p^rg. 
Iliberri    castra  locat.      Galli   quanquam    "'^®^'  » 

Italia?  bellum  inferri  audiebant,  tamen,  quia  vi  subactos 
trans  Pyrenseum  Hispanos  fama  erat  praesidiaque  valida 
imposita,  metu  servitutis  ad  arma  constemati  Kusci- 
nonem  aliquot  populi  conveniunt.  Quod  ubi  Hanni-  3 
bali  nuntiatum  est,  moram  magis  quam  bellum  metu- 
ens,  oratores  ad  regulos  eorum  misit,  colloqui  semet 
ipsum  cum  iis  velle;  [et]  vel  illi  propius  Iliberrim 
accederent,  vel  se  Ruscinonem  processurum,  ut  ex  pro- 
pinquo  congressus  facilior  esset;  nam  et  accepturuni  4 
eos  in  castra  sua  se  laetum  nee  cunctanter  and  explains  away 

.  .        the  fears  of  Gallic 

se  ipsum  ad  eos  venturum ;  hospitem  enim  tribes, 
se  Galliae,  non  hostera  advenisse,  nee  stricturum  ante 
gladium,  si  per  Gallos  liceat,  quam  in  Italiam  venisset. 
Et  per  nuntios  quidem  haec ;  ut  vero  reguli  Gallorum  5 
castris  ad  Iliberrim  extemplo  metis  hand  gravanter  ad 
Poenum  venerunt,  capti  donis  cum  bona  pace  exerci- 
tum  per  fines  sues  praeter  Ruscinonem  oppidum  trans- 
miserunt. 

In   Italiam   interim   nihil    ultra,   quam    Hiberum  25 
transisse   Hannibalem,    a   Massiliensium  _,,    ^  .,    „.   , 

'  The  outbreak   m 

legatis  Romam  perlatum  erat,  quum,  per-  ^^Ij^d  by^'the 
inde  ac  si  Alpes  iam  transisset,  Boii  solli-  piaSiaScre-  ^ 
citatis  Insubribus  d(^fecerunt,  nee  tam  ob  '"""*" 
veteres  in  populum  Romanum  iras,  quam  quod  nuper 


26 


LlVll 


LIBER   XXL 


'11 


circa    Piulum   Placcntiam    CreEionariique  colonias    in 

3  agi-um  Gallicuni  deductas  a^gre  patiebantur.  Itaqiie 
arniiB  repente  arreptis,  in  eum  ipsum  agrum  irnpetu 
facto,  taiitum  terroris  ac  tumultua  fecerunt,  ut  non 
agrestia  modo  inultitudo,  sed  ipsi  triumviri  Koniani, 
qui  ad  agrum  venerant  aasignandum,  diffisi  Pliicentiaa 
iiioiiiibus  Mutinam  coiifugerint,  C.   Lutatiua,  C.  Ser- 

4  villus,  M.  Aiinius.  Lutatii  uomen  huucl  dubiuui 
est;  pro  Ainiio  Servilioque  M'.  Acilium  et  0.  Hereii- 
nium  liabent  cjuidam  auiiaks,  alii  P.  Curnelium  Asi- 

s  nam  et  C.  Papiriuoi  Ma.souem.  Id  quoqu(i  diibium 
est,  legati  ad  expostulaiiduin  misai  ad  Boios  violati 
sint,   an    in  triumviros   agrum   metantes   iiii|>etus  sit 

6  factus.  Mutinifi  quum  obaiderentur  et  geiis  ad  oppug- 
nandarum  urbium  artes  rudis,  pigeniuia  tiadem  ad 
militaiia  opera,  segnis  intactis  assideret  uiuria,  aimu- 

1  lari  cceptum  do  pace  agi ;  avocatique  ab  Gallorum 
priucipibua  legati  ad  eollotiuiuiii  nou  contra  ius  modo 
gentium,  aed  violata  etiam,  quai  data  in  id  tempus 
erat,    fide   comprehenduntur,   negantibua    Gallia,  nisi 

s  obsidea  aibi  reddcrentiir,  eos  dimiaauros.  Quum  liaic 
do  legatia  luintiata  essent  et  Mutina  praisidiumque  in 
periculo  eaaet,  L.  Maolius  pnetor  ira  accoiisus  etfusum 

9  agmeii  ad  Mutinam  ducit.  Silvai  tunc  circa  viam 
eraut,  plerisquo  incultis.  Ibi  incxpiorato  [»rofectua  in 
insidias  prajcipitat,  multaque  cum  ca'ile  auorum  aigio 

,o  in  apertos  campos  emerait.  Ibi  castra  communita  et, 
quia  Gallia  ad  tentanda  ea  defuit  apes,  reiecti  aunt 
militum  animi,  quanquam  ad  quirigentoa  cecidiaae  satis 

n  constabat.  Iter  deinde  de  integro  cceptum,  iiec,  dum 
per  paten tia  loca  ducebatur  agmeu,  apparuit  lioatis; 

la  ubi  rursua  aiivaj  iutratse,  turn  postremos  adorti  cum 


I 


magna   tropidatione   ac   pavore  omnium  aeptirigentos 
milites  occideruut,  sex  signa  ademere.     Finis  et  Gailis  13 
territandi  et  pavendi   tuit   Romariis,  ut  e  saltu  iuvio 
atque  impedito  evaaere.     Inde  apertis  locis  facile  tu- 
tantes  agmen  Romani  Tannetum,  vicum  propinquum 
Pado,  contendere.     Ibi  se  munimento  ad  tempus  com-  14 
meatibusque  fluminis  et  Brixianoinim  etiam  Gallorum 
auxilio    advereus    crescentem    in    dies    multitudinem 
hostium  tutabantur.     Qui  tu^ultus  repens  postquam  26 
eat  Rornam  perlatus,  et  Punicum  iusuper  Gallico  bel- 
lum  auctum  patres  acceperunt,  C.   Atilium  prietorem  2 
cum  una  legione  Romana  et  quinque  milibus  sociorum, 
dilectu  novo  a  consule  conscriptis,  auxilium  ferre  Man- 
lio  iubent;  qui  sine  uUo  certamine  (absccsserant  enim 
metu  hostes)  Tannetum  pervenit. 

Et  P.  Cornelius,  in  locum  eius,  quic   niissa  cum  3 
praetore  erat,  scripta  legione  nova,  profec-  Sym!'£^ 
tus   ab    urbe    sexaginta    longis    navibus  u!"ciS  u.e  Hd*: 
prajter  oram  Etruriai  Ligurumque  et  mde  bui, 
Salyum  montes  pervenit   Masailiam,  et  ad  proximum  4 
ostium  Rhodani  (pluribus  enim  divisua  amnis  in  mare 
decurrit)  castni  locat,  vixdum  satis  credent  Hauniba- 
lem  auperasse  Pyrenaios   montes.     Qucm  ut  de  Rho-  s 
dani  quoque   transitu   agitare  animadvertit,  incertus, 
quonam  ei  loco  occurreret,  necdum  satis  refectis  ab 
iactatione  maritima  militibus,  trecentos  interim  delec- 
t08  equites  ducibua  Massiliensibus  et  auxiliaribus  Gailis 
ad  exploranda  omnia  visendosque  ex  tuto  hostes  pi-ae- 
mittit     Hannibal,  ceteris  metu  aut  pretio  pacatis,  iam  6 
in  Volcarum  pervenerat  agrum,  gentis  validae.     Colunt 
autem  circa  utramque  ripam  Rhodani;  sed  difiiai,  cite- 
riore  agro  arceri  Pcenum  posae,   ut  flume;i  pro  muni- 


>>■■■.,  T  J..;.. 


X/F// 


/;7^^7i^  XXT. 


29 


1i 


mento  haberent,  omnibus  ferme  suis  trans  Rboflanum 
traiectis  ulteriorera  ripam  amnis  arniis  obtinebant. 
7  Ceteros  accolas  flumiuis  Hannibal  et  eorum  ipsoruni, 
quos  sedes  suae  tenuerant,  siraul  pellicit  donis  ad  naves 
andiqne  contrahendas  fabiicandasque,  simul  et  ipsi 
traiici  exercitum   levarique  quam    primum   regionem 

3  Muara  tanta  bominum  urgente  turba  cupiebant.  Itaque 
ingens  coacta  vis  navium  est  lintriunique  teniere  ad 
vicinalein  usum  |>:in»tnnjini ;    novasque    alias    priniiim 

9  Galii  inchoantes  cavabant  ex  singulis  arboribus,  deinde 

et  ipsi  milites,  simul   copia  materiie,  siniul   facilitate 

opens  inducti,  alveoa  informes,  nihil,  dummodo  innare 

aquae  et  capere  onera  possent,  curantes,  raptini,  quibua 

27  who   fortes    tiie  se  suaque  transvelierent,  facicbant.     Tarn- 

DMsane    of     tlif  .-  ..  ,.  i    .      •• 

Rhone  \n  «i»ite  ..f  qu©    ouinibus   satis    compamtis  ad  ti-aii- 

tho  (»[)positiou  of      .        _  - 

the  imtiyea,  ciendum,    teiTebant   ex   adverse    hostos, 

a  onineni  ripara  equites  virique  obtinentes.  Quos  ut 
averteret,  Hannonem  Bomilcaris  filium  vigilia  prima 
noctis  cum  parte  copiarum,  maxime  Hispanis,  adverse 
1  fiuniine  ire  iter  unius  diei  iubet  et,  ubi  primum  pos- 
sit,  quam  occultisiiime  traiecto  amni,  circumducere 
agmen,  ut,  quum  opus  facto  sit,  adoriatur  ab   tergo 

4  hostem.  Ad  id  dati  duce»  Galli  edocent,  inde  millia 
quinque  et  viginti  ferme  supra  parvse  insulaj  circum- 
fusmn  amnem  latiore,   ubi  dividebatur,  eoque  minus 

5  alto  alveo  transitum  ostendere.  Ibi  raptim  csesa  ma- 
teria ratesque  fabricatae,  in  quibus  equi  virique  et  alia 
onera  traiicereutur.  Hispani  sine  ulla  mole,  in  utrea 
vestimentis  coniectis,  ipsi  caetiis  superpositis  incuban- 

6  tes  flumen  tranavere.  Et  alius  exercitus  ratibus 
innctis  traiectus,  castris  prope  flumen  positis,  nocturne 
itinere   atque   0{)eris  labore    fessus  quiete  unius  diei 


reficitur,  intento  duce  ad  consilium   opportune  exse- 
quendum.     Postero  die  profecti  ex  loco  edito  fume  7 
significant,  transisse,  et  baud  procul  abesse;  quod  ubi 
accepit  Hannibal,  ne  tempori  deesset,  dat  signum  ad 
traiiciendum.     lam  paratas  aptatasque  babebat  pedes  d 
lintres,    eques    fere    propter    equos   naves.     Navium 
agmen  ad  excipiendum  adversi  impetum  fluminis  parte 
superiore  transmittens  tranquillitatem  infra  traiicienti- 
bus  lintribus  prsebebat ;  equorum  pars  magna  nan  tes  9 
loris  a  puppibus  trahebantur,  prseter  eos,  quos  instra- 
tos  frenatowque,  ut  extemplo  egresso  in  ripam  equiti 
Usui  essent,  imposuerant  in  naves.     Galli  occursant  in  28 
ripa  cum  variis  ululatibus  cnntuque  moris  sui,  qua- 
tientes  scuta  super  capita   vibrantesque  dextris  tela, 
quanquam  et  ex  advei*so   terrebat  tanta  vis  navium  2 
cum  ingenti  sono  fluminis  et  clamore  vario  nautarum 
militumque,   et  qui  nitebantur  perrumpere  impetum 
fluminis  et  qui  ex  altera  ripa  traiicientes  suos  horta- 
bantur.     lam  satis  paventes  adverse  tumultu  terril)ilior  3 
ab  tergo  adortus  clamor,  castris  ab  Hannone  captis. 
Mox  et  ipse  aderat,  ancepsqiie  terror  circumstabat,  et 
e  iiavibus  tauta  vi  armatoi'um  in  terram  evadente  et 
ab  torgo  improvisa  preniente    acie.     Galli   postquam  4 
utroque  vim  facere  conati  pellebantur,  qua  jratere  visum 
maxime  iter,  perrumpunt,  trepidique  in  vices  passim 
suos  difl'ugiunt.     Hannibal,  ceteris  copiis   per   otium 
traiectis,  spernens  iam  Gallicos  tumultus  castra  lecat. 

Elepbantorum  traiiciendorum  varia  consilia  fuisse  5 
credo ;    certe  variat   memoria  actae  rei.  and  of  the  difr 

r^    .  ,  X*        J      •  1      1-      A-      *^"^*y ,  °^   getting 

(^uidam  consreffatis  ad  ripam  elepnantis  the  elephants  a- 

f,  .      .  ,      cross,     which    is 

tradunt  ferocissimum  ex  iis  imtatum  ab  variously  descrih- 

ed  III  our  autbon- 

rectore  sue,  quum  refugientem  in  aquam  t»es. 


pmpimriii'f'" ii*™'!' 


30 


LJVJ7 


LTBER  XXL 


31 


I 


I 


[ii!uit<;iiij  sequeretur,  traxisse  gregem,  iit  qiiemque  ti- 
Dientem    altitudinein  destituerit  va^um,  imi>ctii  ipso 

6  fluiiiiiiis  ill  alteram  lipam  mpiente.  Ceterum  iiiagis 
constat,  ratibiis  traiectos;  id  lit  tutius  consilium  ante 

7  rem  foret,  ita  acta  re  ad  fidem  pronius  est.  Ratem 
imam  ducentos  longam  pedes,  quinquagiuta  latiim  a 
terra  in  amnem  porrexerunt,  quam,  ne  secunda  aqua 
deferretur,  pluribus  validis  retinaculis  parte  superiore 
ripae  religatam  pontia  in  raodum  humo  iniecta  constra- 
venint,  ut  beluae  audacter  velut  per  solum  ingrederen- 

8  tur.  Altera  ratis  ajque  lata,  longa  pedes  centum,  ad 
tniiiciendum  flumen  apta,  liuic  copulata  est;  turn  ele- 
plumti  per  stabilem  ratera  tanquam  viam,  pi-segredien- 
tibus  feminis,   acti  ubi  in  minorem  applicatam  trans- 

9  gressi  sunt,  extemplo  resolutis,  quibus  leviter  annexii 
erat,  vinculis,  ab  actuariis  aliquot  iiavibua  ad  alteram 
ripam    pertrahitur;   ita  primis  expusitis,   alii   deinde 

10  repetiti  ac  traiecti  sunt  Nihil  sane  trepidabant,  donee 
contbienti  velut  ponte  agerentur;  primus  erat  pavor, 

11  quuni,  soluta  ab  ceteris  rate,  in  altum  raperentur.  Ibi 
urgentes  inter  se,  cedentibus  extremis  ab  aqua,  trejji- 
dationis  aliquantum  edebant,  donee  quietem  ipse  timor 

12  circumspectantibus  aquam  fecisset  Excidere  etiam 
saevientes  quidam  in  flumen;  sed  pondere  ipso  stabiles, 
deiectis  rectoribus,  quaerendis  pedetentim  vadis  in 
terram  evasere. 

29         Dum  eleplmnti  tmiiciuntur,  interim  Hannibal  Nu- 
..,    „       midas  equites  quingentos  ad  castra  Ro- 

Mcanwlule  there  *  -i        o 

isasharpencoun-  mana  misemt  spcculatum,  ubi  et  quautae 

tcr  between  »omc  *  tt    •        i 

copiaj  essent  et  quid  pararent.     IIuic  alse 

cquitum   missi,  ut  ante   dictum  est,  ab 

OBtio  Khodani  trecenti  Roinanorum  equitea  occurrunt. 


-  oivnlry  sent  out 
to  reconnoitre  on 
olthiir  Rids. 


Prtjelium  utrocius  {juani  pro  nuniero  j)Ugnantium  (vli- 
tur;  nam  pi-aeter  multa  vubiora  ca3dcs  etiam  prope  par  3 
utrinque  fuit,  fugaque  et  pavor  Numidarum  Romanis 
iam  admodum  fessis  victoriam  dedit.  Victores  ad 
centum  sexaginta,  nee  omnes  Romani,  sed  pars  Gal- 
lorura,  vioti  amplius  ducenti  ceciderunt.  Hoc  prin-  4 
cipium  simul  omen  que  belli  ut  summae  rerum  prospe- 
ru  1  eventura,  ita  baud  sane  incruentam  ancipitisque 
certaminis  victoriam  Romanis  portendit. 

Ut  re  ita  gesta  ad  utrumque  ducem  sni  redierunt,  5 
nee  Scipioni  stare  sententia  poterat,  nisi  ut  ex  consi- 
liis  coeptisque  liostis  et  ipse  conatus  caperet,  et  Hanni-  6 
l)alem  inccrtum,  utrum  captum  in  Italiam  intenderet 
it<^r  an  cum   eo,   qui  primus   se  obtulisset  Rom  anus 
cxercitus,  manus  consereret,  avertit  a  praesenti  certa- 
ininc  Boiorum  legatorum  regulique  Magali  adventus, 
qui  se  duces  itiuerum,  socios  periculi  fore  affirmantes, 
integro   bello,    nusqiiam   ante   libatis  viribus  Italiam 
aggrediendam    censent.     Multitudo    timebat    quidem  7 
hostem,  nondura  oblittei-ata  memoria  superioris  belli, 
sed  magis  iter  immensum  Alpesque,  rem  fama  utiqne 
inexpei-tis  horrendam,  metuebat.     Itaque  Hnnnibai  rosoivcs  ^^ 
Hannibal,  postquam  ipsi  sententia  stetit  Kcipio  in°iiirrea"n 

.  T.    T  .  1  Heencouraijesliis 

pergere  ire  atque  Italiam  petere,  advocata  army, 
contione,  varie  militum  versat  animos  castigando  ad- 
Jiortandoque :   Mirari   se,  quinam  pectora  semper  im-  2 
pavida  repens  terror  invaserit.     Per  tot  annos  vincen- 
tcK  cos  stipendia  facere  neque  ante  Hispania  excessisse, 
quam   omnes  gentesque   et   terras,    quas   duo   diversa 
maiia  amplectantur,  Carthaginiensium  essent.     Indig-  3 
nalos  deinde,  quod,  quicumque  Saguntum  obsedissent, 
volut  ob  noxam  sil)!  dcdi  posiularet  populus  Romanus, 


$2 


Lirii 


LIBER  XXI. 


33 


* 


I    i     I 

if 


Hibenun  traiecisse  ad  delendum  nomen  Komanorum 

« liberaudumque  orbem  terramm.     Turn  nemiiii  visum 

id  longiiDi,  quum  ab  occasu  soils  ad  exortus  intende- 

5  rent  iter;  nunc,  posfcquam  nmlto  maiorem  i.artem  iti- 
neris  emensam  ceraant,  Pyrenffium  saltum  inter  fero- 
cissimas  gentes  superatum,  Rbodaoum,  tantum  amnem, 
tot  millibus  Gallorum  prohibentibus,  domita  etiam 
ipsius  fluminis  vi,  traiectum,  in  conspectu  Alpes  ha- 

6  beant,  quanim  altenim  latus  Italise  sit,  in  ipsis  portis 
bostium   fatigatos   subsistere,    quid   Alpes   aliud  esse 

7  credentes  quam  moutium  altitudines  1  Fingerent 
altiores  Pjreniei  iugis;  nuUas  profecto  terras  caelum 
contingere  nee  inexsuperabiles  humano  generi  esse. 
Alpes  quidem  liabitari,  coli,  gignere  atque  alere  ani- 

8  mantes ;  pervias  fauces  esse  exercitibu.s.  Eos  ipsos, 
quos  ceniant,  legates  non  pinnis  sublime  elatos  Alpes 
transgressos.  Ne  maiorcs  quidem  eorum  indigenas. 
Bed  advenas  Italiae  cultores  has  ipsas  Alpes  ingentibus 
ssepe  agminibus  cum  liberis  ac  coniugibus,  migrantium 

9  mode,  tuto  transmisisse.  Militi  quidem  armato,  nihil 
secum  praeter  uistrumenta  belli  portanti,  quid  invium 
aut  inexsuperabile  esse?  Saguntum  ut  caperetur,  quid 
per  octo  menses  periculi,  quid  laboris  exhanstum  essel 

lo  Romam,  caput  orbis  terramm,  petentibus   quicquam 
adeo  asperum  atque  arduum  videri,    quod   inceptum 

„  moretur  1  Cepisse  quondam  Gallos  ea,  quse  adiri  posse 
Pcenufl  desperet;  proinde  aut  cederent  animo  atque 
virtnte  genti  per  eos  dies  toties  ab  se  victce,  aut  itineris 
finem  sperent  campum  interiacentem  Tiberi  ac  moeni- 
bus  Romanis. 
31        His  adhortatioiiibus  incitatos  corpora  curai*e  atque 

t  ad  iter  se  pararc  iubet.     Postero  die  profectus  adversa 


npa  Rhodani   mediterranea   Galliaj   petit,    non    quia 
rectior  ad  Alpes  via  esset,  sed,  quantum  a 

'  ^  and   marches  up 

man  recessisset,  minus  obvium  fore  Ro-  S'^®  ^^^^"e  to  tue 

Insula,  where  he 

maiium  credens,  cum  quo,  i)riusquam  in  JjHj*  P'^ft  in  a  ^ 
Italiam  ventum  foret,  non  erat  in  animo  "*^  Aiiobroges. 
manus  conserere.    Quartis  castris  ad  Insulam  pervenit.  4 
Ibi  Isara  Rhodanusque  amues  diversis  ex  Alpibus  de- 
currentes,  agri  aliquantum  amplexi  confluunt  in  uuum; 
mediis  campis  Insulae  nomen  inditum.    Incolunt  prope  s 
AUobroges,  gens  iam  inde  nulla  Gallica  gente  opibus 
aut  fama  inferior.    Tum  discors  erat.    Regni  certamine  6 
ambigehant   fratres;  maior  et  qui  prius  imperitarat, 
Bmncus  nomine,  minore  ab  fratre  et  coetu  iuniorum, 
qui  iure  minus  vi  plus  poterat,  pellebatur.      Huius  7 
seditionis  peropportuna  disceptatio  quum  ad  Hanni- 
balem  reiecta  esset,  arbiter  regni  factus,  quod  ea  sena- 
tus  principumque  sententia  fuerat,  imperium  maiori 
restituit.     Ob  id  meritum  commeatu  copiaque  rerum  s 
omnium,  maxime  vestis,   est  adiutus,   quam  infames 
frigoribus  Alpes  i>ra?paran  cogebant.    Sedatis  Hannibal  9 
certaminibus   Allobroguni    quum  iam  Alpes   peteret, 
non^  recta  regione  iter  instituit,  sed  ad  la3vam  in  Tri- 
castinos  flexit ;  inde  per  extremam  oram  Vocontiorum 
agri  tendit  in  Tricorios,  baud  usquam  im-  He  then  turns  to 
pedita  via,  priusquam  ad  Druentiam  flu-  'riicorirttis 
men  pervenit.     Is  et  ipse  Alpinus  amnis  Ikl  "^'"  '''''''"  ,, 
longe  omnium  Galliae  fluminum  difficillinms  transitu 
est;^  nam,  quum  aqu^  vim  vehat  ingentem,  non  tamen 
navium  patiens  est,  quia  nullis  coercitus  ripis,  pluribus  « 
smiul  neque  iisdem  alveis  fluens,  nova  semper  vada 
uovosque  gurgites  (et  ob  eadem  pediti  (|uoque  incerta 
via  est),  ad  Jioc  saxa  glareosa  volvens,  nihil  stabHe  nee 


M 


LI  VII 


I 


la  tutum  iugiedicnti  pi«bet ;  et  tuin  forte  imbribus  auc- 
tus  ingentem  transgredientibus  tumultum  fecit,  quum 
super  cetera  trepidatione  ipsi  sua  atque  incertis  clamor- 
ibus  turbarentur. 

32  P.  Cornelius  consul  triduo  fere  ix>st,  quam  Hanni- 
bal a  ripa  Rhodani  movit,  quadrate  agmiue 

lii||ilo  instead  of  '  n  i-      • 

Crmina  Haiini-  ad  castra  hostium  venerat,  nullam  dinii- 
l  sends  most  of  i  •     i 

hia  army  to  Spain  ^andi  morani  facturus  J    ceterum  ubi  de- 

■  under  his  brother  ' 

cnxm   and   re-  g^j^   muninicnta   nec  facile   se  tiintum 

turns  to  the  North   "^'•'~*     "*•*"»•*•« 

of  itaijr.  pi-segressos  assecuturum  videt,  ad  mare  ac 

naves  rediit,  tutius  faciliusque  ita  descendenti  ab  Al- 

3  pibus  Hannibali  occursurus.  Ne  ttimen  nuda  auxiliis 
Bomanis  Hispania  esset,  quam  provinciam  sortitus 
ei-at,  On.  Scipionem   fratrem  cum  maxima  jmi-te  co- 

4  piarum  adversus  Hasdrubalem  misit,  iion  ad  tuendos 
tantummodo  veteres  socios  conciliandosque  uovos,  sed 

5  ©tiam  ad  pelleudum  Hispania  Hasdrubalem.  Ipse  cum 
admoduin  exiguis  copiis  Geimam  repetit  eo,  qui  circa 
Padum  erat  exercitus,  Italiam  dcfensurus. 

6  Hannibal  ab  Druentia  campestri  maxime  itinei-e  ad 
„     „  „  Allies  cum  bona  pace  iucolentium  ea  loca 

7  ^  beset  with  dan-  Gallorum  ijeiTcnit.  Turn,  quanquam  fama 

'  ger  in  the  passage  ^  »   i  i 

thetosUie'Lmu?  P^'^^^,  qua  inoci-ta  in  mains  vero  ferri 
taineers  solcnt,  iJi-jBCepta  res  emt,  tamen  ex  pi-o- 

pinquo  visa  montium  altitudo  nivesque  cailo  prope  im- 
mixtsB,  tecta  informia  imposita  rupibus,  pecora  iumen- 
taque  toriida  frigore,  homines  intonsi  et  inculti,  ani- 
mjdia   inanimaque   omnia   ngentia    gelu,   cetem   visu 

8  quam  dictu  fcediora,  terrorem  renovarunt.  Erigentibus 
in  primos  agmen  clivos  apparuerunt  imminentes  tu- 
mulos  insideiltes  moutani,  qui,  si  valles  occultioi^ 
insedisseut,  cooiti  ad  pugnam  rcpente  ingentem  fugam 


LIBJ^It  XXI. 


35 


stragemque  dedissent.     Hannibal  consistere  sign  a  ius-  9 
sit;   Gallisque   ad  visenda  loca   praemissis,  postquam 
comperit,  ti*ansitum  ea  non  esse,  castra  Khobar  their  way 
inter  confragosa  omui  t  praeniptaque,  quam  *^"*  ^p*^"  ^^'^ 
extentissima  potest  valle,  locat.  Turn  per  eosdem  Gallos,  it 
baud  sane  multum  lingua  moribusque  abhorrentes,quum 
se  immiscuissent  colk»quiis  montanorum,  edoctus,  in- 
terdiu  tantum  obaideri  saltum,  nocte  in  sua  quemque 
dilabi  tecta,  luce  prima  subiit  tumulos,  ut  ex  aperto 
atque  interdiu  vim  pei*  angustias  facturus.    Die  deinde  n 
simulando  aliud,  quam  quod    parabatur,    consumpto, 
quum  eodem,  quo  conBtiterant,  loco  castra  communis- 
sent,  ubi  primum   degressos  tumulis  montanos  laxa-  12 
tasque  sensit   custodiatB,    pluribus   ignibus   quam   pro 
numero  manentium  in  speciem  factis  impedimentisque 
cum  equite  relictis  et  maxima  parte  peditum,  ipse  cum  13 
expeditis,    acerrimo    quo»Que    viro,    raptim    angustias 
evadit  iisque  ipsis  tumulis,  quos  hostes  tenuerant,  con- 
sedit.     Prima  deinde  luce  castra  mota  et  agmen  reli-  33 
quum  incedere  coepit.      lam  montani  signo  dato  ex  a 
castellis  ad  stationem  solitam  conveniebant,  quum  re- 
pente  conspiciunt  alios,  arce  occupata  sua,  super  caput 
imminentes,  alios  via  transire  bostes.     XJtraque  simul  3 
obiecta  res  oculis  animisque  immobiles  parumper  eos 
defixit;  deinde,  ut  trepidationem  in  augustiis  suoque 
ipsum  tumultu  misceri  agmen  videre,  equis  maxime 
const-ematis,  quicquid  adiecissent  ipsi  terroris,  satis  ad  4 
pemiciem  fore  rati,  transversis  rupibus  per  iuxta  invia 
ac  devia  assueti  decurrunt.     Tum  vero  simul  ab  hosti-  5 
bus,  simul  ab  iniquitate  locorum  Poeni  oppuguabantur, 
plusque  inter  ipsos,  sibi  quoque  tendente,  ut  periculo 
prius  evaderet,  quam    cum  hostibus  certaminis  erat. 


3G 


LIVII 


I 


6  Equi  luaxiiue  iufestuiii  agaien  fackbaut,  qui  ctclamori- 
bus  diesonis,  quos  neraom  etiam  i-epercuss^que  valles 
augebant,  territi  trepidabant,  et  icti  forte  aut  vulne- 
rati  adeo  consteniabautiir,  ut  8tn»gera  ingeutem  simiil 

7  hominuin  ac  sarcinanim  omnis  generis  facerent ;  rniil- 
tosque  turba,  qiiiim  piiucipites  deruptajque  utrinque 
aiiffustiaj  essent,  in  imiiiensuin  altitudiiiis  deiecit,  quo&- 
dam  et  aimatoa  ;    sed  ruinaj  maxime  modo  iumenta 

8  cum  oneribuB  devolvebantur.  Quae  quanquam  fceda 
visu  erant,  stetit  parumixn-  tanien  Hannibal  ac  suos 

9  continuit,  ne  tumultuni  ac  trepi<  lationem  augeret ;  de- 
inde,  postquam  interrumpi  agmen  vidit  [.ericuluinque 
esse,  ne  exutum  inipedimentis  exercitum  nequicquam 
incohimem  traduxisset,  decurrit  ex  superiore  loco  et, 
quuni  impetu  ipso  fudisset  liosttim,  suis  quoque  tumul- 

10  turn  auxit.  Sed  is  tumultua  momento  temporis,  post- 
quam libenitfi  itinera  fuga  montanorum  erant,  sedatur, 
nee   iMjr  otium  modo,  sed   [jrope  silentio  mox  omnes 

11  traducti.  Castellum  inde,  quod  caput  eius  regionis 
erat,  viculosque  circumiectos  capit,  et  captivo  ciho  ac 
pecoribus  per  triduum  exercitum  aluit;  et,  quia  nee 
montanis  primo  perculsis  nee  loco  magiio  opere  impe- 
diebantur,  aliquantum  eo  triduo  vise  confecit. 

34        Perventum  inde  ad  frequentem  cultoribus  alium, 

ut   inter  montanos,  populum.     Ibi   non 

bello  apei-to,  sed  suis  artibus,  fraude  et 

.  insidiis,  est  prope  circumventus.     Magno  natu  prin- 

cipes  castellorum  oratores  ad  Pcenum  veniunt,  alienia 

malis,    utili   exemplo,   doctos    memorantes   amicitiam 

3  malle  quam  vim  experiri  Foenorum  :  itaque  obedienter 
imperata   facturos  :   commeatum   itinerisque  duces  et 

4  ad  fidem  promissonim   obsides  acciperet.      Hannibal 


LTBER   XXJ. 


.S7 


or  ambuioulea. 


nee  temer^  credendum  nee  a.spernandum  ratus,  ne  re- 
pudiati   aperte  liostes   fierent,    benigne  quurn   respon- 
disset,  obsidibus,  quos  dabant,  acceptis  et  commeatu, 
quem  in  viam  ipsi  detulerant,   usus,   nequaquam  ut 
inter  pacatos  composito  agmine  duces  eorum  sequitur. 
Primum  agmen  elephanti  et  equites  erant ;  ipse  post  5 
cum  robore   peditum  circumspectans  sollicitus  omnia 
incedebat.     Ubi  in  angustioreni  viam  et  parte  altera  6 
subiectam  iugo  insuper  imminenti  ventum  est,  undique 
ex  insidiis  barbari,  a  fronte,  ab  tergo  coorti,  cominus, 
erainus  petunt,   saxa   ingentia   in   agmen    devolvunt. 
Maxima  ab  tergo  vis  hominum  urgebat.     In  eos  versa  7 
peditum  acies  baud  dubium  fecit,  quin,  nisi  firma|a  ex- 
trema  agminis  fuissent,  ingeiis  in  eo  saltu  accipienda 
chides  fuerit.     Tunc  quoque  ad  extremum  periculi  ac  g 
prope   pemiciem   ventum  est ;    nam,   dum   cunctatur 
Hannibal  deraittere  agmen  in  angustias,  quia  non,  ut 
il)se  equitibus  prsesidio  erat,  ita  peditibus  quicquam  ab 
tergo  auxilii  reliquerat,  occursantes  per  obliqua  mon-  9 
tani,  intorrupto  medio  agmine,  viam  iusedere,  noxque 
una  Hannibali  sine  equitibus  atque  impedimentis  acta 
est.     Postero  die,  iam   segnius  intercursantibus   bar-  35 
baris,  iunctje  copise,  saltusque  hand  sine  clade,  maiore 
tamen  iumentorum  quam  hominum  pernicie,  supera- 
tus.     Inde  montani  pauciores  iam  et  latrocinii  magis 
quam  belli  more  concursabant,  modo  in  primum,  modo  a 
in  novissimum  agmen,  utcunque  aut  locus  opportuni- 
tatem  daret  aut  progressi  morative  aliquam  occasionem 
fecissent.     Elephanti  sicut  per  artas  prsecipitesgwe  vias  3 
magna  mora  agebantur,  ita  tutum  ab  hostibus,  quacun- 
que  incc^derent,  quia  insuetis  adeundi   propius    metus 
erat,  ^agnien  pi-aibebant. 


38 


LIYII 


^  Nono  die  in  iugum  Alpium  perventum  est  per  in- 
,,  ..  ^.  *,  via  pleraque  et  errores,  quos  aut  ducen- 
reach  the  top  of  n^ia.  fraus  aut,  ubi  fidcs  118  DOD  csset,  te- 

thu  pass  iuid  are  ' 

encouraged  by  the  ^gj.e  iiiltsB  valles  a  coniectaiitibus  iter 

thougiit  that  Italy 

5  ia  in  ^e*.  faciebant.    Biduum  in  iugo  stativa  habita, 

fessiaque  labore  ac  pugnando  quies  data  militibus ;  iu- 
mentaque  aliquot,  qiiie  prolapsa  in  nipibus  erant,  se- 

eqtiendo  vestigia  agminis  in  castra  pervenere.  Fessis 
tsedio  tot  malorum  nivis  etiam  casus,  occidente  iam 

7  sidere  Vergiliarum,  ingentem  terrorem  adiecit.  Per 
omnia  nive  oppleta  quum,  signis  prima  luce  motis,  seg- 
niter   agmen   incederet,   pigritiaque  et  desperatio   in 

8  omnium  vultu  emineret,  prregressus  signa  Hannibal  in 
promuntorio  quodam,  unde  longe  ac  late  prospectus 
erat,  consistere  iussis  militibus  Italiam  ostentat  sub- 

9  iectosque  Alpinis  montibusCircumpadanos  campos,  mce- 
niaque  eos  tum  transcendere  non  Italiaj  modo,  sed  etiam 
urbis  Romanae;  cetera  plana,  proclivia  fore;  uno  aut 
summum  altero  proelio  arcem  et  caput  Italise  in  manu 

lo  ac  potestate  habituros.     Procedere  inde  agmen  ccepit, 

iam  nihil  ne  bostibus  quidem  prseter  parva  furta  per 

occasionem   tentantibus.     Ceterum  iter  multo,  quam 

in  ascensu  fuerat  (ut  pleraque  Alpium  ab  Italia  sicut 

«  brevioraj  ita  aiTectiora  sunt),  difficilius  fuit ;   omnifi 

isenim  ferme  via  prseceps,  angusta,  lubrica  erat,  ut  ne- 

qne  sustinere  se  a  lapsMj  possent  nee,  qui  paulum  titu- 

bassent,  hserere  affixi  v^igio  suo,  aliique  super  alios 

et  iumenta  et  homines  succiderent. 

36        Ventura  deinde  ad  multo  angustiorem  rupem  atque 

The   descent   is  ^**  rcctis  saxjH,  ut  ffigre  expeditus  miles 

mudi  8tej2>^r^|ajvi  tentabuiidus  nianibusque  retinens  virgulta 

*f'***®''  ac  stirpes  circa  eminentes  demittere  sese 


LTBEE   XXT. 


39 


posset.     Natnra  locus  iam  ante  pneceps  recenti  lapsu  a 
ten-ae  in  pedum  mille  admodum  altitudinem  abi-uptus 
erat.   Ibi  quum  velut  ad  fiuem  vise  equites  especially   where  3 

.  Ml-  the  track  had  been 

constitisseiit,  iiuranti  Hannibali,  qua)  res  carried  away  by 

'    *  a    landslip     and 

moraretur  af^mcn,  nuntiatur,  rupem  in-  masses  of  fce  were 

°  '  '         ^  c()vered  with  fresh 

viam  esse.     Digressus  deinde  ipse  ad  lo-  ^now. 
cum  visendum.     Hand  dubia  res  visa,  qnin  per  invia  4 
circa  nee  trita  antea,  quam  vis  longo  ambitu,  circum- 
duceret  agmen.     Ea  vero  via  insuperabilis  fuit ;  nam  5 
quum  super  vetevem  nivem  intactam  nova  modicse  alti- 
tudinis  esset,  molli  nee  prjealtse  facile  pedes  ingredien- 
tium  insistebant  j  ut  vero  tot  hominum  iumentorumque  6 
incessu  dilapsa  est,  per  nudam  infra  glaciem  fluentem- 
que  tabem   liquescentis  nivis  ingrediebantur.      Tsetra  7 
ibi  luctatio  erat,  [ut  a]  lubrica  glacie  non  recipiente 
vestigium   et  in  prono  citius   pedes  fallente,   ut,  seu 
manibus  in  assurgendo  seu  genu  se  adiiivissent,  ipsis 
adminiculis  prolapsis  itenim   coiruerent;  nee  stirj)es 
circa  radicesve,  ad  quas  pede  aut  nianu  quisquam  eniti 
posset,  erant ;  ita  in  levi  tantum  glacie  tabidaque  uive 
volutabantur.     Iumenta  secabant  interdum  etiam  in-  8 
fimam  ingi*edientia  nivem,  et  prolapsa  iactandis  gravius 
in  connitendo  ungulis  penitus  perfringebant,  ut  ple- 
raque velut  pedica  capta  haererent  in  dura  et  alte  con- 
creta  glacie.      Tandem,    nequicquam   iumentis   atque  37 
hominibus  fatigatis,  castra  in  iugo  posita,    ^      .  .    , 

°  o     a'  »    A  road  is  cleared 

aegerrime  ad  id  ipsum  loco  purgato;  tan-  ugeoTvin^Said 
tum  nivis  fodiendum  atque   egerendum  ^^^' 
fuit.     Inde  ad  rupem  muniendam,  per  quam  unam  via  2 
esse  poterat,  milites  ducti,  quum  caedendum  esset  sax- 
um,  arboribus  circa  immanibus  deiectis  detruncatisque 
stniem  ingentem  lignorum  faciunt,  eamque,  quum  et 


40 


LIVIl 


LIBER  XXL 


41 


vis  venti  apta  facicndo  igni  coorta  esset,  siiccendimt, 

3  ardentiaque  saxa  infuso  aceto  i)iitrefaciunt.  Ita  tor- 
ridam  incendio  rupem  ferro  pandunt  molliuntqiie  an- 
fractibus  modicisclivos,  ut  non  iumenta  solum,  sed  ele- 

4  phanti  etiam  deduci  possent.  Quatriduum  circa  rupem 
oonsumptiini,  iumentis  prope  fame  absumptis ;    nuda 

^  ^,  .    enim  fere  cacumina  sunt  et,  si  quid  est 

and    they    reach  '         ^ 

5  thi'feadintoti!I2  P^buli,  obruunt  iiives.  Inferiora  valles 
plains.  apricos^w«  etiam  coiles  habent  rivosquo 

6  et  prope  silvas  et  iam  humauo  cultu  digniora  loca.  Ibi 
iumenta  in  pabulum  missa  et  qiiies  muniendo  fessis 
hominibus  data.  Triduo  inde  ad  planum  descensum, 
iam  et  locis  mollioribua  et  accolaiiim  ingeniis. 

38        Hoc  maxime  modo  in  Italiam  perventum  est,  quinto 

mense  a  Carthagine  Nova,  ut  quidam  auctores  sunt, 

The  numbers  of  ^^^^^    <^ecimo    die    Alpibus    superatis. 

,  iiannibai'a army    Qumi^ag copiaj  tiansgresso  in  Italiam  Han- 

nibali  fuerint,  nequaquam  inter  auctores  constat.  Qui 
plmimum,  centum  millia  peditum,  viginti  equitum 
fuisse  scribunt ;  qui  minimum,  viginti  millia  peditum, 

3  sex  equitum.  L.  Cincius  Alimentus,  qui  captum  se  ab 
Hannibale  scribit,  maxime  me  auctor  moveret,  nisi 
confunderet    numenim    Gallis   Liguribusque   adtlitis ; 

4  cum  his  octoginta  millia  peditum,  decem  equitum  ad- 
ducta;  (in  Italia  magis  affluxisse  veri  simile  est,  et 

5  ita  quidam  auctores  sunt;)  ex  ipso  autem  audisse  Han- 
nibale, postquam  Rhodanum  transient,  triginta  sex 
millia  hominum  ingentemque  numerum  equonim  et 
aliorum  iumentorum  amisisse.    Taurini  Semigalli  prox-. 

6  ^^  ^^^  . ,  ima  gens  erat  in  Italiam  degresso.  Id 
""^JmattersofliS?  ^1^*"™  inter  omnes  constet,  eo  magis  mi- 

ror  ambigi,  (juauam   Alpes  transient,  et 


arn 
pute 


vulgo  credere,  Poenino  (atque  inde  nomen  ei  iugo  Al- 
pium  inditum)  transgressum,  Caelium  per  Cremonis  iu-  7 
gum  dicere  transisse;    qui  ambo  saltus  eum  non  in 
Taurines,  sed  per  alios  montanos  ad  Libuos  Gallos  de- 
duxissent.     Nee  veri  simile  est,  ea  turn  ad  Galliam  8 
patuisse  itinera  ;  utique,  quae  ad  Poeninum  ferunt,  ob- 
ssepta  gentibus  Semigermanis  fuissent.     Neque  bercule  9 
montibus   his,  si   quem   foi-te   id   movet,  ab  transitu 
Poenorum  uUo  Seduni  Veragri,  incolse  iugi  eius,  nomen 
ferunt  inditum,  sed  ab  eo,  quem  in  summo  sacratum 
vertice  Poeninum  montani  appellant. 

Peroppoi-tune  ad  principia  rerum  Taurinis,  proximae  39 
genti,  advei-sus  Insubres  motum  bellum  Hannibal  rests  to 
erat.     Sed  armare   exercitum  Hannibal,  ""ecruit  his  army, 
ut  parti  alteri  aiixilio  esset,  in  reficiendo  maxime  sen- 
tientem  contracta  ante  mala,  non  poterat ;  otium  enim"  2 
ex  labore,  copia  ex  inopia,  cultus  ex  illuvie  tabeque 
squalida  et  prope  efferata  corpora  varie  movebat.     Ea  3 
P.    Comelio  consuli  causa  fuit,  quum  Pisas  navibus 
veiiisset,  exercitu  a  Manlio  Atilioque  accepto  tirone  et 
in  novis  ignominiis  trepido,  ad  Padum  festinandi,  ut 
cum  hoste  noudum  refecto  manus  consereret.   Sed  quum  a 
Placentiam  consul  venit,  iam  ex  stativis 
movemt  Hannibal  Taurinoi-umque  unam  Tuurini,aniimove8 

.1  ,  ,  •        •  •  1       ,        •       to  meet  Scipio, 

urbem,  caput  gentis  eius,  quia  v  olentes  in 
amicitiam  non  veniebant,  vi  expugnarat :  et  iunxisset  5 
sibi  non  metu  solum,  sed  etiam  voluntate  Gallos  accolas 
Padi,  ni  eos  circumspectantes  defectionis  tempus  subito 
adventu  consul  oppressisset.     Et  Hannibal  movit  ex  6 
Taurinis,  incertos,  quae  pars  sequenda  esset,  Gallos  prae- 
sentem  secuturos  esse  ratus.     Iam  prope  in  conspectu  7 
erant  exercitus  convenerantque  duces  sicuti  inter  se 


42 


LTVn 


LIBER  XXL 


43 


snomluin  satis  noti,  ita  iam  imbntiis  iiterque  quadam 
admiratione  alterius.  Nam  Haimibalis  et  apud  Ro- 
manos  iam  ante  Sagimti  excidium  celeberrimum  no- 
men  erat,  et  Scipionera  Hannibal  eo  ipso,  quod  ad- 
versiis  se  dux  potissimum  lectus  esset,  prsestantem 
9  vinim  credebat;  et  auxerant  inter  se  opinionem,  Scipio, 
quod,  relictus  in  Gallia,  obvius  fuerat  in  Italiam  trans- 
gresso  Hannibali,  Hannibal  et  conatu  tam  audaci  traii- 
'**  who  had  crossed  c»endanim  Alpium  et  effectu.  Occupavit 
camped  "bj?  tTe  *»"iGn  Scipio  Padum  traiicere,  et  ad  Ti- 
Ticiuua.  ciuum  amnem  motis   castris,   priusquam 

educeret  in  aciem,  adhortandorum  militum  causa  talem 
orationem  est  exorsus. 
40        "Si  eum  exercitum,  milites,  educerem  in   aciem, 

quern  in  Gallia  mecum  habiii,  supersedis- 

Scipio  encourages  •         .  -.  •  i         •  «       .      . 

Ilia   soldiers    by  sem  loqui  apud  vos ;  quid  enim  adhortan 

'  dwelling  on  their 

superiority  to  the  referret  aut  eos  equites,  qui  equitatum  hos- 

Carthagininns  ^  *  i 

w'»o  l>a*i  i^^^^  tium  ad  Rhodanum  flu  men  egregie  vicis- 

to  fight  in  Gaul  ^     ^ 

sent,  aut  eas  legiones,  cum  quibiis  fugi- 
entem  hunc  ipsnm  liostem  secutus  confessionem  ce- 
dentis  ac  detrectantis   certamen   pro  victoiia  habuil 

3  Nunc  quia  ille  exercitus,  Hispanise  provincije  scriptus, 
ibi  cum  fratre  On.  Scipione  meis  auspiciis  rem  gerit, 
ubi  eum  gerere  senatus  populusque  Romanus  voluit, 

.ego,  ut  consulem  ducem  adversus  Hannibalem  ac 
Pcnos  haberetis,  ipse  me  huic  voluntario  certamini 
obtuli,  novo  imperatori  apud  novos  milites  pauca  verba 

J  facieuda  sunt.  Ne  genus  belli  neve  hostem  ignoretis, 
cum  iis  est  vobis,  mUites,  pugnandiun,  quos  terra  man- 
que priore  bello  vicistis,  a  quibus  stipendium  per  viginti 
annoB  exegistis,  a  quibus  capta  belli  p^mia  Siciliam 

6  ac  Sardiniam  habetis.     Erit  igitur  in  hoc  certamine  is 


vobis  illisque  animus,  qui  victoribus  et  victis  esse  so- 
let  Nee  nunc  illi,  quia  audent,  sed  quia  necesse  est,  7 
pugnaturi  sunt ;  nisi  creditis,  qui  exercitu  incolumi 
pugnam  detrectavere,  eos,  duabus  partibus  peditum 
equitumque  in  transitu  Alpium  amissis,  [quum  plures 
paine  perierint  quam  supersint,]  plus  spei  nactos  esse. 
At  enim  pauci  quidem  sunt,  sed  vigentes  * 

•  I  t  and  were  worn  out 

anmns  corporibusque,  quorum  robora  ac  by  iiardships  in 

, .  .         „  . .         T^„    the  Alps, 

Vires  vix  sustmere  vis  una  possit.      Ef-  9 

figies  immo,  umbrae  hominum,  fame,  frigore,  illuvie, 
squalore  enecti,  contusi  ac  debilitati  inter  saxa   ru- 
pesque ;  ad  hoc  pi-aeusti  artus,    nive   rigentes   nervi, 
membra  torrida  gelu,  quassata  fmctaque  arma,  claudi 
ac  debiles  equi.     Cum  hoc  equite,  cum  hoc  pedite  pug- 10 
naturi  estis ;  reliquias  extremas  hostium,  non  hostem 
habebitis ;  ac  nihil  magis  vereor  quam  ne,  quum  vos 
pugnaveritis,  Alpesvicisse  Hannibalem  videantur.   Sed  " 
ita  forsitan  decuit,  cum  foederum  rnptore  duce  ac  populo 
deos  ipsos  sine  ulla  humana  ope  committere  ac  profli- 
gare  bellum,  nos,   qui  secundum  deos  violati  sumus, 
commissum  ac  profligatum  conficere.     Non  vereor,  ne  41 
quis  me  haec  vestH  adhortandi  causa  magnifice  loqui 
existimet,  ipsum  aliter  animo  affectum  esse.     Licuit  2 
in  Hispaniam,  provinciam  meam,  quo  iam  profectus 
eram,  cum  exercitu  ire  meo,   ubi  et  fratrem  consilii 
participem  ac  periculi  socium  haberem  et  Hasdruba- 
lem  potius  quam  Hannibalem  hostem  gt  minorem  baud 
dubie  molem  belli ;  tamen,  quum  praeterveherer  navi-  3 
bus  Gallise  Oram,  ad  famam   huius  hostis  in  terram 
egressus,  pi-aemisso  equitatu,  ad  Rhodanum  movi  castra. 
Equestri  proelio,  qua   parte  copiarum  conserendi  ma-  4 
num  fortuna  data  est,  hostem  fudi;  peditum  agmen, 


%*■ 


Livn 


qiiCKl  in  modiim  fugientium  raptim  agebatur,  (luia  as- 
eequi  terra  non  poteram,  regressiis  ad  naves,  quanta 
maxima  potui  celeritate,  tanto  maris  terranimque  cir- 
cuitu,  in  radicibua  prop©  Alpium  huic  timendo  hosti 

5  obviiis  fui.     Utrum,  quum  declinaiem  certanien,  iui- 
provisus  incidisse  videor  an  occurrere  in  vestigiis  eius, 

6  lacessere  ac  trahere  ad  decernendum  1     Expeiiri  iuvat, 

utnim  alios  rei)eiite  Carthaginicnsus  per 
hSmbirlue^d'rr  vigiiiti  annos  terra  ediderit,  an  iidem  aint, 
tiiepMca  ^^^j   ^   iEgates  pugnaveruiit  iusulas  et 

qnos  ab    Eryce  duodeviceuis   denariis  sestimatos  em:- 

7  sistis,  et  utnim  Hannibal  hie  sit  aemulus  itinerum  Her- 
cnlis,  ut   ipse  ferfc,  an  vectigalis  stipend  iariusque  et 

gsei-vus  populi  Romani  a  patre  relictus.  Quern  nifii 
Sagnutinum  scelus  agitaret,  lespiceret  profecto,  si  uoii 
patnam  victam,  domum    certe   patreiiique  et  fadera 

0  Hamilcaris  scripta  iiianu,  qui  iussus  ab  consule  nostro 
praeaidium  deduxit  ab  Eryce,  qui  graves  impositas 
victis  Carthaginiensibus  leges  fremens  mserensque  ac- 
cepit,  qui  decedere  Sicilia,  qui  stipendium  populo  Ro- 

lo  mano  dare  pactus  est.  Itaque  vos  ego,  milites,  nou  eo 
st>luni  animo,  quo  adversus  alios  hostes  soletis,  pug- 
nare  velim,  sed  cum  indignatione  quadam  atque  ira, 
velut  si  servos  videatis   vestros  arma  repente  contra 

,t  vos  ferentes.     Licuit  ad  Erycem  clauses  ultimo  sup- 

plicio  bumanorum,  fame  intei-ticere ;   licuit  victricem 

cliissem  in  Atiicam  traiicere  atque  intra  paucos  dies 

sine  ullo  cei-tamine  Carthagineui  delere ; 

wliicb    they    had  . 

,„  broken  so  thank-  yeniam   dedimus   precantibus,  emismuis 

■*  lesaly  by  their  un-  '^  •    .•      r     • 

provoked  attack.    ^^  obsidionc,  pacem  cuui  victis  tecimus, 

tutelsB  deinde  nostiie  duximus,  quum  Afiico  bello  ur- 

,3gerentur.      Pro  bis  imi)ertitis  furiosum  iuvenem  se- 


LTBKR   XXI. 


45 


quentes  oppugnatum  patriam  nostium  veniunt.   Atque 
utinam  pro  decore  tantum  hoc  vobis  et  non  pro  salute 
esset  certamen !     Non  de  possessione  Siciliae  ac  Sar-  14 
dini8B,    de   quibus  quondam   agebatur,  sed  pro   Italia 
vobis  est  pugnandum.     Nee  est  alius  ab  tergo  exer-  15 
citus,  qui,  nisi  nos  vincimus,  hosti  obsistat,  nee  Alpes 
alisB  sunt,  quas  dum  superant,   comparari  nova  pos- 
sint  praesidia;    hie  est  obstandum,    milites,   velut   si 
ante  Romana  moenia  pugnemus.     Unusquisque  se  non  16 
corpus  suum,  sed  coniugem  ac   liberos  parvos  armi. 
protegere  putet;  uec  domesticas  solum  agitet  curas, 
sed  identidem  hoc  animo  reputet,  nostras  nunc  intueri 
manus  senatum  populumque  Romanum  :  qualis  nostra  17 
vis  vii'tusque  fuerit,  talem  deinde  fortunam  illius  urbis 
ac  Romani  imperii  fore." 

Haec  apud  Romanos  consul.     Hannibal  rebus  prius  42 
quam  verbis  adhortandos  milites  ratus,  circumdato  ad 
spectaculum  exercitu,  captivos  montanos 
vinctos  in  medio  statuit,  amiisque   Gal-  S^'^'captilS 
licis  ante  pedes  eorum  proiectis,  interro-  bit' for'u?e''priS 
gare  interpretem  iussit,  ecquis,  si  vinculis  °  ^^^  ^"^ 
levaretur  armaque  et  equum  victor  acciperet,  decertare 
ferro  vellet.     Quum  ad  unum  omnes  ferrum  pugnam-  , 
que  poscerent  et  deiecta  in  id  sors  esset,  se  quisque 
eum   optabat,  quem  for  tuna  in  id  certamen  legeret,  3 
et,  ut  cuiusque  sors  exciderat,  alacer,  inter  gratulantes 
gaudio  exsultans,  cum  sui  moris  tripudiis  arma  raptim 
capiebat.     Ubi  vero  dimicarent,  is  habitus  animorum  4 
non  inter  eiusdem   modo   condicionis  homines   erat, 
sed  etiam  inter  spectantes  vulgo,  ut  non  vincentium 
magis  quam   bene    morientium    fortuna    laudaretur. 
Quum   sic  aliquot    spectatis    paribus   affectos    dimi- 43 


46 


LIYII 


sisset,  contione   inde   advocata   ite   apud  eos  locutus 

,        «  Si,  quern  aniauim  in  alienae  sortis  exemplo  paulo 

aiite  habuistis,   euiidem  mox  in  sestimanda  fortuna 

vestra  habueritis,  vicimus,  milites  ',  neque 

SlV'tar'tiTel;  enim  spectaculum  modo  illud,  sed  quae- 

SfJty  SrS  vk!  dam  veluti  imago  vestrse  condicionis  erat. 

3  *'*'^'  Ac  nescio,  an  maioi-a  vincula  maioresque 
necessitates  vobis  quam  captivis  vestris  foi-tuna   cir-, 

4  cumdederit.  Dextra  laevaque  duo  maria  claudunt, 
nullara  ne  ad  efFugium  quidem  navem  habentes ;  circa 
Padus  amnis,  maior  [Padus]  ac  violentior  Rhodano, 
ab  tergo  Alpes  urgent,  vix  integrls  vobis  ac  vigentibus 

5  ti-ansitae.  Hie  vincendum  aut  moriendum,  milites,  est 
ubi  primum  bosti  occuiTistis.  Et  eadem  foi-tuna,  quae 
necessitatem  pugnandi  imposuit,  prsemia  vobis  ea  vie- 
toribus  proponit,  quibus  arapliora  homines  ne  ab  diis 

6  quidem  immortalibus  optare  solent.  Si  Siciliam  tan- 
turn  ac  Sardiniam  parentibus  nostris  ereptas  nostra 
virtut©  recuperaturi  essemus,  satis  tarn  en  ampla  pre- 
tia  essent;  quicquid  Romani  tot  triumphis  partum 
congestumque  possident,  id  omne  vestrum  cum  ipsis 

7  dominis  futumm  est ;  iu  banc  tam  opimam  mercedem, 

8  agite  dum,  diis  bene  iuvantibus  aiina  capite.  Satis 
adhnc  in  va^Jtis  Lusitani^  Celtiberiaeque  montibus 
pecom  consectando  nullum  emolumentum  tot  laborura 

9  l^ericulorumque  vestrorum  vidistis ;  tempus  est  lam 
opulenta  vos  ac  ditia  stip^dia  faxjere  et  magna  operffi 
pretia  mereri,  tantum  itineris  per  tot  montes  flumina- 

.o  que  et  tot  ai-matas  gentes  emensos.     Hie  vobis  termi- 

num  labomm  fortuna  dedit ;  hie  dignam 
^SjajSL""   nieix^edememeritisstipendiisdabit.    Nee, 


« 


LIBEM  XXI. 


47 


quam  magni  nominis   bellum  est,  tam  difficilem  ex- 
istimaritis  victoriam  fore ;  sa3i)e  et  contemptus  hostis 
cruentum   certamen  edidit  et  incliti  popuii  regesque 
perlevi  momento  victi  sunt.      Nam  dempto  hoc   uno  n 
fulgore    nominis    Romani,    quid    est,    cur   illi   vobis 
comparandi  sint  1     XJt  viginti  annorum  militiam  ves-  13 
tram  cum  ilia  virtute,  cum  ilia  fortuna  ^^    ^,,^^1^    ^ 
taceam,  ab  Herculis  columnis,  ab  Oceano  SfiYgeLmi  3 
terminisque  ultimis  terrarum  per  tot  fero-  ***  '^®"^' 
cissimos   Hispania3  et  Galliae  populos  vincentes  hue 
pervenistis  ;  pugnabitis  cum  exercitu  tirone,  hac  ipsa  14 
aestate  caeso,  victo,  circumsesso  a  Gallis,  ignoto  adhuc 
duci  suo  ignorautique  ducem.      An   me  in  prsetorio  15 
patris,  clarissimi  imperatoris,  prope  natum,  certe  educ- 
tum,  doniitorem  Hispanise  Galliaeque,  victorem  eundem 
non  Alpiuarum   modo   gentium,   sed   ipsarum,   quod 
multo  maius  est,  Alpium,  cum  semestri  hoc  conferam 
duce,   desertore  exercitus   sui  1    cui   si    quis   demptis  16 
signis  Poenos  Romauosque  hodie  ostendat,   ignoratu- 
runi  certum  habeo,  utrius  exercitus  sit  consul.     Non  17 
ego  illud  parvj  ffistimo,  milites,  quod  nemo  est  vestruni, 
cuius  non  ante  oculos  ipse  saepe  militare  aliquod  edi- 
derim  facinus,  cui  non  idem  ego  virtutis  spectator  ac 
testis  notata  temporibus  locisque  refeiTe  sua  possim 
decora.     Cum  laudatis  a  me  millies  donatisque,  alum-  18 
nus  i)rius  omnium  vestrimi  quam  imperator,  procedam 
in  aciem    adversus    iguotos   inter   se   iguorantesque. 
Quocunque  circumtuli  oculos,  plena  omnia  video  ani-  44 
morum   ac  roboris,    veteranum   peditem,   genei-osissi- 
marum  gentium   equites  frenatos   infrenatosque,   vos  a 
socios  fidelissimos  fortissimosque,  vos,  Carthaginiensojs, 
quum  pro  patria,  turn  ob  iram  iustissimam  puguatui-os. 


48  LIVTI 

3  Inferiiniis   bellum   infestisque   signis   descendimua   in 

Italiam,   tanto   aiulaciiis  fortiiisque   pugnaturi   quara 

hostis,  quanto  maior  sjtes,  maior  est  ani- 

,  S?fhrmeS,r73  mus  iiifereiitis  vim  quam  arcentis.  '  Ac- 
•hirp-itwroiigi.  ceiidit  pTOterea  et  stimulat  animos  dolor, 
iniuria,  indignitas.  Ad  suppliciura  depoposceniut  me 
ducem  piimum,  deinde  vos  omnes,  qui  Saguntum  op- 
pugiiassetis ;  deditos  ultimis  miciatibus  affecturi  fae- 

5  Hint.  Crudelissima  ac  superbissima  gens  sua  omnia 
suique  arbitrii  facit ;  cum  quibus  bellum,  cum  quibus 
pacem  habeamus,  se  modum  imponere  aiquum  censet 
Circmscribit  includitque  no.,  terminis  montium  flumi- 
numque,  quos  non  excedamus,  neque  eos,  quos  stiituit, 

6  terminos  observat.  Ne  transieris  Hiberum  ;  ne  quid 
rei  tibi  sit  cum  Saguntinis.     At  non  ad  Hibenim  est 

7  Saguntum.  Nusquam  te  vestigio  moveris.  Panim 
e»t,  quod  veterrimas  provincias  meas,  Siciliam  ac 
Sardiniam,  adimis  1  Ktiam  in  Hispanias  et,  d  inde- 
cessero,  in  A  fricam  transcendes  ?  Transcendes  autem  1 
Transcendisse  dico.  Duos  consules  liuius  anni,  unuiu 
in  Africam,  altenmi  in  Hispaniam  miserunt.  Nihil 
usquam  nobis  relictum  est,  nisi  quod  armis  vindica- 

8  rimua  lUis  timidis  et  ignavis  esse  licet,  qui  respec- 
tum  habent,  quos  sua  terra,  suus  ager  per  tuta  ac 
pacata  itinera  fugientes  accipient:  vobis  necesse  est 
fortibus  viiis  esse  et,  omnibus  inter  victoriam  mor- 
temve  certa  desperatione  abrnptis,  aut  vincere  aut,  si 
fortuna  dubitabit,  in  proelio  potius  quara  in  fuga  mor- 

9tem  oppetere.  Si  hoc  bene  fixum  omnibus  [destina- 
tum]  in  animo  est,  iterum  dicam,  vicistis;  nullum 
contemptu  mm-tis  telum  ad  vincendum  homini  ab  dls 
immortalibus  acrius  datum  est" 


fJBER   XXL 


49 


His  adhortationibns  quum  utrinque  ad  certamen  45 
accensi   militum  animi   essent,    Romani  TheRomansmove 
ponte  Ticinum  iungunt,  tutandique  pon-  Jeirfr^tl^^  lianni' 
tis  causa  castellum    insuper  imponunt ;  ***** 
Pcenus,   hostibus  opere   occupatis,    Maharbalem  cum  a 
ala    Numidarum,    equitibus    quingentis,    ad    depopu- 
landos  sociorum  populi  Romani  agros  mittit ;   Gallis  3 
parci  quam  maxime  iubet,  principumque   animos  ad 
defectionem  soUicitari.     Ponte  perfecto  traductus  Ro- 
manus  exercitus  in  agrum  Insubrium  quinque  millia 
passuum  ab  Ictumulis  consedit.     Ibi  Hannibal  castra  4 
liabebat ;  revocatoque  propere  Maharbale  atque  equi- 
tibus,   quum    instare    certamen    cerneret,    nihil   un- 
quam  satis   dictum   praemonitumque   ad    . 

1  in  who  prepares  for 

cohortandos  milites  ratus,  vocatis  ad  con-  ubS^faipJomTsesof 
tionem  certa  prsemia  pronuntiat,  in  quo-  •^o^ntJ  to  lua  men- 
rum   spem     pugnarent :     agrum    sese    daturum    esse  5 
in  Italia,   Africa,  Hispania,   ubi   quisque  vellet   im- 
munem    ipsi,    qui    accepisset,    liberisque;    qui    pecu- 
niam    quam    agrum    maluisset,   ei    se    argento   satis- 
facturum  ;    qui   sociorum  cives  Carthaginienses   fieri  6 
vellent,  potestatem  facturum  ;  qui  domos  redire  mal- 
lent,  daturum  se  operam,  ne  cuius  suorum  popularium 
mutatam  secum  fortimam  esse  vellent.     Servis  quoquc  7 
dominos  prosecutis  libertatem  proponit,   binaque  pro 
iis  mancipia  dominis  se  redditurum.     Eaque  ut  rata  s 
scirent  fore,  agnum  laBva  manu,  dextera  silicem  reti- 
pens,  si  falleret,  lovem  ceterosque  precatus  decs,  ita 
Be  mactarent,  quemadmodum  ipse  agnum  mactasset, 
secundum  precationem  caput  pecudis  saxo  elisit.     Turn  9 
vero  omnes,  velut  diis  auctoribus  in  spem  suam  quis- 
que acceptis,  id  mora*,  quod  nondum   pugnarent,   ad 

C.  L.  4 


50 


LTVH 


potienda  sperata  rati,  prcelium  uno  animo  et  voce  iina 
poscunt. 
46        A  pud  Komanos  haiulquaquam  tanta  alacritas  erat, 
Tive  Romans  dis-  supcr   Cetera    receiitibus    etiam    territos 

couraged   by  the        *  ,.    ..  ^  ,  .     .  ,  , 

2  oinem  prodigiis  ]  nam  et  lupus  intraverat  castra 
laniatisque  obviis  ipse    intactus  evaserat,  et  examen 

3  apum  in  arbor©  prsetorio  imminente  consederat  Qui- 
bus  procuratis,  Scipio  cum  equitatu  iaculatoribusque 
expeditis  profectus  ad  castra  hostium  ex  propinquo 
copias^g,  quantse  et  cuius  generis  essent,  speculandas, 
obvius   fit  Hannibali  et  ipsi  cum  equitibus   ad   ex- 

4  ploranda  circa  loca  progresso.  Neutri  alteros  prime 
cernebant ;  densior  deinde  incessu  tot  hominum  equo- 
fumque  oriens  pulvis  sigiium  propinquantium  hostium 
fuit     Consistit  utnimque  agmen,  et  ad  proBlium  sese 

5  expediebant  Scipio  iaculatores  et  Gallos  equites  in 
fronte  locat,  Romanes  socioramque  quod  roboris 
fuit,  in  subsidiis.     Hannibal  fi-enatos  equites  in  me- 

6  dium  accipit,  comua  Numidis  firmat  Vixdum  clamore 
aublato,  iaculatores  fugerunt  inter  subsidia  ad  secun- 
dam  aciem.  Inde  equitum  certamen  erat  aliquamdiu 
anceps ;  dein  quia  turbabant  equos  pedites  intermixti, 
multis  labentibus  ex  ©quia  aut  desilientibus,  ubi  suos 
premi  circumventos  vidissent,  iam  magna  ex  parte  ad 
pedes  pngna  venerat,  donee  Numidae,  qui  in  comibus 
erant,  circumvecti  paulum  ab  tergo   se  ostenderunt. 

J  Is  pavor  perculit  Romanes,  auxitque  pavorem  con- 
sulia  vulnus   periculumque,  intercursu   turn   primu'u 

8  are  worsted  in  a  pubescentis  filii  propulsatum.  Hie  erat 
to  wi^h  "iSpro  11  iuvenis,  penes  quern  perfecti  huiusce  belli 
wounded,  j^^^  ^^  Africanus  ob  egregiam  victoriam 

yde    Hannibale    Pasnisque   appellatus.      Fuga    tamen 


LI  BEE    XXL 


51 


jeiiiisa  iaculatorum  maxiine  fuit,  quos  primos  Nnmidre 
|invaserunt ;  alius  confertus  equitatus  consulem  in 
medium  acceptum,  non  armis  niodo,  sed  etiam  cor- 
poribus  suis  protegens,  in  castra  nusquam  trepide 
ueque  effuse  cedendo  reduxit.  Servati  consulis  decus  ^° 
Caelius  ad  servum  natione  Ligurem  delegat ;  malim 
equidem  de  filio  verum  esse,  quod  et  plures  tradidore 
anctores  et  fama  obtinuit. 

Hoc  primum   cum   Hannibale  proelium  fuit ;  quo  47 
facile  apparuit,  [et]  equitatu  meliorem  Fffinum  esse, 
et   ob   id  campos  patentes,  quales  sunt  j^n^  retire  towards 
inter    Padum    Alpesque,    bello   gerendo  Pi^centia, 
Romanis  aptos  non  esse.     Itaque  proxima  nocte,  iussis  a 
militibus  vasa  silentio  colligere,  castra  ab  Ticino  mota 
festinatumque  ad  Padum  est,  ut  ratibus,  qui  bus  iunx- 
erat   flunien,  nondum    resolutis    sine    Uimultu    atque 
insectatione   hostis   copias    traiiceret.     Prius   Placen-  3 
tiam  pervenere,  quam  satis  sciret  Hannibal  ab  Ticino 
I»rofectos  ;  tamen  ad  sexcentos  moratorum  in  citeiiore 
ripa  Padi,  segniter  ratem  solventes,  cepit.     Transire 
pontem  non   potuit,   ut  extrema  resoluta  erant,   tota 
rate  in  secundam  aquam  labente.     Caelius  auctor  est,  4 
Magonem  cum  equitatu  et  Hispanis  peditibus  flumen 
extemplo  tranasse,  ipsum  Hannibalem  per  superiora 
Padi  vada  exercitum  traduxisse,  elepLantis  in  ordinem 
ad  sustinendum  impetum  fluminis  oppositis.     Ea  pe-  s 
ritis  amnis  eius  vix  lidem  fecerint ;  nam  neque  equites 
armis  equisque  salvis  tantam  vim  fluminis  superasse 
veri  simile  est,  ut  iam   Hispanos  omnes  inflati   tra- 
vexerint  utres,   et   multorum    dierum   circuitu   Padi 
vada  petenda  fuerunt,   qua  exercitus  gravis  impedi- 
mentia   traduci   posset.     Potiores   apud    me   auctores  6 

4—2 


02 


LTYIJ 


LIBEE   XXf. 


53 


mint,  qui  bidiio  vix  locum  rate  iungendo  flumini  iii- 
ventum  tradunt ;  ea  cum  Magone  equitea  Hispanoruiji 

f  expeditos  prremissos.  Dum  Hannibal,  circa  flumejri 
legationibus  Gallorum  audicndia  moratus,  traiicit  gnu 
vios  peditum  agmen,  interim  Mago  equitesque  ab 
transitu   flu  minis   diei   unius   itinere    Placentiam    ad 

^  followed  by  Han-  ^^^^  contendunt.  Hannibal  paucis  post 
"'***'*  diebus  sex  millia  a  Placentia  castra  com- 

munivit,  et  postero  die  in  conspectu  hostium  acie  di- 
recta  potestatem  pugnje  fecit. 
48        Insequenti  nocte  caedes  in  castris  Roman  is,  tumultu 
tamen  quam  re  maior,  ab  auxiliaribus  Gall  is  facta  est. 

'  who  seeure.  by  Ad  duo  millia  peditum  et  ducenti  equites, 

treachery  Ih^  ma*       ....i  i  ,        .         •!,•  i   tt 

na/iiies  at  Oas-  vigilibus  ad  portas  trucidatis,  ad  Hanin- 
lionmos  strenirth-  balem  trausfugiunt ;  quos  Poenus  benigno 

*n  their  carait  on  ... 

theTretiia.  allocutus  et  spe  ingcntium  dononim  ac- 

censos  in  civitates  quemque  suas  ad  soUicitandos  popu- 

3  larium  animos  dimisit.  Scipio  csedem  earn  signum 
defecfcionis  omnium  Galloram  esse  ratus,  contactosque 
eo  scelere  velut  iniecta  rabie  ad  anna  ituros,  quan- 

♦  quam  gravis  adhuc  vulnere  erat,  tamen  quarta  vigilia 
noctis  insequenti 8  tacito  agmine  profectus,  ad  Trebiam 
fluvium  iam  in  loca  altiora  collesque  impeditiores  equiti 

5  castra  movet.  Minus  quam  ad  Ticinum  fefellit;  mis- 
sisque  Hannibal  primum  Numidis,  deinde  omni  equi- 
tatu,  turbasset  utique  novissimum  agmen,  ni  aviditate 
prsedae  in  vacua  Romana  castra  Numidse  devertissent. 

6  Ibi  dum  perscrutantes  loca  omnia  castrorum  nullo 
satis  digno  morae  pretio  tempus  terunt,  emissus  hostis 
est  de  manibus;  et  quum  iam  transgresses  Trebiam 
Bomanos    metantesque   castra    conspexissent,    paucos 

7  moratonim  occiderunt  citra  flumen  interceptos.  Scipio, 


1 


I 


nee  vexationem  vulneris  in  via  iactati  ultra  patien-s  et 
coUegam  (iam  enim  et  revocatum  ex  Sicilia  audierat) 
ratus  exspectandura,  locum  qui  prope  flumen  tutissimus 
stativis  est  visus,  delectum  communiit.  Nee  procul  8 
inde  Hannibal  quum  consedisset,  quantum  victoria 
equestri  elatus,  tantum  anxius  inopia,  quae  per  hostium 
agros  euntem,  nusquam  prseparatis  commeatibus,  maior 
in  dies  excipiebat,  ad  Clastidium  vicum,  quo  magnum 
finimenti  numerum  congesserant  Romani,  mittit  Ibi  9 
quum  vim  pararent,  spes  facta  proditionis;  nee  sane 
raagno  pretio,  nummis  aureis  quadringentis,  Dasio 
Brundisino  praefecto  praesidii  corrupto,  traditur  Han- 
nibali  Clastidium.  Id  liorreum  fuit  Pojnis  sedentibus 
ad  Trebiam.  In  captivos  ex  tradito  praesidio,  ut  fama  lo 
clementiae  in  principio  rerum  colligeretur,  uiliil  saevi- 
tum  est 

Quum  ad  Trebiam  terrestre  constitisset  bellimi,  in-  49 
terim  cii-ca  Siciliam  insulasque  iiuminen-  ^gauwiuie  a  Pu- 
tes  et  a  Sempronio  consule  et  ante  ad-  sweepThecSwtof 
ventum   eius   terra    marique   res   gestae.  ^^^^ 
Viginti  quinqueremes  cum  mille  armatis  ad  depopu-  2 
landam  oram  Italiae  a  Carthaginiensibus  missas ;  novem 
Liparas,  octo  ad  insulam  Vulcani  tenuerunt,  tres  in 
fretum  avertit  aestus.     Ad  eas  dbnspectas  a  Messana  3 
duodecim  naves  ab  Hierone  rege  Syracusanorum  missae, 
qui  tum  forte  Messauae  erat  consulem  Romanum  op- 
periens,  nullo  repugnante  captas  naves  Messanam  in 
portum  deduxeriint.      Cognitum   ex  captivis,  praeter  4 
viginti  naves,  cuius  ipsi  classis  essent,  in  Italiam  mis- 
sas,  quinque  et  triginta   alias  quinqueremes  Siciliam 
petere  ad  soUicitandos  veteres  socios ;  Lilybaei  occu- 
pandi  praecipuam  curam  esse ;    credere,   eadem   tern-  s 


54 


LIVII 


pestate,  qua  ipsi  disiecti  forent,  earn  quoqiie  clasBem 

6  ad  jEgates  insiilas  deiectam.  Hsec,  sicut  audita  erant, 
rex  M.  ^milio  prsetori,  cuius  Sicilia  provincia  erat, 
perscribit,  monetque,  ut  Lilybaeum  firmo  teneret  pne- 

7  sidio.  Extemplo  et  a  pnetore  circa  civitates  missi 
legati  tribunique,  qui  suos  ad  curam  custodiae  inten- 

8  derent,  et  ante  omnia  Lilybaeum  tfneri  apparatu  belli, 
edicto  proposito,  ut  socii  navalea  decern  dierum  cocta 
cibaria  ad  naves  deferrent,  ut,  ubi  signum  datum  esset, 
ne  quid  moram  conscendendi  faceret,  perque  omnem 
Oram,  qui  ex  speculis  prospicerent  adventantem  hostium 

9  classem,  missis.  Itaque,  quanquam  de  industria  moiati 
cursum  navium  erant  Carthaginiensis,  ut  ante  lucem 
accederent  Lilybaium,  prsesensum  tamen  est,  quia  et 
luna  pemox  erat  et  sublatis   armamentis   veniebant. 

10  Extemplo  signum  datum  e  speculis  et  in  oppido  ad 
arma  conclamatum  est  et  in  naves  conscensum  ;  i)ars 
militum  in  muds  portarumque  stationibus,  pai-s  in  na- 

11  vibus  erant.  Et  Cartbaginienses,  quia  rem  fore  baud 
cum  imparatis  cemebant,  usque  ad  lucem  portu  se  ab- 
stinuerunt,  demendis  araiamentis  eo  tempore  aptan- 

12  daque  ad  pugnam  classe  absumpto.  Ubi  illuxit,  re- 
cepere  classem  in  altum,  ut  spatium  pugnsB  esset 
exituraque  liberum  e  portu  naves  hostium  haberent. 

13  Kec  Romani  detrectavere  pugnam,  et  memoria  circa 
ea  ipsa  loca  gestarum  rerum  freti  et  militum  multitu- 

50  dine  ac  virtute.  Ubi  in  altum  evecti  sunt,  Romanus 
i.  muted  off  uiy-  conserere  pugnam  et  ex  propinquo  vires 

^  bnum.  conferre  velle ;  contra  eludere  Poenus  et 

arte,  non  vi  rem  gerere,  naviumque  quam  virorum  aut 

I  armorum  malle  certamen  facere.  Nam  ut  sociis  na- 
valibus  affatini  instruutam  classem,  ita  inopem  milite 


LIBER   XXI. 


m 


habebant,  et,  sicubi  conserta  navis  esset,  haudquaquam 
par  numems  armatorum  ex  ea  pugnabat.      Quod  ubi  4 
animadveraum  est,   et  Romanis  multitudo  sua  auxit 
animum  et  i)aucitas  illis  minuit.     Extemplo  septem  s 
naves  Punicse  circumventae  ;  fugam   ceterie  ceperunt. 
Mille  et  septingenti  fuere  in  navibus  captis  milites 
nautseque,  in  bis  tres  nobiles  Carthaginiensium.  Classis  e 
Romana  incolumis,  una  tan  turn  perforata  navi,  sed  ea 
quoque  ipsa  reduce,  in  portum  rediit. 

Secundum  banc  pugnarn,  nondum  gnaris  eius,  qui  ^ 
Messanae   erant,   Ti.   Sempronius   consul  The  consul  Scm- 

.  .    pronius     receives 

Messanam    venit.       Ei   fretum    intranti  pledges  of  loyai 

help    from    kmg 

rex    Hiero     classem     instructam     orna-  Hiero, 
tamque  obviam    duxit,    transgressusque   ex    regia   in  g 
prsetoriam  naveni,  gratulatus  sospitem  cum  exercitu 
et  navibus  advenisse,  precatusque  prosperum  ac  felicem 
in   Sicilian!  transitum,  statum  deinde  insulse  et  Car-  9 
thaginiensium  conata  cxposuit,  pollicitusque  est,  quo 
animo  priore  bello  populum  Romanum  iuvenis  adiu- 
visset,  eo  senem  adiuturum ;  f rumen tum  vestiraentaque  10 
sese  legionibus  consulis  sociisque  navalibus  gratis  prae- 
bitumm ;  grande  periculum  Lilybseo  maritimisque  civi- 
tatibus  esse,  et  quibusdam  volentibus  novas  res  fore. 
Ob  haec  consuli  nihil  cunctandum  visum,  quin  Lily-  n 
baeum  classe  peteret.     Et  rex  regiaque  classis  una  pro- 
fectl    Navigantes  inde,  pugnatum  ad  Lilybaeum  fusas- 
que  et  captas  hostium  naves,  accepere.     A  Lilybaeo  51 
consul,   Hierone  cum  classe  regia  dimisso  relictoque 
praBtore  ad  tuendam  Siciliae  oram,  ipse  in  insulam  Meli- 
tA.P,  qua3  a  Carthaginiensibus  tenebatur,  traiecit.    Ad-  » 
venienti  Hamilcar  Gisgonis  filius,  praefectus  praesidii, 
cum  paulo  minus  duobus  millibus  militum  oppidumque 


5e 


LIVll 


cum  insula  traditur.     Inde  post  paucos  dies  reditum 
Lilyb^uni,  captivique  et  a  consule  et  a  praetore,  prseter 

3  insignes  nobilitate  viros,  sub  corona  venierunt.  Post- 
quam  ab  ea  parte  satis  tutam  Siciliam  censebat  consul, 
ad  insulas  Vulcani,  quia  fama  erat  stare  ibi  Punicam 
classem,  traiecit ;  nee  quisquam  hostium  cii-ca  eas  in- 

4  aulas  inventus  ;  nam  forte  transmisei-ant  ad  vastandani 

Italia    orara,   depopulatoque   Viboniensi 

but  is  recalled  m  ,  i-* 

haste  to  the  seat  of  agro,  urbem  etiam  ten*ebant     Kepetenti 

^  war  in  Italy  wliile      &     »  * 

t^he^'^crSaSa  'of  Siciliam  consuli  escensio hostium  in  agrum 
Carthage.  VibouicDsem  facta  nuntiatur,  litterseque 

ab  senatu  de  transitu  in   Italiam   Hannibalis,  et   ut 
primo  quoque  tempore  collegae  ferret  aux ilium,  missai 

etmduntur.  Multis  simul  anxius  curis  exercitum  ex- 
templo  in  naves  impositum  Ariminum  mari  supero 
misit,  Sex.  Pomponio  legato  cum  viginti  quinque 
longis    navibus    Viboniensem   agmm    maritimamque 

7  oram  Italiie  tuendam  attribuit  M.  ^milio  piwtori 
quinquaginta  navium  classem  explevit.  Ipse,  com- 
[lositis  Siciliie  rebus,  decern  navibus  onim  Italias  legens 
Ariminum  pervenit.  Inde  cum  exercitu  suo  profectus 
ad  Trebiam  flumen  collegae  coniungitur. 
52  lam  am  bo  consules  et  quicquid  Romanarum  virium 
erat,  Hannibali  oppositum,  aut  illis  copiis  defendi 
He|oin3Scii>ioon  posse  Romauum  imperium  aut  spem  nul- 

2  urgent*'  to  check  lam  aliam  esse,  satis  declarabat.     Tamen 

the     ravages     of  t      i.  ^    •  t  r         i 

Hannibal.  cousul  alter,  equcstri  prcelio  uno  et  vul- 

nere  suo  fminutus,  triilii  rem  malebat ;  recentis  animi 
alter    eoque    ferocior    nullam    dilationem    patiebatur. 

3  Quod  inter  Ti-ebiam  Pad  unique  agri  est,  Galli  turn 
incolebant,  in  duorum  prsepotentium  i)opuloi*um  cer- 
tamine  per  ambiguum    favorem    baud  dubie  gi-atiam 


LIBER  XXL 


57 


victorifl  spectantes.     Id  Romani,  modo  ne  quid  move-  4 
rent,  aequo  satis,  Poenus  periniquo  animo  ferebat,  ab 
Gallis  accitura  se  venisse  ad  liberandos  eos  dictitans. 
Ob  earn  iram,  simul  ut  prseda  militem  aleret,  duo  millia  s 
peditum  et  mille  equites,  Numidas  plerosque,  mixtos 
qtiosdam  et  Gallos,  populari  omnem  deinceps  agrum 
usque  ad  Padi  ripas  iussit.     Egentes  ope  Galli,  quum  6 
ad  id  dubios  servassent  animos,  coacti  ab  auctoribus 
iniuriae   ad  vin dices   futures  declinant,   legatisque  ad 
consules  missis,  auxilium  Romanorum  terrae  ob  nimiam 
cultorum  fidem  in  Romanes  laboranti  orant.     Cornelio  7 
nee  causa  nee  tempus  agendas  rei  placebat,  suspectaque 
ei  gens  erat  quum  ob  infida  miilta  facinora,  tum,  ut 
alia    vetustate   obsolevissent,    ob   recentem   Boiorum 
perfidiam;  Sempronius  contra  continendis  in  fide  sociis  8 
maximum  vinculum  esse  primos,   qui  eguissent   ope, 
defenses  censebat.    Collega  cuuctante,  equitatum  suum,  9 
mille  peditum  iaculatoribus  ferme  admixtis,  ad  defen- 
dendum  Gallicum  agi'um  trans  Trebiam  mittit.   Sparsos  lo 
et  incompositos,  ad  boc  graves  praeda  plerosque  quum 
ino[»inato   invasissent,   ingentem    terrorem   caidemque 
ac  fugam  usque  ad  castra  stationesque  hostium  fecere ; 
unde  multitudine  effusa  pulsi  rursus  subsidio  suorum 
projlium  restituere.     Varia  inde  pugna  sequentes  ce-  u 
c^^*que  quum   ad   extremum   aequassent   certamen, 
maior  tamen  hostium  cmdes,  penes  Romanes  fama  vic- 
toriae  fuit     Ceterum  nemini  omnium  maior  iustiorque  53 
quam  ipsi  consuli  videri ;  gaudio  efferri,  ^^^^.^^^^^  ^y  a 
qua  parte  copiarum  alter  consul   victus  S^,^ro^er- 
foret,  ea  se  vicisse :  restitutes  ac  refectos  ^nJI  of  *  ws'lSi-  » 
militibus   animos,    uec    quemquam    esse  ^^'^^^ 
pi-aiter    collegam,    qui  dilatam    dimicationem    vellet; 


58 


LI  VII 


LIBER   XXI. 


59 


eiim,    animo  magis  quam   corpore   segruui,    memoria 

3  Yulneris  acieni  ac  tela  horrere.  Sed  non  esse  cum 
wgro  senescendum.  Quid  enim  ultra  differri  aut  teri 
tempiisl   quem  tertium  consulem,  quern  alium  exer- 

4  citum  exspectari  1  Castra  Carthaginiensium  in  Italia 
ao  prope  in  conspectu  urbis  esse.  Non  Siciliam  ac 
Sardinian!,  victia  ademptas,  nee  cis  Hiberum  His- 
paniam  peti,  sed  solo  patrio  terraque,  in  qua  geniti 

sforent,  pelli  Romanos.  "Quantum  ingemiscant"  in- 
quit  "patres  nostri,  circa  moenia  Carthaginis  bellare 
soliti,  ai  videant  nos,  progeniem  suam,  duos  consules 
consularesque  exercitus,  in  media  Italia  paventes  intra 
castra,   Poenuni,    quod   inter   Alpes   Appenninumque 

6  agri  sit,  su«  dicionis  fecisse  1"  Hsec  assidens  SBgro 
coUegse,  haec  in  piietorio  prope  contionabundus  agere. 
Stimulabat  et  teuipus  propinquum  comitiorum,  ne  in 
uovos  consules  bellum  differi  etur,  et  occasio  in  se  ununi 

7  vertendae  gloriae,  dum  leger  collega  erat  Itaque,  ne- 
quicquam  dissentiente  Cornelio,  parari  ad  propinquum 
certamen  niilites  iubet. 

Hannibal  quum,  quid  optimum  foret  liosti,  cemeret, 
and  aiiowi  him-  vix  ullam  spem  habebat,  temere  atque 
?nto  a  general  en-  improvide    quicquam    consules    acturos ; 

8  nibai.  quum  alterius  ingenium,  fama  prius,  cle- 
inde  i-e  cognitum,  percitum  ac  ferox  sciret  esse,  fe- 
rociusque  factum  prospero  cum  prsedatoribus  suis  cer- 
tamine  crederet,  adesse  gerend^   rei  foitunam  baud 

9  diffidebat  Cuius  ne  quod  praetermitteret  tem[)us,  sol- 
licitus  intentusque  erat,  dum  tiro  hostium  miles  esset, 
dum  meliorem  ex  ducibus  inutilem  vulnus  faceret,  dum 

TO  Galloi-um  animi  vigerent,  quorum  ingentem  multitu- 
dinem  sciebat  segnius  secuturam,  quanto  longius  ab 


domo  traherentur.     Quum  ob  hjec  taliaque   speraret  " 
propinquum  certamen  et  facere,  si  cessaretur,  cuperet, 
speculatoresque  Galli,  ad  ea  exploranda,  quae  vellet, 
tutiores,  quia  in  utrisque  castris  militabant,  paratos 
pugnae  esse  Romanos  rettulissent,  locum  insidiis  cir- 
cumspectare  Pa3nus  coepit.     Erat  in  medio  rivus  prae-  54 
altis  utrinque  clausus  ripis  et  circa  obsitus  ^ho  had  prepared 
])alustribus  herbis  et  quibus  inculta  ferme  ^"  ambush 
vestiuntur,  virgultis  vepribusque.     Quem  ubi  equites 
quoque  tegendo  satis  latebrosum  locum  circumvectus 
ipse  oculis  perlustravit,  "Hie  erit  locus"  Magonifratri  ? 
ait,  "quem  teneas.      Delige  centenos  viros  ex  omni 
pedite  atque  equite,  cum  quibus  ad  me  vigilia  prima 
venias ;   nunc  coi-pora  curare  tempus  est."     Ita  prae-  3 
torium  missum.  Mox  cum  delectis  Majro  aderat.  "Ro- 
bora    virorum    cerno"    inquit   Hannibal;    "sed   uti 
numero   etiam,    non   animis   modo   valeatis,    singulis 
vobis  novenos  ex  turmis  manipulisque  vestri  similes 
eligite.      Mago   locum   monstrabit,    quem    insideatis; 
hostem  caecum  ad  has  belli  artes  habetis."     Ita  ciim  4 
mille  equitibus  Magone,  mille  peditibus  dimisso,  Han- 
nibal prima  luce  Numidas  equites  transgresses  Trebiam 
flumen  obcquitare  iubet  hostium  portis  iaculandoque 
in  stationes  elicere  ad  pugnam  hostem,  iniecto  deinde 
certamine,    codendo   sensim   citra  flumen    pertrahere. 
Haec  mandata  Numidis  ;  ceteris  ducibus  ^„^  ^^p^  ^^  g^,.  s 
peditum  equitumque  praeceptum,  ut  pran-  ^^ers  under  cover, 
dere  omnes  inherent,  armatos  deinde  instratisque  equis 
signum  exspectare. 

Sempronius   ad   tumultum    Numidarum    primum  6 
omnem  equitatum,  ferox  ea  parte  virium,  deinde  sex 
millia  peditum,  postremo  omnes  copias,  a   destinato 


60 


LIVII 


7  iam  ante  consilio  avidus  certamiiiis,  eduxit  Erat 
forte  brum»  tempus  et  nivalis  dies  in  locis  Alpibus 
while  the  iionmnii  Appcnninoque  interiectis,  propinquitate 
S.«wonenTJ2ii  ctiam  fluminum  ac  pallidum  praegelidis. 

8  8kirmSi"ers,°  Ad  hoc  raptim  eductis  hominibus  at- 
que  equis,  non  capto  ante  cibo,  non  ope  ulla  ad  ar- 
cendum  frigus  adhibita,  nihil  caloris  inerat*  et  quic- 
quid  aurse   fluminis  appropinquabant,  afflabat   acrior 

9  frigoris  vis.  Ut  vero  refugientes  Numidas  insequen- 
tes  aquam  ingressi  sunt  (et  erat  pectoribus  tenus 
aucta  noctumo  imbri),  turn  utique  egressis  rigere 
omnibus  corpora,  ut  vix  armorum  tenendonun  po- 
tentia  essent,  et  simul  lassitudine  et,  procedente  iam 

65  die,  fame  etiam  deficere.  Hannibalis  interim  miles, 
ignibus  ante  tentoria  factis  oleoque  per  manipulos,  ut 
mollirent  artus,  misso  et  cibo  per  otium  capto,  ubi 
transgresses  flumen  hostes  niintiatum  est,  alacer  ani- 
mis  corporibusque  arma  capit  atque  in  aciem  procedit. 
a  Baliares  locat  ante  signa  ac  levem  armaturam,  octo 
ferme  millia  hominum,  dein  graviorem  aimis  peditem, 
quod  virium,  quod  roboris  erat;  in  coruibus  circum- 
fudit  decem  millia  equitum,  et  ab  coinibus  in  utram- 

3  que  partem  divisos  elepliantes  statuit  Consul  effuse 
sequentes  equites,  quum  ab  resistentibus  subite  Nu- 
midis  incauti  exciperentur,  signo  receptui  dato  revo- 

4  cates  circumdedit  peditibus.  Duodeviginti  millia  Ro- 
mana  erant,  socium  nominis  Latini  viginti,  auxilia 
prffiterea    Cenomanorum;    ea   sola  in   fide   manserat 

5  Gallica  gens.  lis  copiis  concursum  est.  Prcelium  a 
Baliaiibus  ortum  est;  quibus  quum  maiore  robore 
legiones  obsisterent,  diducta  propere  in  comua  levis 
armatura  est,  quae  res  effecit,  ut  equitatus  Romanus 


LIBER    XX /. 


61 


extemplo  urgeretur.     Nam  quum  vix  iam  per  se  re-  6 
sisterent  decem  millibus  equitum  quattuor  millia  et 
fessi  integris  plerisque,  obruti  sunt  insuper  velut  nube 
iaculonim  a  Baliaribus  coniecta.     Ad    hoc    elephanti  7 
eminentes  ab  extremis  comibiis,   equis  maxime  non 
visu  modo,  sed  odore  insolito  territis,  fiigam  late  facie- 
bant.    Pedestris  pugaa  par  animis  magis  quam  viribiis  8 
eiut,  quas  recentes  Pcenus,  paulo  ante  curatis  corpo- 
ribus,  in  prcelium   attulerat ;    contra  ieiima  fessaque 
corpora  Romanis  et  rigentia  gelu  torpe-  tni  exhausted  hy 
bant.     Restitissent  tamen  animis,  si  cum  JnKttacice/^on 
pedite   solum   foret   pugnatum ;    sed   et  "^^^  ^^^^  9 

Baliares,  pulso  equite,  iaculabantur  in  latera,  et  ele- 
phanti iam   in  mediam  peditum  aciem  sese  tulerant, 
et  Mago  Numidaeque,  simul  latebras  eonmi  improvida 
praBterlata  acies  est,  exorti  ab  tergo  ingentem  tumul- 
tum  ac  terrorem  fecere.     Tamen  in  tot  circumstanti-  *o 
bus  malis  mansit  aliquamdiu  immota  acies,   maxime 
pi-aeter  spem  omnium  ad  versus  elephantos.     Eos  ve-  " 
lites  ad  id  ipsum  locati  verutis  coniectis  et  avertere 
et  iusecuti  aversos  sub  caudis,  qua  maxime  molli  cute 
vulnera  accipiunt,  fodiebant.     Trepidantesque  et  prope  56 
iam  in  suos  consternates  e  media  acie  in  extremam 
ad   sinistrum    comu   adversus   Gallos   auxiliares   agi 
iussit  Hannibal.     Ibi  extemplo  baud  dubiam  fecere 
fngam    novusquc    additus   terror    Romanis,    ut   fusa 
auxilia   sua  viderunt.       Itaque  quum  iam  in  orbem  ? 
pugnarent  decem  millia  ferme  hominum,  they  were  routed 

I .  ,  .  _ .       with  great 

quum    alia    evadere    nequissent,    media  slaughter. 
Afronim  acie,  qua  Gallicis  auxiliis  firmata  erat,  cum 
mgenti  caede  hostium  perrupere,  et,  quum  neque  in  3 
castra   reditus   esset   fluraine    interclusis   neque   prae 


62 


LIVII 


LIBEM   XXL 


63 


imbri  satis  decemere  possent,  qua  suis  opem  ferrent, 

4  Placentiam  recto  itinere  perrexere.  Plures  deinde  in 
omnes  partes  emptiones  factae ;  et  qui  flumeii  petiere, 
aut  gurgitibus  absumpti  sunt  aut  inter  cunctationem 

5  ingrediendi  ab  hostibus  oppressi ;  qui  passim  per  agros 
fuga  sparsi  erant,  vestigia  cedentis  sequentes  agminis 
Placentiam  contendere ;  aliis  timor  liostium  audaciam 
ingrediendi  flumen  fecit,  transgressique  in  castra  per- 

evenenint  Imber  nive  mixtus  et  intoleranda  vis 
frigoris  et  homines  multos  et  iumenta  et  elephantos 

7  prope  omnes  absumpsit.  Finis  insequendi  hostis 
Pojnis  flumen  Trebia  fuit,  et  ita  torpentes  gelu  in 
castra   rediere,    ut   vix    laetitiam    victoriae    sentirent. 

8  Itaque  nocte  insequenti,  quum  prsesidium  castrorum 
et  quod  reliquum  sauciorum  ex  magna  i)arte  militum 
erat,  ratibua   Trebiam  traiicereut,  aut  nihil    sensere 

9  obstrepente  pluvia  aut,  quia  iam  moveri  nequibant 
prsB  lassitudine  ac  vulneribus,  sentire  sese  dissimu- 
The      survivors  larunt,  quietisque   Poenis  tacito  agmino 

made    their  way  f  -^         -r»i 

to  Fiacentia,  ab  Scipione  cousule  exercitus  Placen- 
tiam est  perductus,  inde  Pado  traiectus  Cremo- 
nam,  ne  duorum  exercituum  hibernis  una  colonia 
premeretur. 
57  Romam  tantus  terror  ex  hac  clade  perlatus  est, 
ut  iam  ad  urbem  Romanam  crederent  infestis  sig- 
nis  hostem  venturum,  nee  quicquam  spei  aut  auxilii 
Sempronius     to  cssc,  quo  a  portis  mcenibusque  vim  ar- 

Rome  to  hold  the  .  i         j     m*    •  •   j.„ 

election*.  Cerent:   lino  consule  ad    licmum  victo, 

alteram  ex  Sicilia  revocatum;  duobus  consulibus,  duo- 
bus  consukribus  exercitibus  victis,  quos  alios   duces, 
3  quas  alias  legiones  esse,  quae  arcessantur  1     Ita  territis 
Sempronius  consul  advenit,   ingenti  periculo  per  ef- 


fuses passim  ad  praedandum  hostium  equites  audacia 
magis  quam  consilio  aut  spe  fallendi  resistendive,  si 
nou  falleret,  transgressus.  Id  quod  unum  maxime  in  4 
prsesentia  desiderabatur,  comitiis  consularibus  habitis, 
in  hiberna  rediit.  Creati  consules  Cn.  Servilius  et 
C.  Flaminius. 

Ceterum  ne  hiberna  quidem  Romanis  quieta  erant,  5 
vagantibus  j)assim  Kumidis  equitibus  et,  ut  quaeque  iis 
impeditiora  erant,  Celtiberis  Lusitanis-  iiannibai  scoured 
que.  Omnes  igitur  uudique  clausi  com-  hiscavaS-y?  **** 
meatus  erant,  nisi  quos  Pado  naves  subveherent.  Em-  6 
porium  prope  Placentiam  fuit  et  opere  magno  mu- 
nitum  et  valido  firmatum  praesidio.  Eius  castelli 
expugnandi  spe  cum  equitibus  ac  levi  armatura  pro- 
foetus    Hannibal,    quum    plurimum    in  ,    .        „ 

.  ^  *■  was     beaten    off 

celaiido  incepto  ad  effectum   spei  habu-  from  Emporium, 
isset,   nocte  adortus   non    fefellit  vigiles.     Tantus  re-  7 
pente  clamor  est  sublatus,  ut  Placentise  quoque  audi- 
retur.     Itaque  sub  lucem  cum  equitatu  consul  aderat, 
iussis  quadrate   agmiue   legionibus  sequi.      Equestre  8 
interim   proelium   commissum,    in   quo,   quia   saucius 
Hannibal  pugna  excessit,  pavore  hostibus  iniecto,  de- 
fensum  egregie  praesidium  est.     Pauconim  inde  diemm  9 
quiete  sumpta  et  vixdum  satis  percurato  vulnere,  ad 
Victumvias   oppugnandas   ire   pergit.     Id   emporium  10 
Romanis  Gallico  bello  fuerat ;  munitum  but  forced    vic- 
inde  locum  frequentaverant  accolse  mixti  dJ^1fte*r  Sing 
undique  ex  finitimis  populis,  et  turn  ter-  habuL^  "'  '"" 
ror  populationum  eo  plerosque  ex  agris  compulerat. 
Huius   generis   multitude,  fama   impigre   defensi  ad  n 
Placentiam  praesidii  accensa,    armis  arreptis  obviain 
HannibaU    procedit.      Magis   agmina  quam  acies  in  la 


64 


LJVII 


LIBER  XXI. 


65 


I 


via  concurrenint,  et  qunm  ex  altera  pai-te  nihil  pra- 
ter inconditam  turbam  esset,  in  altera  et  dux  railiti 
et  duci  miles  fidens,  ad  triginta  quinque  millia  homi- 

13  niim  a  paiicis  fiisa.  Postero  die  deditione  facta  pre- 
sidium intra  mcenia  accepei-e;  iussique  arma  tradere 
quum    dicto    paruissent,    signum    repente   victoribus 

i4datur,  ut  tamquam  vi  captam  urbem  diriperent,  ne- 
que  ulla,  quie  in  tali  re  memorabilis  scribentibus 
videri  solet,  pi-getermissa  clades  est ;  adeo  omnia  libi- 
dinis  cmdelitatisque  et  inhumanae  superbiae  editum 
in  miseros  exemplum  est.  Hse  fuere  hibernse  expe- 
ditiones  Hannibalis. 

58        Hand  longi  inde  tempom,  dum  intolerabilia  fti 

2  He  tried  to  cross  gora  crant,  quies  militi  data  est,  et  ad 

the  Apennines  into         .  i    1  •         •  •  r  „4..,„  « 

Etruria,  but  was  pnoia  ac  dubia  sigua  veris  protectus  ex 
stress  of  weather,  hibemis  in  Etmriani  ducit,  eam  quoque 
gentem,  siciit  Gallos   Ligiiresque,  aut  vi  aut   volun- 

3  tate  adiuncturus.  Transeuntem  Appenninum  adoo 
atrox  adorta  tempestas  est,  ut  Alpium  prope  fedi- 
tatem  superaverit.  Vento  mixtus  imber  quum  fer- 
retur  in  ipsa  ora,  primo,  quia  aut  arma  ouiit- 
tenda    erant    aut    contra    eniteutes    vertice    intorti 

4  affligebantur,  constitere ;  dein  quum  iam  spiritum 
includeret  nee  reciprocare  animam   sineret,  aversi  a 

5  vento  parumper  consedere.  Turn  vero  ingenti  sono 
caelum   strepere   et   inter   horrendos   fragores   micare 

6igne8;  capti  auribus  et  oculis  metu  omnes  torpcre; 
tandem  effuso  imbre,  quum  eo  magis  accensa  vis  venti 
esset,  ipso  illo,  quo  deprensi  erant,  loco  castm  ponere 

7  necessarium  visum  est.  Id  vero  laboris  velut  de  in- 
tegro  initium  fuit ;  nam  nee  explicare  quicquam  nee 
atatuere  poterant  nee,  quod  statutum  esset,  manebat, 


omnia  perscindente  vento  et  rapiente.     Et  mox  aqua  8 
levata  vento  quum  super  gelida  montiura  iuga  concreta 
esset,  tan  turn    nivosae  grandinis  deiecit,  ut   omnibus 
omissis  procumberent  homines,  tegiuinibus  suis  magis 
obruti  quam  tecti ;  tantaque  vis  frigoris  insecuta  est,  9 
ut  ex  ilia  miserabili  hoininum  iumentoi-umque  strage 
quum  se  quisque  extollere  ac  levare  vellet,  diu  nequi- 
let,  quia  torpentibus  rigore  nervis,  vix  flectere  artus 
poterant.     Deinde,  ut  tandem  agitando  sese  movere  10 
ac  recipere  animos  et  raris  locis  ignis  fieri  est  cceptus, 
ad  alienam  opem  quisque  inops  tendere.     Biduum  eo  n 
loco   velut   obsessi    mansere ;    multi    homines,    multa 
iuoienta,  elephanti  quoque  ex  iis,  qui  proelio  ad  Tre- 
biam  facto  superfueraut,  sei)tem  absumpti. 

Degressus  A|)pennino  retro  ad  Placentiam  castra  59 
luovit,   et    ad    tlecem    millia    progressus  Returning      to 
consedit.      Postero  die  duodecim  millia  ZThtA  an  S"' 

J-,  .  .  ,  ,  cisive     encountei 

peditum,  quinque  equitum  adversus  hos-  with  Sempromus, 
tem   ducit ;    uec   Sempronius   consul    (iam   enim   re-  a 
dierat    ab    Roma)    detrectavit   certamen,     Atque    eo 
die  tria  millia  passuuni  inter  bina  castra  fuere ;  pos-  3 
tero  die  ingentibus  auimis,  vario  eventu  pugnatum  est. 
Primo  concursu   adeo  res  Romana  superior   fuit,   ut 
uon  acie  vincerent  solum,  sed  pulsos  hostes  in  castra 
persecpierentur,  mox  castra  quoque  oppugnarent.   Han-  4 
nibal,  paucis  propugnatoribus  in  vallo  portisque  posi- 
tis,  ceteros  confertos  in   media  castra  recepit,  inten- 
tosque  signum  ad  erumpendum  exspectare  iubet.    Iam  5 
nona  ferme  diei  hora  erat,  quum   Romanus,  nequic- 
quam  fatigato  milite,  postquam  nulla  spes  erat  potiundi 
castris,  signum  receptui  dedit.     Quod  ubi  Hannibal  6 
accepit  laxatamque  pugnam  et  recessum  a  castris  vidit, 
C.  L.  5 


66 


LJVII 


LIBER  XXL 


67 


extemplo  eqiiitibus  dextra  laevaque  emis«is  in  bostem, 

7  ipse  cum  peditum  robore  mediis  castm  erupit.  Pugna 
raro  magis  uUa**  aiit  utri usque  partis  pemicie  clarior 
fuisset,  si  extendi  earn  dies  in  longum  spatium  sivisset; 

&  nox  acceusum  ingentibus  animis  proelium  diremit.  Ita- 
que  acrior  concursus  ftiit  quani  cjedes,  et,  sicut  Kjquata 
fenne  pugna  erat,  ita  clade  pari  discessum  est.  Ab 
neutra  parte  sexcentis  plus  peditibus  et  dimidium  eius 

9  equitum  cecidit ;  sed  maior  Bomanis  quam  pro  nu- 
mero  iactura  fuit,  quia  equestris  oi-dinis  aliquot  et  tri- 
buni  militum  quinque  et  prsefecti  sociorum  tres  sunt 

lo  interfecti.  Secundum  earn  pugnam  Hannibal  in  Li- 
after  which  both  gures,  Sempronius  Lucam  concessit.    Ve- 

sidea    retired    to      .        .     .        ^.  ^^         .,     i-  •      • 

winter  quarteni.  uieuti  in  Ligures  Hannibali  per  insi- 
dias  intercept!  duo  quaestores  Bomani,  C.  Fulvius  et 
L.  Lucretius,  cum  duobus  tribunis  militum  et  quin- 
que equestris  ordinis,  senatonim  ferme  liberis,  quo 
magis  ratam  fore  cum  iis  pacem  societatemque  ere- 
deret,  traduntur. 
00  Bum  bffic  in  Italia  geruntur,  Cn.  Cornelius  Scipio 
cii  sdpio  mean-  ^^  Hispaniam  cum  classe  et  exercitu  mis- 
•  ^TtZs'by  s"s,  quum  ab  ostio  Bhodaui  profectus 
Ml  policy.  Pyrenaeosque  montes  circumvectus  Em- 

3  poriis  appulisset  classem,  exposito  ibi  exercitu,  orsus  a 
L.etams  omnem  oram  usque  ad  Hiberum  flumen  par- 
tim  renovandis  societatibus,  partim  novis  instituendis 

4  Bomanse  dicionis  fecit  Inde  conciliata  olementise 
fiuna  non  ad  maritimos  modo  populos,  sed  in  mediter- 
raneis  quoque  ac  moutanis  ad  ferociores  iam  gentes 
valuit;  nee  pax  modo  apud  eos,  sed  societas  etiani 
armorum  parta  est,  validoeque  aliquot  auxilioruni  co- 

s  hortes  ex  u&  conscriptse  sunt.     Uannouis  cis  Hiberum 


proviucifi  crat ;  eum  reliquerat  Hannibal  ad  regionis 
eius  praesidium.     Itaque,  priusquam  alienarentur  om- 
nia, obviam  eundum  ratus,  castris  in  conspectu  hoa- 
tium  positis,  in  aciem  eduxit.     Nee  Bomano  differen-  6 
dum  certamen  visimi,  quippe  qui  sciret,  cum  Hannone 
et  Hasdrubale  sibi   dimicandum  esse,  malletque  ad- 
versus  singulos  separatim  quam  adversus  duos  simul 
rem  gerere.     Nee  magni  certaminis  ea  dimicatio  fuit.  7 
Sex  millia  hostium  caesa,  duo  capta  cum  and  defeated  Han 
pi-sesidio  castrorum;   nam   et  castra  ex-  no  in  drawn  battle, 
pugnata  sunt,  atque  ipse  dux  cum  aliquot  principibus 
capiuntur,  et  Cissis,  propinquum  castris  oppidum,  ex- 
pugnatur.     Ceterum  praeda  oppidi  parvi  pretii  rerum  s 
fuit,  supellex  barbarica  ac  vilium  mancipiorum ;  castra  y 
militem  ditavere,  non  eius  modo  exercitus,  qui  victus 
erat,  sed  et  eius,  qui  cum  Hannibale  in  Italia  milita- 
bat,  omnibus  fere  caris  rebus,  ne  gravia  impedimenta 
ferentibus  essent,  citra  Pyrenaeum  relictis. 

Priusquam  certa  huius  cladis  fama  accideret,  trans-  61 
gressus  Hiberum    Hasdrubal    cum    octo  Hasdrubai  comes 
millibus  peditum,  mille  equitum,  tanquam  retires^again  aftw 
ad  primiun  adventum  Bomanorum  occur-  strSers? 
surus,    postquam    perditas    res  ad   Cisaim    amissaque 
castra  accepit,   iter  ad  mare  convertit.      Haud  pro- « 
cul  Tarracone  classicos  milites  navalesque  socios  va- 
gos  jjalantesque  per  agros,  quod  ferme  fit,  ut  secundae 
res  negligentiam  creent,  equite  passim  dimisso  cum 
magna  caede,  maiore  fuga  ad  naves  compellit  j  nee  diu-  3 
tius  circa  ea  loca  morari  ausus,  ne  ab  Scipione  oppri- 
meretur,  trans  Hiberum  sese  recepit.    Et  Scipio  raptim  4 
ad  famam  novorum  hostium  agmiue  acto,  quum  in 
paucos  prffifectos    navium    animadvertisset,    praesidio 

5—2 


Livn 


LTBEJi    XXT. 


69 


I 


Tarracoiie  riioclico  relicto,  Eraporias  cum  classe  rediit 

5  Vixdum  digresso  eo,  Hasdi-ubal  aderat,  et  Ilergctnni 

^     *!,    l>opulo,  qui  obsides  Scipioni  dederat,  ad 

and   rousinj?  the   ^     *         '    *  *  ' 

iiorgetestorcvoit,  defectioncm  iinpulso,  cum  eorum  ipsorum 
iuventute  agros  fidelium    Romanis   socionim    vastat. 

6  Excito  deinde  Scii)ione  hibeniis,  toto  cis  Hibeinim  mr- 
suH  cedit  agix).  Scipio  relictam  ab  auctore  detectioni.s 
Ilergetum  gentem  quum  infesto  exercitu  invasissetj 
compulsis  omnibus  Atanagrum,  urbem,  quae  caput  eius 

7  populi  erat,  cii'cumseditj  intraque  dies  paucos,  pluribus 
quam  ante  obsidibus  imperatis,  Tlergetes  pecunia  etiam 

8  multatoa  in  ius  dicionemque  recepit.  Inde  in  Auseta- 
but Scipio  reduces  no8  prope  Hibenim,  socios  et  ipsos  Pceno- 

them   to  iubmis-  j*.         .  v  i 

flioii  as  well  as  iiim    proccdit,   atque    urbe    eorum    ob- 

thc  Ausetani  and  „....- 

LaetanL  sessa,  Lseetauos  auxihum  tinitimis  ferentes 

nocte,  baud  procul  iam  urbe,  quum   intrare  vellent, 

9  excepit  insidiis.  Cfiesa  ad  duodecim  millia ;  exuti 
prope  omnes  armis  domos  passim  palantes  per  agros 
diffugere  ;  nee  obsesaos  alia  uUa  res  quam  iniqua  op- 

10  pugnantibus  hiems  tutabatur.  Triginta  dies  obsidio 
fuit,  per  quos  raro  unquam  nix  minus  quattuor  pedes 
alta  iacuit,  adeoque  pluteos  ac  vineas  Roraanonim 
operuerat,  ut  ea  sola,  ignibus  aliquoties  coniectis  ab 

11  lioste,  etiam  tutamentum  fiierit.  Postremo  quum 
Amusicus  princeps  eorum  ad  Hasdrubalem  profugisset, 
viginti  argenti  talentis  pacti  deduntur.  Tarmconeni 
in  hibema  reditum  est. 

62        Romse  aut  circa  urbem  multa  ea  hieme  prodigia 
At  Rome  the  nu-  facta  aut,  quod  evenire  solet  motis  semel 

merous    portents   .  ...  .      .  ,.  ,.    , 

called  for  ceremo-  in    religioncm    animis,    multa    nuntiata 

niei    ri*   unusiuU  _  ... 

a  Miamoity.  et   temere    credita   sunt,  in   quis,  mge- 

nuum    infantem    semestrem    in    foro    olitorio  trium- 


phum   clamasse,    et  in  foro  boario  bovem  in  tertiam  j 
contigiiationom  sua  sponte  escendisse  atque  inde  tu- 
multu  habitatorum  territum  sese  deiecisse,  et  navium 
speciem  de  cselo  affulsisse,  et  sedem  Spei,  quae  est  in  4 
foro  olitorio,  fulmine  ictam,  et  Lanuvii  hastam  se  com- 
movisse  et  corvum  in  aedem  lunonis  devolasse  atque 
in  ipso  pulvinari  consedisse,  et  in  agro  Araiternino  5 
miiltis  locis  hominum  specie  procul  Candida  veste  visos 
uec  cum  uUo  congresses,  et  in   Piceno  lapidibus  plu- 
visse,  et  Caere  sortes  extenuatas,  et  in  Gallia  lupum 
vigili  gladium  ex  vagina  raptum  abstulisse.    Ob  cetera  6 
prodigia  libros  adire  decemviri  iussi :  quod  autem  lapi- 
dibus pluvisset  in  Piceno,  novendiale  sacrum  edictum 
et  subinde  aliis  procurandis  prope  tota  ci vitas  operata 
fuit.     Nam  primum  omnium  urbs  lustrata  est  bostiae-  7 
que  maiores,  quibus  editum  est,  diis  caesae,  et  donum  s 
ex  auri  pondo  quadraginta  Lanuvium  lunoni  portatum 
est  et  signum  aeneum  matron  ae  lunoni  in  Aventino 
dedicaverunt,  et  lectisternium  Caere,  ubi  sortes  attenu- 
atJfi  ei-ant,  imperatum,  et  supplicatio  Fortunae  in  Al- 
gido ;    Romae   quoque   et   lectisternium    iuventuti    et  9 
supplicatio  ad  aedem  Herculis  nominatim,  deinde  uni- 
ver«o  populo  circa  omnia  pulvinaria  indicta,  et  Genio 
maiores  hostiae  caesae  quinque,  et  C.  Atilius  Serranus  10 
prietor  vota  suscipere  iussus,  si  in  decem  anuos  res 
publica  eodem  stetisset  statu.    Haic  procurata  votaque  n 
ex  libris  Sibyllinis  magna  ex  parte  levaverant  religione 
animos. 

Consulum  designatorum   alter  Flaminius,  cui  eae  53 
legiones,ciuaePlaconti8e  hibernabant,  sorte  piaminius      the 

*=*  '  consul    dosiKnate 

evenerant,  edictum  et  litteras  ad  consu-  who  was  ijecuiiar- 

'  ly   obnoxious    to 

lem  misit,  ut  is  exercitus  idibus  Martiis  the  patricians. 


70 


LTVTl 


LTBER  XXT. 


71 


I 


I 


9  Arimini  adesaet  in  oastris.     Hie    in    provincia   con 
siilatum   inire   consilium   erat   memori   vetenim   ccr- 
taminum  cum  patribus,   quae  tribunus  plebis  et  qu® 

3  postea  consul  prius  de  consuktu,  qui  abrogabatur,  deiu 
de  triumpho  habuerat,  invisus  etiam  patribus  ob  no- 
vam  legem,  quam  Q.  Claudius  tribunus  plebis  advei-so 
senatuatqueunopatrumadiuvante  C.Flaminio  tulerat, 
ne  quis  senator,  cuive  senator  pater  fuisset,  maritimam 
navem,  quae  plus  quam  trecentarum  amphorarum  esset, 

4  haberet.  Id  satis  habitum  ad  fructus  ex  agris  vec- 
tandos ;  quaestus  omnis  patribus  indeconis  visus.  Res 
per  summam  contentionem  acta  invidiam  apud  nobili- 
tatem  suasori  legis   Flaminio,  favorem  apud  plebem 

5  left  R.)me  before  alterumque  inde  consulatum  pcDerit     Ob 

lie ftirimUly enter-  f   i  .     ^k, 

"iUepoSeii*^  ^^^  ^^^^'  auspiciis  ementieudis  Utin- 
irigues.  arumque  feriarum  mora  et  consularibus 

aliis  imjiedimentis  retenturos  se  in  urbe  simulato 
6itinere  piivatus  clam  in  provinciara  abiit.  Ea  res 
ubi  palam  facta  est,  novam  insuper  iram  infestis  iam 
ante  patribus  movit :  non  cum  senatu  mode,  sed  iam 
cum  diis  immortalibus  C.  Flaminiuni  bellum  gerere. 

7  Consulem  ante  inauspicato  factum  revocantibus  ex 
ipsa  acie  diis  atque  liominibus  non  paruisse;  nunc  con- 
scientia  spretonim  et  Cai)itolium  et  .solleninem  voto- 

8  rum  nuncupationem  fugisse,  ne  die  initi  magistratus 
lovis  optirai  maximi  templum  adiret,  ne  senatum  in- 
visus ipse  et  sibi  uni  iuvisum  videret  consuleretque, 
ne  Latinas  indiceret  lovique  Latiari  sollemne  sacrum 

9  in  monte  faceret,  ne  auspicato  profectus  in  Capitolium 
ad  vota  nuncupanda,  paludatus  inde  cum  lictoribus 
in  provinciam  iret.  Lixaj  modo  sine  iusignibus,  sine 
Ectoribus  profectum  clam,  fiirtim,  iiaud  aliter  quam  si 


exilii  causa  solum  vortisset.     Magis  pro  maiestate  vi-  lo 
delicet  imperii  Arimini  quam  Komae  magistratum  ini- 
tunim  et  in  deversorio  hospitali  quam  apud  penatc-s 
suos  praetextam  sumpturum.     Revocan-  The  indignant  se-  " 
dum  universi  retrahendumque  censuerunt  ^^  but^'iithSit 
et  cogendum  omnibus  prius   praesentem 
in  deos  bominesque  fungi  officiis,  quam  ad  exercitum 
et  in  provinciam  iret.     In  earn  legationem   (legates  " 
enim  mitti  placuit)  Q.  Terentius  et  M.  Antistius  pro- 
fecti  nihilo  magis  eum  moverunt,  quam  priore  consu- 
latu  litterae  moverant  ab  senatu  missse.     Paucos  post  13 
dies  magistratum  iniit,  immolantique  ei  vitulus  iam 
ictus  e  manibus  sacrificantium  sese  quum  proripuisset, 
multos   circumstantes   cruore    respersit ;    fuga   procul  m 
etiam  maior  apud  ignaros,  quid  trepidaretur,  et  con- 
cursatio  fuit.     Id  a  plerisque  in  omen  magni  terroris 
acccptum.    Legionibus  inde  duabus  a  Sempronio  prions  15 
aniii  consule,  duabus  a  C.  Atilio  praetore  acceptis,  in 
Eti-uriam  per  Appennini  tramites  exercitus  duci  est 
coeptus. 


72 


LtVIl 


LIBER   XXII. 


Iam  ver  appetebat ;  itaqiie  Hannibal  ex  hibei  iiis  mo- 
Haniiibai  moved  ^^^'j  ®*'  nequicquam  ante  conatus  trans- 
ti-rouarterswi.ere  cenderc  Appennmum  intolerandis  fri^or- 

lie  had  been   ha-    -l  a  ...  ® 

mss«i  bv  plots  of  iDus  et  cum  mgenti  periculo  moratus  ac 
a  metu.     Cralh,  qiios  praedae  i>opiilationuni- 

que  conciverat  spes,  postquam  i)ro  eo,  ut  ipsi  ex  alieno 
agro  raperent  agerentque,  suas  terras  sedem  belli  esse 
premique  utriusque  partis  exercitiuim  hibernis  videre, 

3  verteriint  retro  in  Hannibalem  ab  Romanis  odia;  peti' 
tusque  siepe  principum  insidiis,  i|>sorum  inter  se  fraude, 
eadem  levitate,  qua  conseuserant,  consensum  indican- 
tium,  servatus  erat,  et  mutando  nunc  vestem,  nunc 
tegun.enta  capitis,  errore  etiam  sese  ab  insidiis  num- 

4  ierat  Ceterum  hie  quoque  ei  tiuior  causa  fuit  matu- 
rius  movendi  ex  hibernis. 

Per  idem  tempus  Cn.  Servilius  consul  Romfe  idibus 

'mL^^:^?;!  ^^'"'^"^   magistratum    iniit.     Ibi    quum 

^iS'S'^^of  "^^  ^®  P"*"***^  rettulisset,  redintegrata  in 

Fiatmiiiua.  (J.  Flaminium  invidia  est :  duos  se  con- 

sules  creasse,   unum   habere;    quod   enim   illi  iustum 

6  imperium,  quod  auspicium  esse  ?  Magistratus  id  a 
domo,  publicis  privatisque  [)enatibus,  Latinis  feriis 
actis,  sacrificio  in  monte  pei-fecto,  votis  rite  in  Capi- 

7  tolio  nuncuj)atia,  secum  ferre ;  nee  privjitum  auspicia 


LJBER   XXII. 


73 


sequi,  nee  sine  auapiciis  profectum  in  extemo  ea  solo 
nova  atque  integra  concipere  posse.    Augebant  metum  8 
prodigia  ex  pluribus  simul  locis  nuntiata;  in  Sicilia 
militibus  aliquot  spicula,  in  Sardinia  autem  in  muio 
circumeunti    vigilias    equiti    scipionem,  and  by  the  repeat- 
quem  manu  tenuerat,  arsisse,    et   litora  ^^^po'^ents 
crebris  ignibus  fiilsisse,  et  scuta  duo  sanguine  sudasse,  9 
et   milites   quosdam  ictos  fulminibus,  et  solis  orbem 
minui  visum,  et  Pneneste  ardentes  lapides  caelo  ceci- 
disse,  et  Arpis  parmas  in  cajlo   visas  pugnantemque 
cum  luna  soleni,  et  Capenae  duas  interdiu  luuas  ortas,  10 
et  aquas  Caeretes  sanguine  mixtas  fiuxisse  foutemque 
ipsuin  Herculis  cruentis  manasse  respersum  maculis, 
et  Antii  metentibus  cruentas  in  corbem  spicas  ceci- 
disse,  et  Faleriis  caelum  findi  velut  magno  hiatu  visum,  n 
(|ujique  patuerit,  ingens  lumen  effulsis.se  ;   sortes  sua 
sponte  attenuatas,   unamque    excidisse    ita   scrip tam : 
"  Mavors  telum  suum  concutit,"  et  per  idem  tempus  12 
Roniae  signum  Martis  Appia  via  ac  simulacra  luporum 
sudasse,  et  Capua3  specieni  caeli  ardentis  fuisse  lunaeque 
inter  imbrem  cadentis.      Inde  minoribus  etiam  dictu  ,3 
prodigiis  fides  habita :  capras  lanatas  quibusdani  factas, 
et  gallinam  in  marem,  gallum   in  femi-  wiiich  were  met 

,.  TT*         •       .  ■  bv  groat  religious 

iiaiM  sese  vertisse.     His,  sicut  erant  nun-  functions. 


14 


tiata,    expositis    auctoribusque    in    curiam    introduc- 
tis,  cousul  de  religione  patres  consuluit.     Decretum,  15 
ut  ea  prodigia  partim  maioribus  hostiis,  partim  lac- 
tentibus  procui-arentur,  et  uti  supplicatio  per  triduum 
ad  omnia  puhinaria  haberetur ;  cetera,  quum  decem-  ,6 
v^iri  libros  inspexissent,  ut  ita  fierent,  quemadmodum 
cordi  esse  divis  e  carminibus  profarentur.     Decemvi-  17 
roium  monitu  decretum  est.  Tori  primum  donura  fnl- 


74 


LfVH 


men  aiireiim  poiido  qiiinquaginta  fieret,  et  Tiinoni 
Minervffique  ex  argento  dona  darentur,  et  lunoni 
reginse  in  Aventino  liinonique  Sospitae  Lauuvii  ma- 
ioribus  hostiis  sacrificaretur,  matronaeque  pecimia  col- 

18  lata,  quantum  conferre  cuique  commodum  esset,  donum 
lunoni  reginse  in  Aventinum  ferrent,  lectiaterniumque 
fieret,  et  ut  libertinie  et  ipsse,  unde  Feronise  donum 
daretur,  pecuniara    pro   facultatibus   suis   confeiTent. 

19  HsBC  ubi  facta,  decemviri  Ardeje  in  foro  niaioribus  hos- 
tiis  sacrificarunt.  Postremo  Decembri  iam  mense  ad 
ledem  Saturni  Rom«e  immolatum  est,  lectistemiuraque 
imperatum  ([et]  eum  lectum  senatores  atraverunt)  et 

20  convivium  publicum,  ac  per  urbem  Stitumalia  diem  ac 
noctem  clamata,  populusque  eum  diem  festum  habere 
ac  servare  in  perpetuum  iussus. 

2  Dum  consul  placandis  Roniae  dis  habendoque  di- 
iiannibai   makes  lectu    dat  opcram,    Hannibal    profectus 

liis  way  with  Kreat  _  .,  .  .        .  -rai        •     •  ...^     ^^„ 

difficulty  throiiKh  ex  hibcmis,   quia    mm  l^laminium   con- 

the  marshes  of  the        ,  .         . .  •  e  x 

Anio,  sulem   Arretium    pervemsse   tama   erat, 

a  quum    aliud    longius,   ceterum    commodius    ostende- 

retur   iter,  propiorem  viam  per   paludem    petit,   quo 

fluvius  Amus  per  eos  dies  solito  magis  inundaverat. 

3  Hispanos  et  Afros  (id  omne  veterani  erat  robur  exer- 
citua)  admixtis  ipsorum  impedimentis,  necubi  con- 
sistere  coactis  necessaria  ad  usus  deessent,  primos  ire 
iussit;  sequi  Gallos,  ut  id  agminis  medium  esset;  no- 

4  vissimos  ire  equites ;  Magonem  inde  cum  expeditis 
Fumidis  cogere  agmen,  maxime  Galloa,  si  tsedio  laboris 
longaequo  vise,  ut  est  mollis  ad  talia  gens,  dilaberentur 

5  aut  subsisterent,  cohibentem.  Primi,  qua  modo  pr«- 
irent  duces,  per  praealtas  fluvii  ac  profundus  voragines, 
bausti  psBne  limo  imraergentosque  se,  tamen  signa  se- 


LTBKR  XXTL 


75 


quebantur.     Galli   neque  sustinere  se  prolapsi  neq\ie  6 
assurgere   ex  voraginibus   poterant,  nee   aut   corpora 
aiiimia  aut  animos   spe   sustinebant,    alii   fessa  sBgre  7 
trahentes  membra,  alii,  ubi  semel  victis  tsedio  animis 
procubuissent,  inter  iumenta  et  ipsa  iacentia  passim 
morientes;    maximeque  omnium   vigilise   conficiebant 
per  quatriduum  iam  et  tres  noctes  toleratse.     Quum,  8 
omnia   obtinentibus   aquis,    nDiil,    ubi    in  sicco  fessa 
sternerent  corpora,  inveniri  posset,  cumulatis  in  aqua 
sarcinis  insuper  incumbebant,  aut  iumentorum  itinere  9 
fx)to  prostratorum  passim  acervi  tantum,  quod  exstaret 
aqua,  quserentibus  ad  quietem  parvi  temporis  neces- 
sarium  cubile  dabant.     Ipse  Hannibal  seger  oculis  ex  to 
verna  primum  intemperie  variante  calores  frigoraque, 
olephanto,   qui   unus  superfuerat,   quo  altius  ab  aqua 
exstaret,  vectus,  vigiliis   tamen   et  nocturno  humore  u 
palustrique  cajlo  gravante  caput,  et  quia  medendi  nee 
locus  nee  tempus  erat,  altero  oculo  capitur. 

Multis  hominibus  iumentisque  fcede  amissis  quum  3 
tandem  de  paludibus  emersisset,  ubi  pri-  and  after  great 

,     .,  ,         .         ,  loss  of  men  and 

mum  in  sicco   potuit,  castra  locat,   cer-  beasts 
tumque   per   pisemissos    exploratores    habuit,    exerci- 
tum  Romanum    circa   Arretii  moenia  esse.     Consulis  3 
deinde    consilia   atque    animum   et    situm   regionum 
itineraque  et  cornas  ad  commeatus  expe-         ,   .        „ 

^  I  I        marched     south- 

diendos  et  cetera,  quae  cognosse  in  rem  SnUis^aSr  him 
erat,  surama  omnia  cum  cura  inquirendo  ^'°™  Arretium, 
exsequebatur.     Regio  erat   in   primis   Italiae   fertilis,  3 
Etrusci  campi,  qui  Faesulas  inter  Arretiumque  iacent, 
frumenti  ac  pecoris  et  omnium  copia  rerum  opulenti ; 
consul  ferox  ab  consulatu  priore  et  non  modo  legum  4 
aut  patrum  maiestatis,   sed  ne  deoruni  quidem  satis 


76 


Ljvn 


metuens;  hanc  insitam  ingenio  eius  temeritatem  for- 
kuna  prospero  civilibua  bellicisque  rebus  successii  alue 

5  rat  Itaqiie  Hatis  apparebat,  nee  deos  nee  homines 
consulentem  ferociter  omnia  ac  praepropere  actunin.  ; 

6  quoque  pronior  esset  in  vitia  sua,  agitare  eiim  atque 
irritare  Pcenus  parat,  et  Iseva  relicto  hoste  Ftusulas 
petens,  medio  Etrariae  agro  prsedatum  profectus,  qiian- 
tam  maximam  vastitatem  potest,  csedibiis  incendiisciuo 

7  consnli  procul  ostendit.  Flaminius,  qui  ne  quieto  qui- 
dem  boste  ipse  quieturus  erat,  turn  vero,  postquam  res 
sociorum  ante  oculoa  prope  suos  ferri  agique  vidit, 
suum  id  dedecns  ratus,  per  iiiediam  iam  Italiam  vagari 
who  disreganiing  P«i^^  a^"«  obsistente   nullo  ad    ipsa 

8  prudent  counsels  xiomana  mcenia  ire  oppugnanda,  ceteris 
omnibus  in  consilio  salutaria  magis  qnam  si)ecios:i 
suadentibus:  collegam  exspectandum,  ut  coniunciis 
exercitibus,  communi  animo  consilioque  rem  gertieiit, 

9  interim  equitatu  auxiliisque  levium  armorum  ab  eflusa 
pnedandi  licentia  hostem  coliibendum,  initus  se  ex  con- 
silio proripuit,    signumque    nimul    itineris   pugnseque 

10  qunm  jYtopoauiaset,  "  Immo  Arretii  ante  mcenia  sedea- 
mus"  inquit;  "  hie  enim  patria  et  pcnates  sunt.  Han- 
nibal emissus  e  manibua  perpopuletur  Italiam  vastan- 
doque  et  urendo  omnia  ad  Eomana  mcenia  perveniat, 
nee  ante  nos  hinc  moverimus,  quam,  sicut  olim  Civ 
millum  ab  Veiis,  C.  Flaminium  ab  Arretio  patres  acci- 

1,  verint."  Hsec  simul  increpans  quum  ocius  signa 
convelli  iuberet  et  ipse  in  equum  insiluisset,  equus 
repente  corruit  consulemque  lapsum  super  caput  effudit. 

,»     ,     ,        ^,    Territis  omnibus,   qui  circa  erant,  velut 

"  and  nnfaTounible  '     * 

«*•««»•  fcedo  omine  incipiendse  rei,  insuper  nun- 

tiatur,  aignum  omni  vi  moliente  signifero  convelli  ne- 


LTBER   XXJL 


77 


quire.     Convcrsus  ad  nuntium  "Nura  littora»s  quoque"  13 
inquit  **ab  senatu  affers,  quifi  me  rem  gerere  vetent  1 
Abi,  nuntia,   effodiant   signum,    si   ad    convellenduni 
manus  i)r8e  metu  obtorpuerunt."   Incedere  ^^^^^^^    -^    ,,ot  h 
inde  agmen  coepit,  primoribus,  superquain 
quod  dissenserant  ab    consilio,   territis  etiam  duplici 
prodigio,   milite  in   vulgus  Iseto  ferocia  ducis,   quum 
spem  magis  ipsam  quam  causam  spei  intueretur. 

Hannibal,   quod  agri    est  inter   Cortonam  urbem  4 
Tnisumennumque  lacum,  omni  clade  belli  and  fails  into  ti.e 

^  trap  laid  for  linn 

[)ervastjit,  quo  magis  iium  hosti  ad  vm-  between^^^  Lake 
dicaudas  sociorum  iniurias  acuat ;  et  iam  the  mountains.  3 
pervenerant  ad  loca  nata  insidiis,  ubi  maxime  montes 
Cortouenses  Tnusuniennus  subit.  Via  tantum  in- 
terest perangusta,  velut  ad  id  ipsuni  de  industria 
relicto  spatio ;  deinde  paulo  latior  patescit  campus  ; 
inde  colles  insurgunt.  Ibi  castra  in  aperto  locat,  3 
ubi  ipse  cum  Afris  modo  Hispanisque  consideret ; 
Baliares  ceteraraque  leveni  armaturam  post  montes 
circumducit ;  equites  ad  ipsas  fauces  saltus,  tumulis 
apte  tegentibus,  locat,  ut,  ubi  intrassent  Romani,  ob- 
iecto  equitatu  clausa  onmia  lacu  ac  montibus  essent. 

Flaminius  quuui  pridie  solis  occasu  ad  lacum  per-  4 
venisset,  inexplorato  postero  die  vixdum  His    army   sur- 

'  •  rounded    on    all 

satis  carta  luce  angustiis  sui^eratis,  post-  sides,  and  taken 

o  ^  '    *  uniiwares,  is  uiise- 

quam  in  patentiorem  campum  pandi  ag-  »a''>y  destroyed, 
men    coepit,    id    tantum    hostium,    quod    ex    adverse 
erat,    coiispexit ;    ab    tergo    ac    super    caput   deceptse 
insidiae.     Poenus  ubi,  id  quod  petierat,  clausum  lacu  5 
ac  montibus  et  circumfusum  suis  copiis  habuit  hos- 
tem,  signum    omnibus    dat    simul    invadendi.       Qui  6 
ubi.  quacuique  proximum  fuit,  decucurrerunt,  eo  magis 


78 


LIVIJ 


Koniaiiis  subita  atque  impi-ovisa  res  fiiit,  quod  orta  ex 
lacu  nebula  campo  quam  montibus  densior  sederat, 
agminaque  hostium  ex  pluribus  coUibus  ipsa  inter  se 

7  satis  conspecta  eoque  magis  pariter  decucurrerant.  Ro- 
mauus  clamore  prius  undique  orto,  quam  satis  cerneret, 
se  circumventum  esse  sensit,  et  ante  in  frontem  latera- 
que  pugnari  coeptum  est,  quam  satis  instrueretur  acios 

5  aut  expediri  arma  stringique  gladii  possent.  Consul, 
perculsis  omnibus,  ipse  satis,  ut  in  re  trepida,  impavi- 
dus  turbatos  oi-dines,  vertente  se  quoque  ad  dissonos 
clanioies,  instruit,  ut  tempus  locusque  patitur,  et  qua- 
cunque  adire  audirique  potest,  adhortatur  ac  stare  ac 

2  pugnare  iubet :  nee  enim  inde  votis  aut  imploratione 
deum,  sed  vi  ac  virtute  evadenduni  esse ;  per  medias 
acies   ferro  viam   fieri   et,  quo  timoris  minus  sit,  eo 

3  mmus  ferme  periculi  esse.  Ceterum  prae  strepitu  ac 
tumultu  nee  consilium  nee  im])erium  accij)i  poterat, 
tantumque  abemt,  ut  sua  signa  atque  ordines  et  locum 
noscerent,  ut  vix  ad  anna  capienda  aptandaque  pugiite 
competeret  animus,  opprimerenturque  quidam  onerati 
magis  iis  quam  tecti.     Et  erat  in  tanta  caligine  maior 

4  usus  aurium  quam  ocnlorum.  Ad  gemitus  vulnera- 
torum  ictusque  corponim  aut  armomm  et  mixtos  stre- 
l>entium   paventiumqiie    clamores   circumferebant  ora 

5  oculosque.  Alii  fugientes  pugnantium  globo  illati 
luerebant;  alios  redeuntes  in  pugnam  avertebat  fugien- 

6  tium  agmen.  Deinde,  ubi  in  omnes  partes  nequicquam 
impetus  capti,  et  ab  lateribus  montes  ac  lacus,  a  fronte 
et  ab  tergo  hostium  acies  claudebat,  apparuitque,  nul- 
1am  nisi  in  dextera  ferroque  salutis  spem  esse,  turn 
sibi  quiaque  dux  adbortatorque  factus  ad  rem  gerendam 

7  et  nova  de  integi-o  exorta  pugna  est,  non  Dla  ordinata 


LIBER   XXII. 


79 


per  jirincipes  liastatosque  ac  triarios,  nee  ut  pro  signis 
aiitcsignani,  post  signa  alia  pugnaret  acies,  nee  ut  in 
sua  legione  miles  aut  coliorte  aut  nianipulo  esset ;  fors  8 
conglobabat  et  animus  suus  cuique  ante  aut  post  pug- 
nandi  ordinem  dabat,  tantusque  fuit  ardor  animorum, 
adeo  intentus  pugnse  [animus],  ut  eum  motum  terrse, 
qui  niultai-um  urbium  Italise  magnas  partes  prostravit 
avertitque  cursu  rapidos  amnes,  mare  flumiuibus  in- 
vexit,  montes  lapsu  ingenti  proruit,  nemo  pugnantium 
senserit. 

Trea  ferme  horas  pugnatum  est  et  ubique  atrociter;  6 
cu'ca  consulem  tamen  acrior  infestiorqiie  The  consul  iiim- 

T-i  i       1  •  self  falls  lighting 

pugna  est.    lium  et  robora  vu'oruin  seque-  bravely  to  the  last,  a 
bantur,  et  ipse,  quacunque  in  parte  premi  ac  laborare 
sensemt  suos,  impigre  ferebat  opem,  insignemque  armis 
et  hostes  sum  ma  vi  petebant  et  tuebantur  cives,  donee  3 
Insuber  eques  (Ducario  nomeu  erat)  facie  quoque  nos- 
citans  consulem,  "J^n"  inquit  "Incest"  popularibus 
suis,  "  qui  legiones  nostras  cecidit  agrosque  et  urbem 
est  depopulatus ;  iam  ego  banc  victimam  nianibus  pcr- 
emptorum  foede  civium  dabo."    Subditisque  calcaribus  4 
equo  per  confertissimam  hostium  turbam  impetum  facit, 
obtruncatoque  prius  armigero,  qui  se  infesto  venienti 
obviam  obiecerat,  consulem  lancea  transfixit;  spoliare 
cupientem  triarii  obiectis  scutis  arcuere.    Magnse  partis  5 
fuga  inde  primum  coepit;  et  iam  nee  lacus  ,, 

'='  *  r     ^  the  rest  are  cut 

nec  montes  pavori  obstabant ;  per  omnia  down  or  dispersed, 
arta  prseruptaque  velut  cseci  evadunt,  armaque  et  viri 
super  alium  alii  prsecipitantur.    Pars  magna,  ubi  locus  6 
fugse  deest,   per  prima  vada  paludis  in  aquam  pro- 
gi'essi,  quoad  capitibus  humeris^ite  exstare  possunt,  sese 

• 

imniorguntj  fuere,  quos  inconsultus  pavor  nando  etiam 


80 


UVTT 


7  capessere  t'ugam  impulerit ;  quae  ubi  immensa  ac  sine 
H[>e  erat,  aut  deticientibus  animis  bauriebanturgurgiti- 
bua  aut  neqiiicquam  fessi  vada  retro  aegerrime  repete- 
bant,  atque  ibi  ab  iugressis  aqiiam  hostiuni  equitibus 
t  passim  triicidabantnr.  Sex  millia  ferme  primi  agminis, 
per  ad  versos  liostes  eruptione  impigre  facta,  ignari 
omnium,  quae  post  se  agerentur,  ex  saltu  evasere,  et 
quuni  in  tumulo  qiiodam  coiistitissent,  clamorem  modu 
ac  sonum  armoruiii  aiidientes,  quae  fortuna  pugnaj  asset, 

y  neque  scire  nee  jierspicere  pra?  caligine  poterant.  In- 
clinata  denique  re,  quum  incalescente  sole  dispulsa 
nebula  apeniisset  diem,  turn  liquida  iam  luce  montes 
campique  perditas  res  stratamqiie  ostendere  fcede  Ro- 

io  manam  aciem.  Itaque  ne  in  conspectos  procul  iinmit- 
teretur  e<|ues,  sublatis  niptim  signis,  quam  citatissimo 

'«  poterant  agmine,  sese  abripuerunt.  Postero  die,  quum 
super  cettjra  extrema  fames  etiam  instaret,  lidem  dante 
Maharbale,  (lui  cum  omnibus  cqueatribus  copiis  noctc 

la  consecutus  erat,  si  arma  tradidissent,  abire  cum  sin- 
gulis vestimentis  passurum,  sese  dediderunt ;  quae  Pu- 
nica  religione  servata  fides  ab  Hannibale  est,  a^ue  in 
vincula  omnes  coniecti. 

7  Haic  est  nobilis  ad  Trasumennum  pugna  atque  inter 
imucas  memorata  populi  Romani  clades.  Quindecim 
millia  Romanorum  in  acie  cajsa ;  decern  millia  sparsa 
fuga  jier  omnem   Etruriam  diversis  itineribus  urbeni 

3  petiere ;  duo  millia  quingenti  hostiura  in  acie,  multi 
postea  [utrinque]  ex  vulneribus  periere.  Multiplex 
csedes  utrinque  facta  traditur  abaliis;  ego  pi-aeterquam 

4  quod  nihil  auctum  ex  vano  velim,  quo  nimis  inclinant 
ferme  scribentium  animi,  Fabium,  aequalem  tempori 

5  bus  liuiusce  belli,  i)otis8imum  auetorem  liabui.   Hanni- 


LTBER   XXIL 


81 


bal,  captivorum  qui  Latini  norainis  essent,  sine  pi*etio 
dimissis,  Romanis  in  vincula  datis,  segregata  ex  hostium 
coacervatorum  cumulis  corpora  suorum  quum  sepeliri 
iussisset,  Flaminii  quoque  corpus  funeris  causa  magna 
cum  cui-a  inquisitum  non  invenit. 

Romae  ad  primum  nuutium  cladis  eius  cum  ingenti  6 
terrore  ac  tumultu    concui-sus  in  forum  The  tidings  kii 

,.         ,     p      L  -Kir    I  Rome  with    grief 

popull    est    tactUS.        Matroilie    vagae     per   and  consternation  7 

vias,  quae  repens  clades  allata  quaeve  fortuna  exercitus 
esset,  obvios  percontantur ;  et  quum  frequentis  con- 
tionis  modo  turba  in  comitium  et  curiam  versa  magis- 
tratus  vocaret,  tandem  baud  multo  ante  solis  occasum 
M.  Pomponius  praetor  '*  Pugna"  inquit  "magnavictis 
sumus."     Et  quanquam  nihil  certius  ex  eo  auditum 
est,  tamen  alius  ab  alio  impleti  rumoribus  domos  re- 
ferunt,  consulem  cum  magna  parte  copiarum  caesum  j  9 
superesse  paucos  aut  fuga  passim  [)er  Etruriam  sparsos 
aut  captos  ab  hoste.    Quot  casus  exercitus  victi  fuerant,  10 
tot  in  curas  dispertiti  animi  eorum  erant,  quorum  pro- 
pinqui  sub  C.  Flaminio  consule  meruerant,  ignoran- 
tium,  quae  cuiusque  suorum  fortuna  esset;  nee  quisquam 
satis  certum  habet,  quid  aut  speret  aut  timeat.  Postero  u 
ac  deinceps  aliquot  diebus  ad  portas  maior  prope  mu- 
lierum  quam   virorum  multitude   stetit,    aut  suorum 
aliquem  aut  nuntios  de  iis  opperiens;   circumfunde- 
banturque  obviis  sciscitantes,  neque  avelli,  utique  ab 
notis,  priusquam  ordine  omnia  inquisissent,  poteiunt. 
Inde  varies  vultus  digredientium  ab  nuntiis  cerneres,  la 
ut  cuique  laeta  aut  tristia  nuntiabantur,  gratulantesque 
aut  consolantes  redeuntibus  domos  circumfusos.    Femi- 
narum  prsecipue   et   gaudia   insignia  erant  et  luctus. 
IJnam  in  ipsa  porta  sospiti  filio  repente  oblatam  in  13 
C.  L.  6 


82 


ij  I  V I J 


complexu  eias  exspiriisse  feruut ;  alteram,  cui  moi-s 
filii  falso  nuntiata  erat,  msestam  sedeiitein  domi,  ad 
primum  conspectum   redeiiiitiH  filii  gaudio  niiiiio  ex- 

14  auimafcam.  Senatuui  prae tores  jier  dies  aliquot  ab  orto 
usque  ad  occidenteDi  soleni  in  cuiia  retinent,  coiisul- 
tantes,  quonam  duce  aufc  quibus  copiis  resisti  victoribus 
Poenis  posset 

g  Priusquara  satis  certii  consilia  tissent,  repens  alia 
and  are  followed  nuiitiatur  clade^s,  quattuor  niillia  equitum 
further  lo"^*'  "  cum  C.  Ceiitenio  propraitore  missa  ad  col- 
legam  ab  Servilio  consule  in  Umbria,  quo  post  piig- 
nam  ad   Tnisumenniuu    aiulitam  averteraut   iter,   ab 

2  Haimibale  circum  veiita.  Eius  rei  fama  varie  homines 
affecit.  Pais,  occnpatis  maiore  aegritudine anirais,  leveiii 
ex  coraparatiooe  |>rioruni  diicere  receu tern  equitum  iac- 

3  turam  ;  pjirs  non  id,  quod  acciderat,  per  se  8Bstiiiiaro, 
s(»d,  ut  in  affecto  coqjore  quamvis  levis  causa   magis 

4  quam  in  valido  gmvior  sentiretur,  ita  turn  a'gi-aj  et 
affectaj  civitati  quodcunque  adversi  incideret,  non  reruiii 
magnitudine,  sed  viribus  extenuatis,  quae  nihil,  quod 

5  aggravaret,  pati   possent,   lestimandum  esse.      Itaque 

„   ,    ad  remedium  iam  diu  neque  desideratum 

Q.  Fablua  Maxi-  ^ 

mus  is  appointed  ng^  adhibitum,  dictatorem  dicendum,  civi- 

dictator  to   meet 

tiie  criai*.  j^^^  confugit ;  et  quia  et  consul  aberat,  a 

quo  uuo  dici  posse  videbatur,  nee  per  occupatam  armis 
Punicis  Italiam  facile  erat  aut  nuntivim  aut  litteras 
mitti,   nee   dictatorem   populo    rwm    consulto   senatns 

6  creare  poterat,  quod  nunquam  ante  earn  diem  factum 
erat,  dictatorem  iiopulus  creavit  Q.  Fabium  Maximum 

7  ot  magistrum  equitum  M.  Minucium  Rufum  ;  hisque 
negotium  ab  senatu  datum,  ut  muros  turresque  uibis 
firmarent  et  prsesidia  disponerent,  quibus  locis  vide- 


LIBER   XX 11. 


83 


retur,  pontesque  resciuderent  fluminum  :  pro  iirbe  ac 
penatibus  dimicandum  esse,  quando  Italiam  tueri  ne- 
cjuisseiit. 

Hannibal  recto  itinere  [)er  Umbriam  usque  ad  Spo-  9 
letium  venit      Inde,  quum    porpopulato  j^^^^^^^,  ^^^^^  ^  2 
agro  urbem  oppugnare  adortus  esset,  cum  S!?,oSra"av•^^^^ 
magna  cajde  suoiiim  repulsus,  coniectans  ne?ghbouri.oo(/!'is 
ex  uiiius  colonisB  baud  maadmce  minime  f**^ '^^ ''"'=^"* 
prospere  tentjxtte  viribus,  quanta  moles  RomansB  urbis 
esset,  in  agrum  Ficeuiun  avertit  iter,  non  copia  solum  3 
omnis  generis  frugum  abundantem,  sed  refertum  praeda, 
quam  effuse  avidi  atque  egentes  rapiebant.      Ibi  per  4- 
(lies  idiquot  stativa  habita,  refectusque  miles  hiberiiis 
itiueribus   ac  palustri  via  proelioque  magis  ad  eventum 
sccuiido  quam  levi  aut  facili  affectus.    Ubi  satis  quietis  5 
datum  praeda  ac  populationibus  magis  quam  otio  aut 
requie  gaudentibus,  profectus  Prsetutianum  Hadrian- 
umqtte  agrum,  Marsos  inde  Marrucinosque  et  Peligiios 
devastat  circaque  Arpos  et  Luceriam  proximam  Apulise 
rt!gionem.     Cn.  Servilius  consul,  levibus  while  the  consul  ^ 

_!••  r^    11-      /•     ,•         .  -1      Servilius  retires  to 

proeliis  cum  Gains  lactis  et  uno  oppido  Rome, 
ignobili  expugnato,  postquam  de  collegae  exercitusque 
caede  audivit.  iam  mcenibus  patriae  metuens,  ne  abesset 
in  discrimine  extreme,  ad  urbem  iter  intendit. 

Q.  Fabius  Maximus  dictator  iterum,  quo  die  magis-  7 
tratum  iniit,  vocato  senatu,  ab  diis  orsus,  Fabius  begins  with 
quum  edocuisset  patres,  plus  negligentia  refigionT"^***° 
cairimoniarum  auspiciorumg'wg  qiLam  temeiitate  atque 
inscitia  peccatum  a  C.  Flaminio  consule  esse,  quaeque 
piacula  irse  deum  essent  ipsos  deos  consulendos  esse, 
pervicit,  ut,  quod  non  ferme  decemitur,  nisi  quum  8 
taetra  prodigia  nuntiata  sunt,  decemviri  libros  Sibyl- 

6—2 


84 


LTvrr 


LIBER   XXJ7. 


85 


lO 


9  linoH  adire  iiiberentur.  Qui,  inspectis  fatalihiis  libiis, 
iiM  the  sibvuine  rettulemnt  patribus,  quod  eius  belli  causa 
booki  consulted  votum  Marti  foret,  id  non  rite  factum 
de  integro  atque  am  pi  i  us  faciundum  esse,  et  lovi 
Iwdos  magiios  et  aades  Veneri  Erjcinae  ac  Menti  vo- 
vendas  em%  et  supi»licationeiii  lectisterniumque  ha- 
bendum, et  ver  sacrum  vovendum,  si  bellatum  pros- 
pere  esset  resque  publica  in  eodem,  quo  ante  bellum 

II  fuisset,  statu  permansisset.  Seiiatue,  quoniam  Fabium 
belli  cura  occupatura  esset,  M.  -^milium  praetorem  ex 
coUegii  poutificum  sententia,  omnia  ea  ut  mature  fiant, 
10  curare  iubet.  His  senatus  consul tis  perfectis,  L.  Cor- 
nelius Lentulus  pontifex  maximus,  consulente  collegium 
pi«tOTe,  omnium  primum  populum  consulendum  de 
vei*e  sacro   censet:    iniussu  populi   voveri  non   posse. 

'and  a. vT  ,«,«„«  Rogatus  in  haec  verba  populus :  "Velitis 
comeit  **of'  tile  iubeatisne  hsec  sic  fieri  ?  Si  res  pul)lica 
*^*''*'  populi  Roniani  Quiritium  ad  quinquen- 

niunj  |)roxiiiium,  niout  velim  voveamque,  salva  servata 
erit  hisce  duellis,  quod  duellum  populo  Romano  cum 
Cartbaginiensi  est,  quseque  duella  cum  Gal  lis  sunt, 

3  qui  cis  Alpes  sunt,  turn  donum  duit  populus  Romanus 
Quiritium,  quod  ver  attulerit  ex  suillo,  ovillo,  caprino, 
bovillo  grege,  quaeque  profana  enint,  lovi  fieri,  ex  qua 

4  die  senatus  populusque  iusserit.  Qui  faciet,  quando 
volet  quaque  lege  volet,  facito ;  quo  modo  faxit,  probe 

s  factum  esto.  Si  id  moritur,  quod  fieri  oportebit,  pro- 
fanum  esto,  neque  scelus  esto.  Si  quis  rumpet  occi- 
detve  insciens,  ne  fraus  esto.    Si  quis  clepsit,  ne  populo 

6  soelus  esto,  neve  cui  cleptum  erit.  Si  atro  die  faxit 
insciens,  probe  foctum  esto.  Si  nocte  sive  luce,  si 
jervufi  sive  liber  laxit,  probe  factum  esto.     Si  antidea, 


ac  senatus  populusque  iusserit  fieri,  faxitur,  eo  populus 
solutus  liber  esto."      Eiusdem   rei  causa  ludi  magni  7 
voti   aeris  trecentis   triginta  tribus   millibus    trecentis 
triginta  trihiis  triente,  praeterea  bubus  lovi  trecentis, 
multis  aliis  divis  bubus  albis  atque  ceteris  hostiis.   Vo-  8 
tis   rite   nuncupatis,    supplicatio   edicta ;      ,  „ 

^  '  ^*  '   and  other  soleuin 

supplicatumque   iere  cum   coniugibus  ac  "'f^inances. 
liberis  noii  urbana  multitudo  tantum,  sed  agrestium 
etiam,  quos  in  aliqua  sua  foi*tuna  publica  quoque  con- 
tingebat  cura.      Turn    lectisternium   per  triduum  ha-  9 
bitum,   dicemviris  .sacroruni   curantibus.      Sex   pulvi- 
naria   in  conspectu    fuennit,    lovi    ac   lunoni    unum, 
alterum  Neptuno  ac  Miner vae,  tertium  Marti  ac  Ve- 
neri, quartum  Apollini  ac  Dianse,  quintura  Vulcano  ac 
Vestae,  sextum  Mercurio  et  Cereri.     Tum  sedcs  votae. 
Veneri  Erycinae  aedem   Q.    Fabius  Maximus  dictator  10 
vovit,  quia  ita  ex  fatalibus   libris  edituni  erat,  ut  is 
voveret,  cuius  maximum  imperiuni  in  civitate  esset ; 
Menti  aedem  T.  Otacilius  praetor  vovit. 

Ita  rebus  divinis  peractis,  tum  de  bello  reque  [de]  11 
publica  dictator  rettulit,  quibus  quotque  ho  then  proceeds 
legiouibus  victori  hosti  obviam  eundum  'o'evy  troops 
esse  patres  censerent.     Decretum,  ut  ab  Cn.  Servilio  2 
consule   exercitum   acciperet ;    scriberet   praeterea   ex 
civibus  sociisque,  quantum  equitum  ac  peditum  vide- 
retur ;  cetera  omnia  ageret  faceretque,  ut  e  re  publica 
duceret.     Fabius  duas  legiones  se  adiecturum  ad  Ser-  3 
vilianum  exercitum  dixit.     lis  per  magistrum  equitum 
scriptis  Tibur    diem    ad    conveuiendum      ^  ,      .     , 

'-  and   to    give    in- 

edixit     Edictoque  proposito,  ut,  quibus  JSr^foik'nli?  ^ 
oppida  castellaque  immunita  essent,  uti  '^e  seat  of  war, 
comniigiareut   in   loca  tuta,    ex  agris   quoque    demi- 


8C 


Ljrij 


LIBER    XXI L 


87 


fl 


grarent  omnes  regiouis  cius,  qua  itunis  Hannihal  esset, 
tectis  prius  incensis  ac  fi'ugibus   corruptis,  ne  cuius 

5  rei  copia  CFset,  ipse  via  Flaminia  profectus  obviaiii 
consuli  exercituque,  quum  ad  Tiberiin  circa  Ocriculuni 
prospexisset  agmen  consulemque  cum  equitibus  ad  se 
progiedientem,  viatorem  misit,  qui  consuli  nuntiaret, 

6  ut  sine  lictoriljus  ad  dictatorem  veniret.  Qui  quum 
dicto  paruisset,  coiigressusque  eorum  ingctitem  speciem 
dictatursB  apud  cives  sociosque  vetustate  iam  prope 
oblitos  eius  imperii  fecisset,  litterse  ab  urbe  allatae 
sunt,  naves  onerarias  commeatum  ab  Ostia  in  His- 
[laniam  ad  exercitum  portantes  a  classe  Punica  circa 

7  portum  Cosanum  capias  esse.  Itaque  extemplo  consul 
nod  to  despatch  ^^tiam  proficisci  iussus,  navibusque,  quae 
£tTol"iIard^thi  ^  urbem  Romanam  aut  Oi'tiae  essent, 
coasts.  coiupletis  milite  ac  navalibus  sociis,  per- 

8  sequi  faostium  classem  ac  litora  Italiae  tutaii.  Magna 
vis  liominum  conscripta  Romae  erat;  libertini  etiam, 
qui  bus  liberi  essent  et  setas  militaris,  in  verba  iura- 

9  verant.  Ex  hoc  urbano  exercitu,  qui  minores  quinque 
et  triginta  annis  erant,  in  naves  impositi,  alii,  ut  urbi 
pnesidercnt,  .^licti. 

12  Dictator,  exercitu  consul  is  accepto  a  Fulvio  Flacco 
He  then  marched  Icgato,  per  agrum  Sabinum  Tibur,  quo 
ifan^bal'i  ™y  ^^iem   ad   conveniendum    edixerat   novis 

2  **■  *****  militibuM,  venit  Inde  Prseneste  ac  trans- 
versis  limitibus  in  viam  Latinam  est  egressus,  unde, 
itineribus  summa  cum  cui-a  exploratis,  ad  Losteni  ducit, 
nullo  loco,  nisi  quantum  necessitas  cogei-et,  foitunaj 

3  se  commissums.  Quo  prinunn  die  baud  procul  Arpis 
in  conspectu  hostium  posuit  castra,  nulla  mora  iacta, 
quin  PoBuus  educeret  in  aciem  copiamque   pugnandi 


faceret.     Sed  ubi  quieta  omnia  apud  hostes  nee  castra  4 
ullo  tumultu    mota   videt,   increpans   quidem,   victos 
tandem  [quos]  Martios  animos  Romanis,  debellatiim- 
que  et  concessum  propalam  de  virtute  ac  gloria  esse, 
in  castra  rediit ;  ceteruni  tacita  cura  animum  incessit,  5 
quod  cum  duce  haudquaquam  Flaminii  Semproniique 
simili  futura  sibi  res  esset  ac  tum  demum  edocti  malis 
Romani  parem  Hannibali  ducem  qusesissent.     Et  pru-  6 
dentiam  quidem  novi  dictatoris  extemplo  timuit ;  con- 
stantiam  hauddum  expertus,  agitare  ac  ten  tare    ani- 
mum movendo  crebro  castra  populando-     j.^^p.^^  .^  ^^^, 
que  in  oculis  eius  agros  sociorum  coepit,     ]^^^^^  \\^7t 
et  modo  citato  agmine  ex  conspectu  abi-     |e?epting  "*  "ny  ^ 

1     .  1  1       ■         T  a  :.«    ,^:       offer  of  battle. 

bat,  modo  repente  m  aliquo  flexu  viae,  si 
excij)ere  degressum  in  sequum  posset,  occultus  subsis- 
tebat.     Fabius  per  loca  alta  agmen  ducebat,  medico  8 
ab   hoste  intervallo,   ut  neque  omitteret  eum   neque 
congrederetur.     Castris,  nisi  quantum  usus  necessarii 
cogerent,  tenebatur  miles  ;  pabulum  et  ligna  nee  pauci 
petebant  nee  passim  ;  equitum  levisque  armaturse  sta-  9 
tic,  composita  instructaque  in  subitos  tumultus,  et  suo 
militi  tuta  omnia  et  infesta  effusis  hostium  popula- 
toribus    prsebebat;    neque    universo    perioulo    summa 
rerum  committebatur,  et  parva  momenta  levium  cer-  lo 
taminum  ex  tuto  captorum,  finitimo  receptu,  assue- 
faciebant  territum  pristinis  cladibus  militem  minus  iam 
tandem  aut  virtutis  aut  fortunse  psenitere  suse.     Sed  « 
non  Hannibalem  magis  infestum   tam  sanis  consiliis 
habebat  quam   magistrum  equitum,   qui   nihil   aliud, 
quam  quod  impar  erat  imperio,  morse  ad  rem  publi- 
cani  prsecipitandam   habebat,    ferox   rapidusque    con- 
siliis ac  lingua  immodicus.     Primo  inter  paucos,  dein  12 


88 


LTVII 


propalam  in  vulgus  pro  cunctatore  segnem,  pro  cauto 
timidiim  affingens  vicina  virtutibus  vitia,  compellabat, 
premendoque  superiorem,  quae  pessima  ars  nimis  pros- 
peris  multorum  successibus  crevit,  sese  extollebat. 
13  Hannibal  ex  Hirpinis  in  Samnium  transit,  Bene- 
Haaiiibai  crossed  ventamim  depopulatUF  agrum,  Telesiam 
lSidtheifceriH.pe  ui'^em  capit,  irritat  etiam  de  industria 
Capua  muv^*  in-  ducem,  si  forte  accensum  tot  indignitati- 
tooampania,  y^^^  ^  cladibus  80ciorum  detrahere  ad 
•  aequum  certamen  possit  Inter  multitudinem  socionim 
Italici  generis,  qui  ad  Trasumennuni  capti  ab  Han- 
nibale  dimissique  fuerant,  tres  Campani  equites  erant, 
multis  iam  turn  illecti  donis  promissisque  Hannibalis 

3  ad  conciliandos  popularium  auimos.  Hi  nuntiantes, 
si  in  Campaniam  exercitum  admovisset,  Capuse  i>o- 
tiendie  copiani  fore,  quum  res  maior  quani  auctores 
esset,  dubium  Hannibalem  alternisque  fidentem  ac 
diffidentem  tamen,   ut  Campanos  ex  Samnio  peteret, 

4  moverunt  Monitos  etiam  atque  etiam,  ut  promissa 
rebus  affirmarent,  iussosque  cum  pluribus  et  aliquibus 

sprincipum  redire  ad  se  dimisit.  Ipse  imperat  duci, 
butwasKuidedbj-  "*  ^^  ^^  agrum  Casinatem  ducat,  edoctus 
SuS'''ii,suad*'of  a  peiitis  regionum,  si  eum  saltum  occu- 
^^*^"*"'  passet,  exitum  Romano  ad  opem  feren- 

6  dam  sociis  interclusurum ;  sed  Punicum  abhorrens  ab 
Latinorum  nominum  pronunticUione  os,  Caailinum  pro 
Casino  dux  ut  acciperet,  fecit,  aversusque  ab  suo  iti- 
nere  per  Allifanum  Callifanumque  et  Calenum  agrum 

7  in  carapum  Stellatem  descendit.  Ubi  quum  montibus 
fluminibusque  clausam  regionem  circumspexisset,  voca- 

8  turn  ducem  percontatur,  ubi  terrarum  esset.  Quum  is 
Casilini  eo  die  mansurum  eum  dixisset,  turn  demum 


LIBEE   XXI J. 


89 


cognitus  est  error,  et  Casinum  longe  inde  alia  regione 
esse  ;  virgisque  caeso  duce  et  act  reliquorum  terrorem  9 
ill   crucem  sublato,  castris  communitis,  Maharbalem 
cum  equitibus  in  agrum  Falernum  praedatum  dimisit. 
Usque  ad  aquas    Sinuessanas  populatio  ea  pervenit.  10 
Iiigentem   cladem,   fugam   tamen    terroremque   latius 
Numidae  fecerunt;  nee  tamen  is  terror,  quum  omnia  n 
bello  flagrarent,    fide   socios    dimovit,    videlicet   quia 
iusto  et  moderato  regebantur  imperio  nee  abnuebant, 
quod  unum  vinculum  fidei  est,  melioribus  parere. 

Ut  vero,  postquam  ad  Vulturnum  flumen   castra  14 
sunt  posita,  exurebatur  amcenissimus  Ita-  „. 

His  ravages  of  the 

lise  ager  vilkeque  passim  incendiis  fuma-  "^''  »*^'«r,  f^ier- 

^  i        IT  nus    excited    the 

bant,  per  iuga  Massici  mentis  Fabio  du-  San^^'^soWierl 
cente,  tum  prope  de  integro  seditio  accen-  fhe^Hor^,*Minu.^ 
sa;    quieverant    enim    per   paucos    dies,  ""''  2 

quia,  quum  celerius  solito  ductum  agmen  esset,  festi- 
nari  ad  proliibendam  populationibus  Campaniam  cre- 
diderant.     Ut  vero  in  extrema  iuga   Massici  mentis  3 
ventum,  et  hostes  sub  oculis  erant  Falerni  agri  colo- 
norumque  Sinuessae  tecta  urentes,  nee  ulla  erat  mentio 
pugnse,   "Spectatum   hue"   inquit  Minucius,   '' ut   ad  4 
rem  fruendam  oculis,  sociorum  caedes  et  incendia  ve- 
nimus  %  nee,  si  nullius  alterius  nos,  ne  civium  quidem 
liorum   pudet,   quos  Sinuessam   colonos  patres  nostri 
miserunt,    ut  ab   Samnite  hoste  tuta  haec  ora  esset,  5 
quam  nunc  non  vicinus  Samnis  urit,  sed  Pcenus  ad- 
vena,  ab  extremis  orl)is  terrarum  terminis  nostra  cunc- 
tatioue  et  socordia  iam  hue  progressus  ?     Tantum,  pro,  6 
degeneramus  a  patribus  nostris,  ut,  prseter  quam  Oram 
ilU  Punicas   vagari   classes  dedecus  esse  imperii   sui 
duxerint,  eam  nunc  plenani  hostium  N'umidarunique 


w 


Lfvn 


LIBER  XXI J. 


91 


ln)^^ 


fS 


7  ac  Mauronim  km  fiictam  videamus  %  Qui  modo  Sa- 
guntum  oppugnari  indignando  iion  homines  tantum, 
sed  foedera  et  deos  ciebamus,  scandentem  moenia  Ro 

8  mansD  colonise  Hannibalem  lenti  spectamus.  Fuiims 
ex  incendiis  villarum  agrorumque  in  oculos  atqne  ora 
venit;  strepiint  aiiies  clamoribus  plorantium  sociorum, 
snepius  nostrani  quam  deonim  invocantium  opem  ;  i 
hie  pecorum  modo  per  sestivos  saltus  deviasque  call 

9  exercitnm  ducimiis.  couditi  nubibus  ailvisque.  Si  hoc 
modo  peragrando  cacumina  saltusque  M.  Furius  re- 
cipere  a  Gallis  urV»em  voluisset,  quo  hie  novus  Camil- 
lus,  nobis  dictator  utiicus  in  rebus  affectis  quseaitus, 

,oItaliam  ab  Hannibale  reeupemre  parat,  Gallorum 
Roma  esset,  quaoi  vereor  ne,  sic  cunctantibus  nobis, 
Hannibali  ac  Pcenis  toties  servaverint  maiores  nostri. 

II  Sed  vir  ac  vere  Romanus,  quo  die  dietatorem  eum 
ex  auctoritate  jiatrum  iussuqiie  populi  dictum  Veios 
allatum  est,  quuni  esset  satis  altum  laniculuni,  ubi 
sedens  prospeetaret  hostem,  descendit  in  sequum  atquc 
illo  ipso  die  media  in  urbe,  qua  nunc  busta  Gallicii 
sunt,   et    i)Ostero    die   citra   Gabios   cecidit  Gallorum 

,2  legiones.  Quid  ?  post  multos  annos  quum  ad  Furculas 
Caudinas  ab  8amnite  hoste  sub  iuguiu  missi  sumus, 
utrum  tandem  L.  Papiriua  Cursor  iuga  Samnii  pei- 
lustrando  an  Luceriani  premondo  obsidendoque  ft 
laeessendo   victorem    hostem    depulsum    ab    Rouiaius 

13  eervicibus  iugum  sujierbo  Samniti  imposuit]  Modo 
C.  Lutatio  quae  alia  res  quam  celeritas  victoriam  dedit, 
quod  postero  die,  quaro  hostem  vidit,  elassem  gi-avem 
commeatibus,   im[)edit;im  suomet   ipsam    instrumento 

,4  atque  apparatu,  oppressit  ?  Stultitia  est  sedendo  nut 
votis  debellari   credere   posse.      Anna  capias  oportet 


et  desceudas  in  aequum  et  vir  cum  viro  congrediaris. 
Audendo  atque  agendo  res  Romana  crevit,  non  his 
segnibus  consiliis,  quae  timidi  cauta  vocant."  Hajc  15 
velut  contionanti  Minucio  circurafuudebatur  tribu- 
norum  equitumque  Romanorura  multitude,  et  ad 
aures  quoque  militum  dicta  ferocia  evolvebantur ;  ac 
si  militaris  suffragii  res  esset,  liaud  dubie  ferebant, 
Minueium  Fabio  duci  praelaturos. 

Fabius  paiiter  in  suos  hand  minus  quam  in  hostes  15 
intentus,  prius  ab  illis  invictum  animuin  pabius  guards  the 
prsestat.     Quanquam  probe  scit,   non  in  JfamfibUcani'Ss 
Lris  n.odo  suis,  sed  iam  etia;.  Rom.  ^T^t^^^ 
infamem  suam   cunctationem  esse,   obstinatus   tamen 
tenore  eodem   consiliorum  ajstatis  reliquum  extraxit, 
lit  Hannibal  destitutus  ab  spe  suiiima  ope  petiti  cer-  2 
taminis  iam  hibeniis  locum  circumspectaret,   quia  ea 
regio    praesentis    erat  copiae,    non   perpetuae,    arbusta 
vineaeque  et  consita  omnia  magis  amoenis  quam   ne- 
cessariis  fructibus.     Haec  per  exploi-atores  relata  Fa-  3 
bio.     Quum  satis  sciret,  per  easdem  angustias,  quibus 
intraverat    Falernum    agrum,    rediturum,    Calliculam 
montem  et  Oasilinum  occupat  modicis  praesidiis,  quae  4 
iirbs  Vulturno  flumine  dirempta    Falernum    a  Cam- 
pano   agro  di vidit ;    ipse  iugis  iisdem   exercitum    re- 
ducit,  misso  exploratinn  cum  quadringentis  equitibus 
sociorum  L.  Hostilio  Mancino.     Qui,  ex  turba  iuve-  5 
num   audientium    saepe   ferociter  contio-  ^^^  j^ggg  ^^^^  ^f 
nantem  magistrum  equitum,    progressus  iasimSs'^^f^iian^ 
primo  exploratoris  modo,  ut  ex  tuto  spe-  '^"""' 
cularetur  hostem,  ubi  vagos  passim  [)er  vicos  Ninnidas 
mdit  et  per  occasionem  etiani  paucos  occidit,  extemplo  6 
occupatus  certamine  est  animus,   excideruntque  prae- 


92 


LIVII 


LIBER  XXIJ. 


93 


I 


II 


cepta  dictatoris,  qui,  quantum  tuto  posset,  progressum 
prius  recipere  sese  iusserat,  quam  in  conspectum  hos- 

7  tium  veniret.  Numidae  alii  atque  alii  occursantes 
refugientesque  ad  castra  prope  ipsa  cum  fatigatione 

8  equoram  atque  hominum  pertraxere.  Inde  Carthalo 
penea  quern  summa  equestris  imperii  eni.t,  concitatis 
equis  invectus,  quum  prius,  quam  ad  coniectum  teli 
vouiret,  avertisset  hostes,  quinque  ferme  millia  conti- 

9  nenti  cursu  secutus  est  fugientes.  Mancinus  post- 
quam  nee  hostem  desistere  sequi  nee  spem  vidit  effu- 
giendi  esse,  cohortatus  suos  in  proelium  rediit,  oimii 

«o  parte  virium  impar.  Itaque  ipse  et  dclecti  eqniturn 
circumventi  occiduntur ;  ceteri  effuso  [rursus]  cursu 
Cales  primuni,  inde  prope  inviis  callibus  ad  dictiitorem 
perfugerunt. 

"  Eg  forte  die  Minucius  se  coniunxerat  Fabio,  missus 
He  sends  to  hold  ad  iirmauduui  pi-ajsidio  sal  turn,  qui  super 

the    iittss    above 

Tarracina,  Tarracinam  in  artas  coactus  fauces  ini- 

niinet  mari,  ne  ab  Sinuessa  Pcenua  Appiae  liniite  per- 

12  venire  in  agrum  Romanum  posset.  Coniunctia  exer 
citibus  dictator  ac  magister  equitum  castra  in  viaui 
deferunt,  qua  Hannibal  ducturus  erat;  duo  inde  millia 

16  hostes  aberant      Postero  die   Poeni,   quod   viae  inter 

2  bina  castra  erat,  agmine  complevere.  Quum  Roman! 
sub  ipso  constitissent  vallo,  baud  dubie  aequiore  loco, 
and  occupies  the  successit   tamen    Pcenus    cum    expeditis 

mountain       road  . 

uirough  which  the  cqiutibusQue     ad    lacessendum     hosteiii. 

enemy  means   ***/>,.. 

P«»».  Carptim   Poeni  et  procuraando  recipieu- 

3  doque  sese  pugnavei-e ;  restitit  suo  loco  Roniana  acies ; 
lenta  pugna  et  ex  dictatoris  magis  quam  Hannibal  is 
fuit  voluntate.  Ducenti  ab  Romanis,  octingenti  hos- 
tiuDi  cecidere. 


Inclusus  inde  videri  Hannibal,  via  ad  Casilinum  4 
obsessa,  quum  Ca[)ua  et  Samnium  et  tantum  ab  tergo 
(iivitum  sociorum  Romanis  commeatus  subveberet, 
Pcenus  inter  Fomiiana  saxa  ac  Literni  arenas  stag- 
naque  et  per  horridas  silvas  hibernaturus  esset ;  nee  5 
Hannibalem  fe  fell  it,  suis  se  artibus  peti.  Itaque  quum 
per  Casilinum  evadere  non  posset  i^eteu-  „ 

*  .  Hannibal  outwits 

(11(1  uc  iiioiites  et  iuffuni  Calliculae  super-  *''^  'Romans  by  a 

^  °  ^  stnita|,'em        and 

aiidum  essftt,  necubi  Romanus  inclusum  pass«'J  "'e  defiles, 
vallibus  agmen  aggrederetur,  ludibrium  oculorum  spe-  6 
cie  ten-ibile  ad  frustrandum  hostem  commentus,  prin- 
cipio  noctis  furtim  succedere  ad  iiiontes  statuit.   Fallacis 
eousilii  talis  apparatus  fuit.      Faces  undique  ex  agris  7 
collectae  fascesque  virgaruiii  atque  aridi  sarmenti  piseli- 
gantur  cornibus    boum,    quos    domitos   indomitosque 
inultos  inter  ceteram  agrestem   praedam  agebat.     Ad  s 
duo  iiiillia  ferme  boum  effecta,  Ilasdrubalique  negotium 
datum,   ut  nocte  id   armentum  accensis  coi-iiibus   ad 
niontes    ageret,   11 1  ax i me,   si    posset,    super   saltus   ab 
hoste  insessos.     Priinis  tenebris  silentio  mota  castra ;  17 
boves  aliquanto  ante  signa  acti.     Ubi  ad  radices  mon-  2 
tium  viasque  angustas  ventum  est,   signum  extemplo 
(latur,  ut  accensis  cornibus  arnienta  in  adversos  con- 
citentur  montes  ;  et  metus  ipse  relucentis  flammae  ex 
capite  calorque  iam  ad  vivum  ad  imaque  cornuum  ad- 
veniens  velut  stimulatos   furore  agebat  boves.     Quo  3 
repente  discursu,  baud  secus  quam  silvis  montibusque 
accensis,  omnia  circa  virgulta  visa  ardere,  capitumque 
irrita  quassatio    excitans  flammam    hominum    passim 
discurrentium  speciem  prsebebat.      Qui  ad  transitum  4 
saltus  insidendum  locati  erant,  ubi  in  summis  monti- 
bus  ac  super  se  quosdam   ignes   conspexere,  circum- 


94 


/./  vn 


• 


ventoa  ae  esse  rati  praesidio  excessere.  Qua  miniine 
ileiLsiJij  micabant  flammie,  veluttutissiinum  iter  jutentes 
aumma  montiura  iuga,  taineii  in  quosdam  boves  palatos 

5  a  suiH  gregibus  iiiciderunt.  Et  primo  quum  procul 
cemerent,  veluti  flainiiuis  spirantium  miraculo  attoniti 

6  constiterunt ;  deinde  ut  liuiuaiia  apparuit  fraus,  turn 
vero  insidias  rati  esse,  cum  maiore  tumultu  concitant 
se  ill  fugam.  Levi  quoque  armaturae  hostium  incur- 
rere ;  ceterum  nox  avjuato  tiinore  neutros  pugnani  in- 

7  cipientes  ad  lucem  tenuit.  Interea  toto  agmine  Han- 
nibal tiaducto  per  saltuni,  et  quibusdarn  in  ipso  saltu 
hostium  (ippressis,  in  agro  Allifano  pcsuit  castra. 

18        Hunc  tumultum  sensit  Fabius  :  ceterum  et  insidias 

esse  ratus  et  ab  noctui-no  utitrue  ahhoi- 
iK-iiiK    especially  fens  certamiue,  suos  muni  mentis  tenuit. 


iiKtuntalns. 


the 


Luce  prima  sub  iugo  moutis  pra'liiini 
fuit,  quo  interciusiim  ab  suis  levem  armaturam  facile 
(etenim  nuniero  aliquantura  prsestabant)  Romani  su- 
penissent,  nisi  Hispanururn  cohoi*s  ad  id  ipsum  rtMuissa 

3  ab  Hannibale  supervenisset.  Ea  assuetior  montibus  et 
ad  concursandum  inter  saxa  rupesque  aptior  ac  levior 
quum  vcloeitate  corporum,  turn  annorum  Labitu,  cam- 
jjestrem   hostem,  gi-avem   arrais  statariumque,   pugnae 

4  genere  facile  elusit.  Ita  haudquaquam  pari  certamine 
digressi,  Hispani  fere  omnes  incolumes,  Romani  ali- 
quot suis  amissis  in  castra  contenderunt. 

5  Fabius  quoque  movit  castra,  traiisgressusque  saltuni 
itoth  armies  uiove  super  Allifas  loco  alto  ac  munito  consedit. 

thruueh     Saumi-   ,^1  o.  •  t-*  j_ 

6  um  into  Apulia,  lum  i>er  Samnium  Komam  se  petere 
simulans  Hannibal  usque  in  Pelignos  populabundus 
rediit ;  Fabius  medius  inter  hostium  agmen  uibemque 
Komam  iugis  ducebat,  nee  absistens  nee  congrediens. 


LTBER   XX I L 


95 


Ex  Felignis  Foenus  flexit  iter,  retroque  Apuliam  re-  7 
petens  Gereonium  pervenit,  urbem  metu,  quia  collapsa 
minis  imrs  moenium   erat,  ab  suis  desertam ;  dictator  8 
in  Larinate  agro  castra  communiit.     Inde  andintheabsen.^ 
sacrorum   causa   Romam   revocatus,  non  Ss^s^Mt  in'com- 
imperio  modo,  sed  consilio  etiam  ac  prope  ^^ 
precibus  agens  cum  magistro  equitum,  ut  plus  consilio  9 
quam  fortunse  confidat  et  se  potius  duceni  quam  Sem- 
l)r(jnium  Flaminiumque  imitetur  :  ne  nihil  actum  cen- 
seret  extracta  prope  a^state  per  ludificationem  hostis; 
medicos  quoque  plus  interdum  quiete  quam  movendo 
jit(iue  agendo  proHcere;  baud  parvam  rem  esae  ab  toties  10 
victore  hostt3  vinci  desisse  et  ab  continuis  cladibus  re- 
Kpirasso, — liaic  nequicquamprsemouito  magistro  equitum 
Eomani  est  profectus. 

Principio  ajstatis,  qua  hsec  gerebantur,  in  Hispania  19 
quoque  terra  marique  coeptum  bellum  est.   a    Carth.agini.an 

,  r      1      1     1         i  .  fleet  is   surprised 

Hasdrubal    ad    eum   navium   numerum,  by  the  Romans  in  a 

the  moutli  of  the 

quern  a  fratre  instructum  paratumque  ac-  Hiberus 
ceperat,  decem   adiecit ;  quadraginta   navium   classem  3 
Himilconi  tradit,  atque  ita  Carthagine  profectus  naves 
l)rope   terram,  exercitum    in   litore   ducebat,   paratus 
confligere,  quacunque  parte  copiarum  hostis  occurrisset. 
Cn.  Scipio  postquam  movisse  ex  hibemis  hostem  audi-  4 
vit,  primo  idem  consilii  fuit;  deinde  minus  terra  propter 
ingciiitem  famam  novorum  auxiliorum  concurrere  ausus, 
(lelecto  milite  ad  naves  imposito,  quinque  et  triginta 
navium  classe  ire  obviam  hosti  pergit.     Altero  ab  Tar-  5 
racone  die  ad  stationem    decem   millia  passuum  dis- 
tantem  ab  ostio  Hiberi  amnis  pervenit.     Inde  duae 
Massiliensium  speculatoriae  prsemisssB  rettulere,  classem 
Punicam  stare  in  ostio  fluminis  castraque  in  ripa  posita. 


96 


LIVTJ 


6  Ttaque  iit  improvidos  incautosque  universe  simul  etluso 
terrore  opprimeret,  sublatis  aiicoris  ad  hostem  vadit. 
Multas  et  locis  altis  positas  tiiiTes  Hispania  habet, 
quibus  et  speculis  et  propugnaculis  adversus  latrones 

7  utuntur.  Inde  primo  conspectis  hostium  navibus, 
datum  signum  Hasdrubali  est,  tumultusque  piius  in 
ten-a  et  castris  quam  ad  mare  et  ad  naves  est  ortiis, 
nondum  aut  pulsu  remorum  strepituque  alio  nautico 

8  exaudito  aut  aperientibus  classem  promuntoriis,  quum 
repente  eques  alius  super  aliuni  ab  Hasdrubale  missus 
vagos  ill  litore  quietosque  iu  tentoriis  suis,  nihil  minus 
quam  hostem  aut  prceliuin  eo  die  exspectuntes,  cou- 
Bcendere  naves  propere  atque  arma  capere  iubet :  classem 

9  Bomanam  iam  baud  procul  portu  esse.  Haec  equites 
dimissi  passim  imperabant ;  mox  Hasdrubal  ipse  cum 
omni  exercitu  aderat,  varioque  omnia  tumultu  stre- 
punt,  luentibus  in  naves  simul  remigibus  miiitibusque, 
fugientium  mag  is  e  terra  quam  in  pugnam  euntiuui 

10  modo.  Vixdum  omnes  conscenderant,  quum  alii  reso- 
lutis  oris  in  ancoras  evehuntur,  alii,  ne  quid  teneat, 
ancoralia  incidunt ;  raptimque  omnia  ac  pi-sepropere 
agendo,  militum  apparatu  nautica  ministeria  impedi- 
untur,  trepidatioiie  nautarum  capere  et  aptare  arma 

11  miles  prohibetur.  Et  iam  Romanus  non  appropin- 
quabat  modo,  sed  direxerat  etiam  in  pugnam  naves. 
Itaque  non  ab  hoste  et  proelio  magis  Poeni  quam  suomet 
ipai  tumultu  turbati,  tentata  verius  pugna  quam  inita, 

la  in  fugam  averterunt  classem,  et  quum  adversi  amnis 
OS  lato  agmini  et  tam  multis  simul  venientibus  baud 
sane  inti-abile  esset,  in  litus  passim  naves  egerunt,  atque 
alii  vadis,  alii  sicco  litore  excepti,  partim  armati,  par- 
tim  inermes  ad  instructam  per  litus  aciem  suonim  per- 


< 


rjBEii  xxn. 


07 


fuf'cre;  dure  tamuii  primo  concursu  captae  erantPunicae 

naves,  quattuor  suppressse.     Romani,  quanquam  terra  20 

hostium  erat  aimatamque  aciem  toto  prae-  and  wholly  cap- 
tured or  dostroy- 
tontam  [in]  litore  cernebant,  baud  cunc-  ed. 

lauter  insecuti  tiepidam  hostium  classem  naves  omnes, 

(|Uie  non   aut    periVegerant    i)roras    litoii    illisas    aut  2 

carinas  fixerant  vadis,  religatas  puppibus  in  altum  ex- 

traxere;  ad  quinque  et  viginti  naves  e  quadraginta 

cepere. 

Neque  id  pulchenimum  eius  victorise  fuit,  sed  quod  3 
una  levi  pugna  toto  eius  orse  mari  potiti  The  Roman  fleet 

^  ^       .      sweeps  the  coast 

erant.    Itaque  ad  Onusam  classe  profecti ;  and  ishmds.         4 
escensio  ab  navibus  in  terram  facta.     Quum  urbem  vi  5 
cepissent   captamque   diripuissent,   Carthaginem    inde 
petunt,  atque  oq^nem  agrum  circa  depopulati  postremo 
tecta  quoque   iniuncta   muro   portisque   incenderunt. 
Inde  iam  praeda  gravis  ad  Longimticam  pervenit  classis,  6 
ubi  vis  magna  sparti  erat,  ad  rem  nauticam  congesta 
ab  Hasdrubale,      Quod  satis   in   usum    fuit,  sublato, 
ceterum  omne   incensum  est.      Nee  continentis  modo  7 
prielecta  est  ora,  sed  in  Ebusum  insulam  transmissum. 
Ibi  urbe,  quae  cai)ut  insulae   est,  biduum  nequicquam  s 
suuimo  labore  oppugnata,  ubi  in  spem  irritam  frustra 
teri  tempus  animadversum  est,  ad  populationem  agri  9 
versi,  direptis  aliquot  incensisque  vicis,  maiore  quam 
ex  continenti  praeda  parta  quum  in  naves  se  recepissent, 
ex  Baliaribus  insulis  legati  pacem  petentes  ad  Scipi- 
onem  venerunt.     Inde  flexa  retro  classis  reditumque  10 
in  citeriora  provinciae,  quo   omnium  populorum,   qui 
Hiberum    accolunt,    multorum    et   ultimae    Hispaniaj 
legati  concurrerunt ;    sed  qui  vera  dicionis  imperiique  n 
Romani facti sint obsidibus datis, populi amplius  fueiunt 


Ill 


98 


LTYTJ 


LTBEU  XXTI. 


09 


I 


i 


i 


w 


la  centum  viginti.  Igitur  ten'estribus  quoque  copiis  satis 
fidens  Eomanus  usque  ad  saltum  Castulonensem  est 
progressus ;  Hasdrubal  in  Lusitauiam  ac  propius  Ocea- 
Bum  concessit. 
21  Quiotum  inde  fore  videbatur  reliquum  aestatis  tem- 
3  pus,  fiiissetque  per  l^tjenum  hostem  ;  sed  praet^rquam 
Tiie  iierfetes  arc  ^V^^  ipsonim  Hlspanorum  inquieta  avi- 
irSrbar**whSe  <i*^qu®  ill  novas  res  sunt  ingenia,  Mau- 
them**  h '"^riSiliiiS  donius  Indibilisque,  qui  an  tea  Ilergetuin 

3  amc>ng*"t?m™H^  I'cgulus  fuerat,  postquam  Romaiii  ab  saltu 

recessere   ad    maritimam   oram,    concitis 
popularibus  in  agrum  pacatum  socioruni  Romauorum 

4  ad  jiopulandum  venemni  Adveraus  eos  tribuni  mi- 
iituni  cum  expeditis  auxiliis  a  Scipione  missi  levi 
certamine,  ut  tumultuariani  manuni^  fudere  omnes, 
occisis  quibusdani  captisque  magnaque  parte  armis  ex- 

s  uta.  Hie  tanien  tumultus  cedentem  ad  Oceanuin 
Hasdrubalem  cis  Hiberum  ad  socios  tutandos  retraxit. 

6  Castra  Punica  in  agro  Ilergavonensium,  castra  Ro- 
iiiana   ad   Novam  classem   erant,  quum  fama  repens 

7  alio  avertit  belluiu.  Celtiberi,  qui  piincipes  rcgionis 
suae  legatos  miseranl  obsidesque  dederant  Romanis, 
nuntio  misso  a  Scipione  exciti  arma  capiunt  proviii- 
ciamque  Carthaginiensium  valido  exercitu   invadunt. 

8  Tria  oppida  vi  expugnant ;  iude  cum  ipso  Hasdnibale 
duobus  prceliis  egregie  pugnant ;  ad  quindecim  millia 
hostium  occidenint,  quattuor  millia  cum  multis  mili- 
taribus  signis  capiunt. 

22        Hoc  statu  rerum  in  Hispania  P.  Scipio  in  provin- 
i».  sdpio  as  pro-  ciam   venit,    prorogate   post  consulatum 

ctinsul    joins   his    ...  .  .    , 

brother  in  Spain,    impeno  ab  senatu  missus,  cum  triguita 
longis  navibus   et  octo   millibus   militum    raaguoquo 


corameatu  advecto.     Ea  classis  ingens  agmine  onerariar  a 
rum  procul  visa  cum  magna  laetitia  civium  sociorum- 
que   i>ortum   Tarraconis  ex    alto   tenuit     Ibi    milite  3 
exposito,  profectus  Scipio  fratri  se  coniungit,  ac  deinde 
comiiiuui  animo  consilioque  gerebant  bellum.     Occu-  4 
patis  igitur  Carthaginiensibus  Celtiberico  bello,  baud 
cunctanter   Hiberum    transgrediuntur,   nee   uUo   viso 
hoste,  Saguntum  pergunt  ire,  quod  ibi  obsides  totius 
Hispanite  traditos  ab  Haunibale  faraa  erat  modico  in 
arce  custodiri  praesidio.     Id  unum  pignus  inclinatos  ad  5 
Romanara   societatem    omnium    Hispanise   populorum 
animos  morabatur,  ne  sanguine  liberum  suorum  culpa 
defectionis  lueretur.     £0  vinculo  Hispaniam  vir  unus  6 
sollerti  magis  quam  fideli  consilio  ex  solvit.     Abelux 
erat  Sagunti  nobilis  Ilispanus,  fidus  ante  j^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^f 
Pu3nis ;  turn,  qualia  plerumque  sunt  bar-  is,n,osaafe4''safSa- 
barorum  ingenia,  cum  fortuna  mutaverat  S^IJ'tile  Romans 

^    .  .  f  '  who  set  them  free. 

fidem.     Ceterum  transtugam  sine  magnae  7 

rei  proditione  venientem  ad  hostes  nihil  aliud  quam 
unum  vile  atque  infiime  corpus  esse  i-atus,  id  agebat, 
ut  quam  maximum  emolumentum  novis  sociis  esset 
Circumspectis  igitur  omnibus,  quas  fortuna  potestatis  s 
eius  poterat   facere,  oljsidibus   potissimum   tradendis 
animum  adiecit,   eam   unam  rem  maxime  ratus  con- 
ciliaturam  Romanis  principum    Hispania3   amicitiam. 
Sed  quum  iniussu  Bostaris  praefecti  satis  sciret  nihil  9 
obsidum  custodes  facturos  esse,  Bostarem  ipsum  arte 
aggreditur.     Casti-a  extra  urbem  in  ipso  litore  habebat  10 
Bostar,  ut  aditum  ea  parte  intercluderet  Romanis.    Ibi 
eum  in  secretum  abductum,  velut  ignorantem,  monet, 
quo  statu  sit  res :   metum  continuisse  ad  eam  diem  ,1 
Hispanorum  animos,  quia  procul   Romani  abessent ; 

7-2 


100 


fjvri 


LIBER   XXIl. 


U)l 


nimc  cis  Hiberum  castra  Romaim  esse,  arccnii  tutam 
perfugiuinque  nnvas  volentilms  res  ;  itaque,  quos  me- 
tus  non  teneat,  beneficio  ©t  gratia  devinciendos  esse. 

12  Miranti   Bostari  ptTcontantique,  quoduam  id  subitum 

13  tantse  rei  donuni  jwsset  esse,  **Obsides"  iiiquit  "in 
civitates  reniitte.  Id  et  privatim  parentibus,  quorum 
maximum  momentum  in  civitatibus  est  suis,  et  pub- 

T4  lice  ijopulis  gi'atum  erit.  Vult  sibi  quisque  credi,  et 
habita  fides  ipsam  plerumque  obligat  fidem.  Miuis- 
teiium  restituendorum  domos  obsiduui  mihimet  de- 
posco  ipse,  ut  opera  quoque  impensa  consilium  adiu- 
vem  meum  et  rei  suapte  natura  grata?,  quantam   in- 

J5  super  gmtiam  possim,  adiiciam."  Homini  non  ad  ce- 
tera Punica  ingeiiia  callido  ut  pei-suasit,  nocte  clau) 
progi-essuH  jid  hostium  stationes,  conventis  quibusdam 
auxiliaribus  Hisi)aiiis  et  ab  his  ad  Scipionem  perduc- 

16  tus,  quid  afferret  expromit,  et  fide  accepta  dataque  ac 
loco  et  tempore  constituto  ad  obsides  tradendos,  Sa- 
guntum    ledit.      Diem    insequentem   absumpsit   cum 

»7  Bostare  mandatis  ad  rem  agendam  accipiendis.  Di 
missus,  quum  se  nocte  iturum,  ut  custodias  hostium 
falleret,  constituisset,  ad  conipositam  cuin  iis  lionim 
excitatis  custodibus  puerorum  profectus,  veluti  ignarus 

18  in  i»ra}paratas  sua  traude  iusidias  ducit.  In  castra 
Romana  perducti ;  cetera  omnia  de  reddendis  obsidi- 
bus,  sicut  cum  Bostare  constitutum  erat,  acta  per 
eundum    ordinem,   quo   si   Carthaginiensium   nomine 

19  sic  ageretur.  Maior  aliquanto  Komanorum  gratia 
fuit  in  re  pari,  quam  quanta  futura  Carthaginiensium 
fuerat  Ilios  enim  graves  superbos^'we  in  rebus  se- 
cundis  expertos  fortuna  et  timor  mitigasse  videri  po- 

»o  t(;rat ;  Komanus  primo  adventu,  incognitua  ante,  ab 


V 


I 


re  clemeuti  liberalique  iuitium  fecerat,  et  Abelux,  vir 
prudens,  hand  frustra  videbatur  socios  mutasse.  Ita-  21 
que  ingenti  consensu  defectionem  omnes  spectire ; 
armaque  extemplo  mota  forent,  ni  hiems,  qujx3  Ro- 
manes quoque  et  Carthaginienses  concedere  in  tecta 
coegit  intervenisset. 

Haec  in  Hispania  [quoque]  secunda  aistate  Punici  23 
belli  gesta,  quum  in  Italia  paulum  inter-  y^^^^^^  ^^^^  ,,j^ 
valli  cladibus  Romanis  soUei-s  cunctatio  {;^'^J  ^^^rU  *'ily 
Fabii  fecisset ;  quae  ut  Hannibalem  non  fie""ramom  'for  ^ 
mediocri  sollicitiini  cura  habebat,  tandem     ""^'^"  prisoners. 
um  militise  magistrum  delegisse  Romanos  ceruenteiii, 
qui  belluin  ratione,  non  fortuna  gereret,  ita  contempta  3 
cnit  inter  cives   armatos   jMiriter   togatosque,    utique 
l»ostquam  absente  eo  temeritate  magistri  equituni  Iseto 
verius  dixerim  quam  prospero  eventu  pugnatuin  fue- 
rat.    Accesserant  duio  res  ad  augendaui  invidiam  die-  4 
tatoris,  una  fraude  ac  dolo  Hannibalis,  quod,  quum  a 
perfugis  ei  monstratus  ager  dictatoris  esset,  omnibus 
circa  solo  sequatis  ab  uno  eo  ferrum  ignemque  et  vim 
omnem   hostium  abstiiieri    iussit,    ut  occulti   alicuius  5 
l»acti  ea  merces  videri  posset,  altera  ipsius  facto,  |)rimo 
tbraitan  dubio,    quia  non   exspectata    in    co    senatus 
auctoritas  est,  ad  extremum  hand  ambigue  in  maximam 
laudem  verso.     In  permutandis  captivis,  quod  sic  pri-  6 
mo  Punico  bello  factum  erat,  convenerat  inter  duces 
Romanum   Poenumque,   ut,    quae   pars  plus  reciperet 
quam  daret,  argenti  pondo  bina  et  selibras  in  militem 
priestaret.     Ducentis  quadraginta  septem  quuiii  plures  7 
Romanus  quam  Pcienus  recepisset  argentumque  pro  eis 
debitum,  saepe  iactata  in  senatu  re,  quouiam  non  con-  8 
suluisset    patres,    tardius    erogaretur,    iiiviolatum   ab 


102 


Livn 


hosto   agruiii,    misso   Romam    Quiuto  filio,   vendidit, 
fidemque  puWicam  iinpeiidio  privato  exsolvit. 

9  Hannibal  pro  Gereonii  mcenibus,  cuius  urbis  capta? 
„.     ,  atque  incensae  ab  se  in  usum  horreoruiu 

Mumcius      puns        ^  ... 

some    ajivaiitaKe  pauca  reliqucrat  tecta,  in   stativia  erat 

over       Hannibal    a  ^ 

10  dia^'Jd'forfS'  ^^^^  frumentatum  duas  exercitus  partes 
»«*'•  mittebat;  cum  tertia  ipse  expedita  in 
statione  erat,  simul  castris  praesidio  et  circumspectans, 

24  necunde  impetus  in  frumentatores  fieret.  Romaims 
tunc  exercitus  in  agro  Larinati  erat;  prseerat  Miiiii- 
cius  magister  equitum,  profecto,  sicut  ante  dictum  est, 
a  ad  urbein  dictatore.  Ceterum  castia,  quae  in  monte 
alto  ac  tuto  loco  posita  luerant,  iam  in  planum  defe- 
runtur ;  agitabanturque  pro  ingenio  ducis  consilia  cu- 
lidiora,  ut  imi)etu.s  aut  in  frumentatores  palatos  aut  in 

3  castra  relicta  cum  levi  pi*a3sidio  fieret.  Nee  Hanni- 
balem  fefellit,  cum  duce  mutatam  esse  belli  rationeni 

4  et  ferocius  cpiMm  consultius  rem  hostes  gestures  ;  ipse 
autem  quod  miiiime  qnis  crederet,  quum  hostis  pro 
pius  esset,  tertiam  partem  luilitum  frumentatum,  dun- 

5  bus  in  castris  retentis,  dimisit ;  dein  castra  ipsa  pro 
pins  hostem  movit,  duo  ferine  a  Gei-eonio  millia,  in 
tumulum   hosti   conspectum,   ut  intentum   sciret  esse 

6  ad  frumentatores,  si  qua  vis  fieret,  tutiindos.  Pro- 
pior  inde  ei  atque  ipsis  imminens  Romanorum  castris 
tumulus  apparuit  \  ad  quern  capiendum  si  luce  palam 
iretur,   quia  hand  dubie   hostis  breviore  via  i)rieven- 

7  turns  erat,  nocte  clam  missi  Numidae  cepemnt.  Quns 
tenentes  locum  contempta  paucitate  Komani  postero 

8  die  quum  deiecissent,  ipsi  eo  transferunt  castra.  [Turn 
ut]  itaque  exiguum  spatii  vallum  a  vallo  aberat,  et  id 
ipsum  totum  prope  compleverat  Romana  acies,     Simul 


LIBER  XXII. 


103 


et  per  aversa  a  castris  Hannibal  is  equitatus  cum  levi 
armatura  emissus  in  frumentatores  late  caedem  fugam- 
que  hostium  palatorum  fecit     Nee  acie  certare  Han-  9 
nibal  ausus,  quia  tanta  pars  exercitus  aberat  et  iam 
ea  paucitate  vix  castra,  si  oppugnarentur,  tutari  po- 
tcrat ;    iamque  ai-tibus   Fabii   sedendo   et  cunctando  10 
bellum  gerebat,   receperatque    suos   in   priora  castra, 
quae  pro  Gereonii  mcenibus  erant.     lusta  quoque  acie  n 
et  coUatis  signis  dimicatum,   quidam   auctores  sunt; 
primo  concursu  Poenum  usque  ad  castra  fusum ;  inde 
eruptione  facta  repente  versum  terrorem  in  Romanos ; 
Numerii  Decimii  Samnitis  deinde  interventu  proelium 
restitutum.     Hunc   priucipem  genere  ac  divitiis  non  12 
Boviani  modo,  uncle  erat,  sed  toto  Samnio,  iussu  dic- 
tatoris  octo  millia  peditum  et  equites  quingentos  du- 
centem  in  castra,  ab  tcrgo  quum  apparuisset  Hanni- 
bali,    speciem    parti   utrique  praebuisse  novi  praesidii 
cum  Q.   Fabio  ab  Roma  venientis.     Hannibalem,  in-  13 
sidiarum    quoque   aliquid   timentem,    recepisse   suos ; 
Roman  urn  insecutum  adiuvante  Samnite  duo  castella 
eo  die  expugnasse.     Sex  millia  hostium  caesa,  quinque  14 
adraodum  Romanorum ;  tamen  in  tam  pari  prope  clade 
vanam  famam  egregiae  victoriae  cum  vanioribus  litteris 
magistri  equitum  Romam  perlatam. 

De  his  rebus  persajpe  et  in  senatu  et  in  contione  26 
actum  est.     Quum,  laeta  civitate,  dictator  j^.^  partisans  at  ^ 
unus  nihil  nee  famae  nee  litteris  crederet  5i°™s8°Td^dJ! 
et,  ut  vera  omnia  essent,  secunda  se  magis  ^^^^^  Fabms. 
quam  ad  versa  timere  diceret,  tum  M.  Metilius  tribunus  3 
plebis  id  enimt?ero  ferendum  esse  negat,  non  praesentem  4 
solum  dictatorem  obstitisse  rei  bene  gerenda;,  sed  ab- 
sentem  etiam  gestte  obstare,  et  in  dueendo  bello  sedulo 


101 


LI  V/I 


LIBER   XXII. 


105 


tern  pus  terere,  quo  diutius  in  niagistratu  sit  solu.s(jut' 

5  et.  Komse  et  in  exercitu  imperium  habeat.  Quippe 
consilium  alterum  in  acie  cecidisse,  alterum  specie 
classis  PunicsB  pereequendae   procul  ab  Italia  ablega- 

6  turn ;  duos  praetores  Sicilia  atque  Sardinia  occupatos, 
quarum  neutra  hoc  tempore  prov^incia  praetore  egeat ; 
M.  Minucium  magistrum  equitum,  ne  liostem  videret, 
ne  quid  rei  bellicje  gereret,  prope  in  custodia  habituin. 

7  Itaque  hercule  non  Samnium  modo,  quo  iani  tanquani 
tranH  Hibenini  agro  Poeiiis  concessum  sit,  sed  Cani- 
panum  Caleiiumque  et  Faleriium  agrum  pervastatos 
esse,   sedente   Casilini  dictators    et   legionibus  populi 

8  Romani  agrum  suum  tutante.  Exercitu m  cupientem 
pugnare  et  magistium  equitum  clauses  prope  intra 
vallum    retentos ;    tanquam    hostibus    ca])tivis   arniii 

9  adempta.  Tandem,  ut  abscesserit  inde  dictator,  iit 
obsidione  liberatos,  extra  vallum    egressos  fudisse  ac 

10  fugasse  hostes.  Quas  ob  res,  si  antiquus  animus  plcbei 
.  un.  11.      1 »  Romauae  esset,  audaciter  se  laturuni  fuisse 

A   Dill  19  DroiiKlit  ' 

oVaie?eUn"power  ^®  abrogando    Q.    Fabii    imperio ;    nunc 
withi'abms,         modicam   rogationem  promulgaturuni  de 

11  iequando  magistri  equitum  et  dictatoris  iure.  Nee 
tamen  ne  ita  quidem  prius  mittendum  ad  exercjtuin 
Q.  Fabiura,  quam  consulem  in  locum  C.  Flaminii 
suflfecisset. 

••  Dictator  contionibus  se  abstinuit  in  actione  iniuime 
lK)pulari.  Ne  in  senatu  quidem  satis  nsquis  auribus 
audiebatur  [tunc],  quum  hostem  verbis  cxtolleret  V>ien- 

13  niique  clades  jur  temeritatem atque inscientiam  ducuni 
acceptas  refenet  et  magistro  equitum,  quod  contra  die 
tuni  suum  pugnasset,  rationem  diceret  reddendam  asse. 

•4  Si  penes  se  summa  inqjerii  cousiliique  sit,  pro[)odiem 


I 


ffTccturum,  ut  sciant  homines,  bono  iniijeratore  baud 
inagni   fortunam   momunti  esse,  mentem  i-ationemque 
dominaii,  et  in  tempore  et  sine   ignominia   servasse  15 
exercitum,  quam  multa  millia  liostium  occidisse,  ma- 
iorem  gloriam  esse.     Huius  generis  orationibus  frustra  16 
liabitis,  et  consule  creato  M.  Atilio  Regulo,  ne  praesens 
de  iure  imperii  dimicai-et,  pridie  quam  rogationis  fe- 
reiidse  dies  adesset,  nocte  ad  exercitum  abiit.     Luce  17 
orta  quum  plebis  concilium  esset,  magis  tacita  invidia 
dictatoris  favorque  magistri  equitum  animos  versabat, 
quam   satis   audebant   homines   ad  suadendum,  quod 
vulgo  placebat,  prodire,  et  favore  superante  auctoritas 
tamen  rogationi  deerat.    Unus  inventus  est  suasor  legis  18 
CTerentiusVan-o,  qui  priore  anno  praetor  ^.^.i^,,  is  passed 
fuerat,  loco  non  humili  solum,  sed   etiani  of^V'ToSru^ 
sordidoortus.  Patremlanium  fuisse  ferunt,  ^*^™'  ,g 

ipsum  institorem  mercis,  filioque  hoc  ipso  in  servilia 
eius  artis  ministeria  usum.     Is  iuvenis,  ut  primum  ex  26 
eo  genere  quaestus  pecunia  a  patre  relicta  animos  ad 
spem  liberalioris  fortunae  fecit,  togaque  et  fonim  plar  2 
cuere,  proclamando  pro  sordidis  hominibus  causisque 
adversus  rem  et  famam  bonorum  primum  in  notitiam 
[>opuli,  deiiide  ad    honores    pervenit,  quaesturaque  et  3 
duabus  aedilitatibus,    plebeia   et   curuli,    postremo   et 
prajtura   perfuuctus,  iam    ad    consulatus   spem   quum 
attolleret  animos,  hand  pai*um  callide  auram  favoris  4 
popularis  ex  dictatoris  invidia  petiit   scitique   plebis 
unus  gratiam  tulit. 

Omncs  eam  rogationem,  quique  Romae  quique  in  5 
exercitu  emnt,  aequi  atque  iiiiqui,  pi-aeter  ipsum  dicta- 
toreni  in  contumeliam  eius  latam  acceperunt.      Ipse,  g 
qua  gravitate  animi  criminantes  se  ad  multitudinem 


106 


LI  VI I 


inimicos  tulerat,  eadeiii  et  populi  in  se  sa^yientis  iniu 
7  riam  tulit ;  acceptisque  in  ipso  itinere  litteris  senatus 

de  aequato  imperio,  satis  fidens,  haudquaquani  cum  im- 

peril  lure  artem  impemndi  sequatam,  cum  invicto  a 
27  civibus  hostibuaque  animo  ad  exercitum  rediit.     Mi- 

Tiucius  vero  quum  iam  ante  vix  tolerabilis  fuisset  se- 
-t  Minucius   wishes  cundis  rebus  ac  favore  vulgi,  turn  uticiue 

to  exert  his  newly    .  .  '  * 

aciiuirud  power      imuiodice  immouesteque  non  Hannibale 

3  magia  victo  ab  se  quam  Q.  Fabio  gloriari.  Ilium  in 
rebus  asperis  unicum  ducem  ac  pareui  quaesitum  Han- 
nibali,  maiorem  minori,  dictatorem  magistro  eqxiituni, 
quod  nulla  memoria  habeat  annalium,  iussu  populi 
lequatum  in  eadem  civitate,  in  qua  magistri  equitum 
virgas  ac  wcures  dictatoris  tremere  atque  horreie  soliti 

4  siut ;  tautum  suani  felicittitem  virtutemque  enituisse. 
Ergo  secuturum  se  fortunani  suam,  si  dictator  in  cunc- 
tatione  ac  segnitie  deorum  hominumque  iudicio  dam- 

5  nata  perstaret.  Itaque  quo  die  piimum  congressus  est 
cum  Q.  Fabio,  statuendum  omnium  primum  ait  esse, 

<>  quemadmodiini  imperio  %quato  utantur :  se  optimum 
ducere,  aut  diebus  altemis  aut,  si  maiora  interval l;i 
placerent,  partitis   temporibus   alterius   summuui    iiis 

7  imperiumque  esse,  ut  par  hosti  non  solum  consilio,  sed 
viribus  etiam  esset,  si  (juani  occasioneni  rci  gerendw 

8  habuisset.  Q.  Fabio  haudquaquam  id  placere  :  onniia 
foi-tunam  eam  habitura,  quamcunque  temeritas  collog:e 
habuisset;  sibi  communicatum  cum  illo,  non  adeiiij^ 

9  turn  imperium  esse ;  itaque  se  nunquam  volenteui 
parte,  qua  posset,  rerum  consilio  gerendaruni  cessu- 
rum,  nee  se  temjiora  aut  dies  imperii  cum  eo,  exer- 
citum divisurum,  suisque  consiliis,  (juoniam  omnia  non 

»o  liceret,  quae  posset,  servaturum.     Ita  obtinuit,  ut  Jegi- 


LIBhlt  JLA.Il. 


107 


ones,  sicut  consulibus  mos  esset,  inter  se  ^^^  ^^^^,  ^^,^, 
dividerent.  Prima  et  quarta  Minucio,  J,77X''n''!I 
secunda  et  tertia  Fabio  evenerunt.    Item  ^^P^'-ate  ca'^p.     ^^ 

equites  pari  numero  sociumque  et  Latini  noniinis  aux- 
ilia  di  vise  runt.  Castris  quoque  se  separari  magister 
equitum  \oluit. 

Duplex  inde  Hannibali  gaudium  fuit ;  neque  enim  28 
(luicquam    eorum,  quae   apml   hostes   agerentur,    eum 
follebat  et  peifugis  multa  indicantibus  et  He  fails  into  a 

snare  prepared  for 

per  suos  explorantem  :   nam  et  liberam  him  by  Hannibal  2 
Minucii  temeritatera  se  suo  modo  captaturum,  et  sol- 
lertiae  Fabii   dimidium   virium   decessisse.      Tumulus  3 
erat  inter  castra  Minucii  et  Poenorum,  quem  qui  occu- 
j)asset,  baud  dubie  iniquiorem  erat  hosti  locum  factnrus. 
Eum  non  tarn  capere  sine  certamine  volebat  Hannibal,  4 
quanquaui  id  opei-ae  pretium  erat,  quam  causam  cer- 
tarainis  cum  Minucio,   quem    procursurum    ad    obsis- 
tendum  stitis  sciebat,  contraherc.     Ager  omnis  medius  5 
erat  i)rima  specie  inutilis  insidiatori,  quia  non  modo 
silvestre  quicquam,  sed  ne  vepribns  quidem  vestitum 
habebat,  re  ipsa  natus  tegendis  insidiis,  eo  magis  quod  6 
in  nuda  valle  nulla  talis  fraus  timori  poterat ;  et  erant 
in  anfractibus  cavae  rupes,  ut  quaedam  earum  ducenos 
armatos  possent  capere.     In  has  latebras,  quot  quem-  7 
que  locum  apte  insidere  poterant,  quinque  millia  con- 
duntur  peditum  equitumque.    Necubi  tamen  aut  motus  8 
alicuius  temere  egressi  aut  fulgor  armorum  fraudem  in 
valle  tarn  aperta  detegeret,  missis  paucis  prima  luce  ad 
capiendum,  quem  ante  diximus,  tumulum  avertit  oculos 
hostium.     Primo  statini  conspectu  contempta  paucitas,  g 
ac  sibi  quisque  deposcere  pellendos  inde  hostes  ac  locum 
capiendum;  dux  ipse  inter  stolidissimos  ferocissi mosque 


108 


Livn 


10  ad  anna  vocat  et  vaiiis  luiius  iiicrepat  hosteiu.  rrin- 
cipio  levem  annatuniin  [diinittit],  deinde  coiiferto  ag 
mine  mittit  equites  ;  iK»streuio,  quum  hostibiis  qiioque 
subsidia  initti  videret,  instructis  legionibus  procedit. 

11  Et  Hannibal  laborantibus  suis  alia  atque  alia  incres- 
cente  certamine  mittens  auxilia  peditum  equitiiinque 
iam  iustam  explevemt  aciem,  ac  totis  utriiique  viribus 

t3  cei-tatiir.  Prima  levis  armatura  Romanonim,  praeoc- 
cupatum  ex  inferior©  loco  succedens  tumulum,  pnlsu 
detrusaque  terrorem  in  succedentem  iiitulit  cquitein 

13  et  ad  sigiia  legionum  refugit.  Peditum  acies  inter  per- 
culsos  impavida  sola  erat  videbaturqiie,  si  iusta  ac 
directa  pugna  esset,  haudquaqnam  impar  futura ;  tiui- 
tum  animorum  fecerat  prospere  ante  paucos  dies  res 

,4  gesta ;  sed  exorti  repente  insidiatores  eum  tumultimi 
terroremque  in  latera  utrinqtie  ab  tergoqne  incursantes 
fecerunt,  ut  neque  animus  ad  pugnam  neque  ad  fiigani 
29  siMJS  cuiquara  superesset.  Turn  Fabius,  piirao  clamorc 
jmventium  audito,  dein  conspecta  procul  turbata  acie, 
"  Ita  est "  inqnit ;  *'  iion  celerius,  quam  timui,  depreii- 

2  dit  fortuna  tcnieritatem.  Fabio  ajquatus  imperio  Han- 
nibaleni  et  virtute  et  fortuna  superiorem  videt.  Sed 
aliud  iurgandi  succeusendique  tempus  erit;  nunc  signji 
extm  vallum  proferte ;  victoriam  hosti  extorqueamus, 

3  confessionem  erroris  civibus."     Iam   magna  ex  parte 

and  I.  only  saved   ^^"^  ^^^^  ^^"8  circumspcctailtibus  fugaill, 

couV*of  tSeJons  Fabiana  se  acies  repente  velut  caelo  de- 

4  of  PaWiw.  missa  ad  auxilium  ostendit.  Itaque  pri- 
usquam  ad  coniectum  teli  venin^t  aut  manuin  consere- 
ret>  et  suos  a  fuga  effiisa  et  ab  nimis  feroci  pugna 

J  hostes  continuit.  Qui  solutis  ordinibus  vage  dissipati 
erant,  undique  confugerunt  ad  integram  aciem ;   qui 


LTBEn    XX TL 


109 


plures  simul  t^rga  dederant,  convoi'si  in  hostem  vol- 
ventesque  orbem  nunc  sensim  referre  pedem,  nunc 
con"lobati  restare.  Ac  iam  prope  una  acies  facta  ei-at  6 
victi  atque  integri  exercitus,  inferebantque  signa  in 
hostem,  quum  Poenus  receptui  cecinit,  palam  ferente 
Hamiibale,  ab  se  Minucium,  se  ab  Fabio  victum. 

Ita  per  variam  fortunam  diei  maiore  parte  exacta,  7 
quum  in  castra  reditum  esset,  Minucius,  xiiis  humbles  the 

.,.,.,  .,  c^  1)    •  'j.    piide  of  Minucius 

oonvocatis  militilms,  "  fesepe  ego     inquit  who  makes  ample  g 

amends    for    his 

"  audivi,  milites,  eum  primum  esse  virum,  presumption. 
qui  ipse  consular,  quid  in  rem  sit,  secundum  eum,  qui 
bene   monenti   obediat ;    qui   nee   ipse   consulere  nee 
idteri  parere  sciat,  eum  extremi  ingenii  esse.     Nobis  9 
quoniam  prima  animi  ingeniique  negata  sors  est,  se- 
cundam  ac  mediam  teneamus   et,   dum  imperare  dis- 
cimus,  parere  prudenti  in  auimum  inducamus.     Castra  10 
cum  Fabio  iungamus.    Ad  prajtorium  eius  signa  quum 
tulerimus,  ubi  ego  eum   parentem  appellavero,   quod 
beneficio  eiUs  erga  nos  ac  niaiestate  eius  dignum  est, 
vos,  milites,  eos,  quorum  vos  modo  arma  ac  dextera3  n 
texerunt,  patronos  salutabitis,  et,  si  nihil  aliud,  gi-a- 
torum  certe  nobis  animorum  gloriam  dies  hie  dederit" 
Signo  dato  conclamatur  inde,  ut  colligantur  vasa.    Pro-  30 
fecti  et  agmine  incedentes  ad  dictatoris  castra  in  ad- 
mirationem  et  ipsum  et  omnes,  qui  circa  erant,  con- 
verterunt.      Ut  constituta  sunt   ante  tribunal  signa,  2 
progressus  ante  alios  magister  equitum,  quum  patrem 
Fabium  appellasset,  circumfusosquo  militum  eius  to  turn 
agmen  patronos   consalutasset,    "Parentibus"    inquit  3 
"meis,  dictator,  quibus  te  modo  nomine,  quod  fando 
possum,  sequavi,  vitam  tantum  debeo,  tibi  quum  meam 
salutem,  turn  omnium   horum.     Itaque  plebeiscitum,  4 


110 


Ljvn 


LIBER   XXII. 


Ill 


quo  onemtus  su/m  magis  quam  lionoratus,  primus  anti- 
quo  abrogoque  et,  quocl  tibi  mihiqiie  [quod]  exercitibus- 
que  his  tuis,  aervato  ac  conservatori,  sit  felix,  sulj 
imi>erium  auspiciumque  tuum  redeo  et  signa  liiec  le 

5  gionesque  restituo.  Tn,  quseso,  placatus  me  magis- 
terium   equitum,    hos    ordines  suos   quemque    tenere 

6  iubeaa"  Turn  dextrse  interiunctae  militesque,  con- 
tione  dimissa,  ab  notis  ignotisque  benigne  atque  hos- 
pitaliter  invitati,    Isctusque   dias   ex   aduiodum   tristi 

7  paulo  ante  ac  proi>e  exsecrabili  factus.  Roma\  ut  e«t 
perlata  fama  rei  gestae,  deiu  litteris  nou  magis  ipsoruui 
imperatorum  quam  vulgo  militum  ex  utroque  exercitu 
affirmata,  pro  se  quisque  Maximum  laudibus  ad  cieliiai 

8  feire.  Par  gloria  apud  Hannibalem  hostesqiie  Poenos 
erat ;  ac  turn  demum  seutire,  cum  Romanis  atque  in 

9  Italia  bellum  esse ;  nam  biennio  ante  adeo  et  duces 
Romanos  et  milites  spreverant,  ut  vix  cum  eadem 
gente  bellum  esse  crederent,  cuius  terribilem  famani 

lo  a  patribus  accepissent.  Hannibalem  quoque  ex  acie 
redeuntem  dixisse  ferunt,  tandem  earn  nubem,  qii:<' 
sedere  in  iugis  montium  solita  sit,  cum  procella  ini- 
brem  dedisse. 
SI  Dum  haec  geruntur  in  Italia,  Cn.  Servilius  Gemi- 
ServiiiuB  iiuidB  on  uus  consul  cum  classe  cent'u/m  viyinti  na- 

the  coast  of  Africa       .  .  ^         r.       i-    •  .     i-*        • 

for  plunder,  but  ia  vium  circumvectus  Sardinise  et  Corsicio 

driven  back  with  i    .  -,.,  .  .       . 

loM.  Oram,  et  obsidibus  utnnque  acceptis,  in 

a  Africam  transmisit,  et  piiusquam  in  continentoia 
escensionem  faceret,  Menige  insula  vastata  et  ab  iii- 
colentibus  Cercinam,  ne  et  ipsorum  ureretur  diripere- 
turque  ager,  decern  tiilentis  argenti  acceptis,  ad  litora 
3  Africae  accessit  copiasque  exposuit.  Inde  ad  jwpu- 
laudum  agium  ducti  milites   navalesque   socii    iuxta 


effusi,  ac  si  in  insulis  cultorum  egentibus  praedarentur. 
Itaque  in  insidias  temere  illati,  quum  a  frequentibus  4 
plantes,  ab  locorum  gnaris  iguari  circumvenirentur, 
cum  multa  caede  ac  foeda  fuga  retro   ad   naves  com- 
pulsi  sunt.     Ad  mille  hominum,  cum  iis  Sempronio  s 
Blseso  quaestore  amisso,   classis   ab  litoribus  hostium 
plenis  trepide  soluta  in  Siciliam  cursum  tenuit,  tradi-  6 
taque  Lilybaei  T.  Otacilio  praetori,  ut  ab  legato  eius 
R  Sura  Romam  reduceretur.     Ipse  per  ^.^^   ^^^^^^   ^^  , 
Siciliam  pedibus  profectus   freto  in  Ita-  ^^"^  "gSons"'*  2f 
liam  traiecit,  litteris  Q.  Fabii  accitus  et  ^*^'"^' 
ipse  et  coUega  eius  M.  Atilius,  ut  exercitus  ab  se,  ex- 
acto  iam  prope  semestri  imperio,  acciperent. 

Omnium  prope  annales  Fabiura  dictatorem  adver-  8 
sus   Hannibalem   rem  gessisse   tradunt; 

^    ,.  ,.  .  ,  who  is  cnlltHi  dic- 

Cffilius  etiam  eum  primum  a  populo  crea-  tator  in  the  annals 
turn  dictatorem  scribit.     Sed  et  Caeliiim  not  have  been  re-  q 

J,      .,  .  1.     /^        o.         gularlyappointcd.  ^ 

et   ceteros   fugit,   uni    consuli    Cn.   Ser- 
vilio,  qui  turn  procul  in  Gallia  provincia  aberat,  ins 
fuisse  dicendi  dictatoris ;   quam  moram  quia  exsi)ec-  lo 
taie  territa  iam  clade  civitas  non  poterat,  eo  decursum 
esse,  ut  a  populo  crearetur,  qui  pro  dictatore  esset; 
res  inde  gestas  gloriamque  insignem  ducis  et  augentes  n 
titulum  imaginis  posteros,  ut,  qui  pro  dictatore  fuisset 
dictator  crederetur,  facile  obtinuisse. 

Consules  Atilius  Fabiano,  Geminus  Servilius  Mi-  32 
nuciano  exercitu  accepto,  bibemaculis  The  Romans 
mature  communitis,  qtuxl  reliqxmm  au-  ar^^GereoJium 
tumni  erat,  Fabii  artibus  cum  summa  battle?  ^^^^  ^ 
inter  se  Concordia  bellum  gesserunt.  Frumentatum  2 
exeunti  Hannibali  diversis  locis  opportuni  aderant, 
caipentes  agmen  palatosque  excipientes ;  in  casum  uni- 


112 


Livn 


versae  diinicationis,  quam  omnibus  artibus  petobat 
3  hostiK,  non  veniebant,  coque  iuopisB  est  redactus  Han. 
nibal,  ut,  nisi  cum  tugse  specie  abeundum  ei  fuisset, 
Galliam  rejietitui-us  fuerit,  nulla  relicta  spe  ideiuH 
exercitus  in  eis  loci»,  si  insequentes  cousules  eisdwn 
artibus  iMjllum  gererent. 
^  Quum  ad  Gereonium  iam  hieme  irapediente  con- 
NeapoHs     sends  stitisset  bcUum ,  Neapolitani  lefjati  Roinam 

gifts  aud  promiiies  . 

ofioyaiheip.         veiiere.      Ab  lis  quadraginta  pateiie  an- 
rejB  magni  ponderis  in  curiam  illataj  atque  ita  verUi 

5  facta,  ut  dicerent,  scire  sese,  populi  liomani  aerariuiii 
bello  exhauriri,  et,  quum  iuxta  pro  urbibus  agrisqiK 
sociorum  ac  pro  capite  atque  arce  Italise,  urbe  Roniaua, 

6  atque  imperio  geratur,  aequura  censuisse  Neapolitauos, 
quod  auri  sibi  quum  ad  templorum  ornatum,  turn  jul 
subsidium  fortunse  a  maioribus  relictum  foret,  eo  iii- 

7  vare  populum  Romanum.  Si  quam  opem  in  sese  cie- 
derent,  eodem  studio  fiiisse  oblaturos.  Gratuui  sil)i 
patrea  Bomanos  populumque  facturum,  si  omnes  res 

8  Neapolitanorum  suas  duxissent,  diguosque  iudicaveriut, 
ab  quibus  douum  auimo  ac  voluntate  eoruni,  qui  li- 
bentes  darent,  quam  re  maius  anipliusque  accipeient. 

9  Legatis  gnitise  actiB  pro  munificentia  curaque ;  patera, 
quie  ponderis  minimi  fuit,  accopta. 

33        Per   eosdem  dies   8}>eculator   Carthaginiensis,  qui 

itome  k  not  too  P®**  ^iei^^iiii™  fefellerat,  Roinii;  deprensus 

*  KmSIb  wi^'uTSiii*  p»"«cisisque   manibus   dimiiisus,    et  strvi 

JmriL^^h«'"'kinS  quiuque  et  viginti  in  cmcem  acti,  quod 

?ibTili*mid*Xl  in    campo    Martio   coniui-assent;    indici 

the  L^uiiiuii.  i   a     i-v     x         j.        •  •       •    •    i.-       :ii;» 

data  libertas  et  aens  gravis  viginti  millw. 

3  Legati  et  ad  Philip[)um  Macedonum  regem  missi  ad 

depoacendum   Bemetrium   Pharium,   qui  bello  victus 


LIBER   XXIL 


113 


ad  euiij  fugisset,  et  alii  in  Ligures  ad  expostulandum,  4 
quod  Poeuum  opibus  auxiliisque  suis  iuvissent,  simul 
ad  visendum  ex  propinquo,  quae  in  Boiis  atque  Insubri- 
bus  gererentur.     Ad  Pineum  quoque  reguni  in  Tlljrios  5 
legati  missi  ad  stipend ium,  cuius  dies  exierat,  poscen- 
dum  aut,   si  diem  proferri  vellet,  obsides  accipiendos. 
xVdeo,  etsi   bellum   ingens  in  cervicibus  erat,  nullius;  6 
usquam  terrarum    rei   cura    Romanos,    ne  louginquse 
quidem,  effugiebat.     In  religionem  etiam  venit,  aidem  7 
Concordise,    quam   per   seditionem  militarem   biennio 
ante  L.  Manlius  praetor  in  Gallia  vovisset,  locatam  ad 
id  terapus  non  esse.     Itaque  duumviri  ad   earn  rem  s 
creati  a  M.  ^milio   [>raetore    urbano,   C.   Pupius    et 
Offiso  Quinctius  Flamininus,  aedem  in  arce  faciendam 
locaverunt. 

Ab  eodem  praetore  ex  senatus  consulto  litters  ad  y 
cousules  missae,  ut,  si  iis  videretur,  alter  The  consuls  can 
eorum  ad  consules  creandos  Romam  ve-  dictions aSdii! 

.  -.^i  •  T  .         .  tator  is  appointed, 

uiret;    se  m  earn  diem,  quam  lussissent,  .md afterwards  iu- 
comitia  edicturum.     Ad  haec  a  consuli-  purpS.  ^'^     '^  ,„ 
bus  rescriptum,   sine  detrimento  rei   publicje  abscedi 
non  posse  ab  hoste  ;    itaque  per  interregem  comitia 
habenda  esse  potius,  quam  consul  alter  a  bello  avocarc- 
tur.     Patribus  rectius  visum  est,  dictatorein  a  consule  1 . 
dici  comitiorum  habendorurn  causa.     D ictus  L.  Vetu- 
rius    Philo   M'.    Pomponium    Mathonem    magistrum 
equitum  dixit.     lis  vitio  creatis  iussisque  die  quarto  12 
decinio   se  magistratu  abdicare,    ad    interregnum   res 
rediit     Consulibus  prorogatum  in  annum  imperium.  34 
Interreges  proditi  sunt  a  patribus  C.  Claudius  App. 
filius  Cento,  inde  P.  Cornelius  Asina.     In  eius  inter- 
regno   comitia    babita    niagno    certamine    patrum    ac 
C.  L.  8 


114 


£il  V  I  t 


t  plcbis.  C.  Terentio  Varroni,  qiieiii  siii  generis  liuiui 
nem,  plebi  insectatione  principum  populariimsque 
artibiis  conciliatum,  ab  Q.  Fabii  oj)ibiis  et  dictjituiio 
imperio  coucusso  aliena  invidia  splendentem,  vulgiis 
extrahere  ad  consiilatiim  nitebatur,  patrcs  Humma  ope 
obstabant,  ne  se  insectando  sibi  aiqiiari  assuescerent 

3  homines.  Q.  Biiebins  Herenniiis  tribunus  i)lebis,  cog- 
DiBcontent  among  natiis  C.  Tereiitii,  criminando  non  sena- 

the   lower  ordtrs  -  i      .•  i    j* 

is  fostered  by  u.e  tuin  iiiodo,  sed  etiaiii  augurcs,  quod  dic- 

tribune       Ilercn-  ....  ,  ...  i% 

nius,  tatorem   i)roliibuissent  comitia  perhcerc, 

per  invidiam  eorum  favorem  candidato  suo  coucilia- 

4  bat :  Ab  hominibus  nobilibus,  per  multos  annos  belluiii 
qiiaerentibus,  Hannibalem  in  Italiam  adductum ;  ab 
iisdem,  quum   debellari    possit,  fmude   bellum   tralii. 

5  Qmim  cjuattuor  legioiiibus  uiiivei-sis  piignari  posse 
apparuisset  co,  quod  M.  Minucius  absente  Fabio  pros 

6  peie  pugnasset,  duas  legiones,  liosti  ad  csedem  obiecttis, 
deiiide  ex  ipsa  caede  ereptas,  ut  pater  patrouusqiu- 
appellaretur,  qui  prius  vincere  prohibuisset  Romanos 

7  quam  vincL  Consules  deinde  Fabianis  artibus,  quuin 
debellare  possent,  bellum  traxisse.  Id  fuedus  inter 
omues  nobiles  ictuni,  nee  fmem  ante  belli  habituros, 
quam  consulem  vere  plebeium,  id  est,  liominem  novum 

8  feciijsent ;  nam  plebeios  nobiles  iam  eisdem  initiates 
ease  sacris  et  contemnere  [)lebem,  ex  quo  conteumi  a 

9  [mtribus  desierint,  coepisse.  Cui  non  apparere,  id 
actum  et  quaesitum  esse,  ut  interregnum  iniretur,  ut 

10  in  patnim  potestate  comitia  e«sent1  Id  consules 
ambos  ad  exercitum  momndo  qmesisse;  id  postea,  quia 
iuvitis  lis  dictator  esset  d ictus  coniitioruni  causa,  ex- 
pugnatum  esse,  ut  vitiosus  dictator  per  augurcs  fieret 

fi  Habere   igitur    interregnum    eos;    consulatum    ununi 


LiBEii  xxn. 


115 


certc  plebis  Itomanaj  esse ;  populiim  liberum  habi- 
turum  ac  daturum  ei,  qui  mature  vincere  quam  diu 
imperare  malit. 

Quum   his   orationibus  accensa  plebs  esset,  tribus  35 
[.atriciis    petentibus,    P.     Cornelio    Me-      ^  ^  ^ 

and  C.  Tcrontms 

renda,  L.  Manlio  Vulsone,  M.  ^milio  « elected  consul; 
Lei)ido,  duobus  nobilibus  iam  familiarum  plebei,  0.  z 
Atilio  Serrano  et  Q.  ^lio  Paeto,  quorum  alter  ponti- 
fex,  alter  augur  erat,  C.  Terentius  consul  unus  creatur, 
ut  in  manu  oius  essent  comitia  rogando  collegse.  Turn  3 
(jxperta  nobilitas,  parum  fuisse  virium  in  competitori- 
bus  eius,  L.  ^milium  Paulum,  qui  cum  M.  Livio 
consul  fucrat  et  damnatione  collefjse  et    ,.        ^   ,    ^ 

e>  afterwards  L.  M- 

sua  prope   ambustus  evaserat,  infestum  """^^s  i^'iu'us- 
plebei,  diu  ac  multum  recusantem  ad  petitionem  com- 
l>ellit.     Is  proximo  comitiali  die.  concedentibus   om-  4 
nibus,  qui   cum   Varrone   certaverant,   par  magis  in 
adversandum  quam  collega  datur  consul  i.     Inde  i)ne- 
torum  comitia  habita.      Creati  M'.  Pomponius  Matlio  s 
et  P.  Furius  Phllus;  Pliilo  Romaj  iuri  dicundo  urbana 
soi-s,   Pomponio    inter   cives    Romanos  et   peregrinos 
evenit ;  additi   duo   prstores,  M.   Claudius  Marcellus  6 
iu  Sicilian!,  L.  Postumius  Albinus  in  Galliam.    Omnes  7 
abseutes  creati  sunt,  nee  cuiquam  eorum,  prseter  Te- 
rentiiuii   consulem,   mandatus  honos,   quem   non  iam 
antea  gessisset,  praeteritis  aliquot  fortibus  ac  strenuis     ' 
vu'is,  quia   in   tali    tempore   nulli  novus  magistratus 
videbatur  mandandus. 

Exercitus  quoque  nmltiplicati  sunt  j  quantae  auteni  86 
copiaB  peditum  equitumque  addit©  sint,  , 

1  ■*  '    Larger  armies  are 

aoeo  et  numero  et  ffenere  coiiiarum  va-  f*'*  **"  1°°' "'  *'"« 

°  ^  lii'I>e  of  bnnjrinjj 

naut   auctores,    ut   vix   quicquam   satis  t'»«^  war  to  a  dose, 

8—2 


116 


///  til 


a  cerium  affirmare  ausu8  sim.  I)t3ceiij  iiiillia  iiovoniiu 
milituiii  alii  scripta  in  su[>plenientum,  alii  novas  quat- 

3  tuor  legiones,  iit  octo  legionibus  rem  gererent;  nimiero 
qiKKjUij  peditum  equitumque  legiones  aiictus,  inillihus 
pedituiii  et  centenis  e(|uitibus  in  singulas  adiectis,  ut 
quina  niillia  peditum,  treceni  equites  essent,  socii 
duplicem  numerum  equitum  darent,  peditis  sequarcul, 

4  septem  et  octoginta  millia  aimatoruiu  et  ducentos  in 
cafiitiis  Romauis/wwe,  quuni  pugnatum  ad  Caiinas  est, 

5  quidam  auctores  sunt.  lUud  haudquaquam  discrepat, 
maiore  conatu  atque  impetu  rem  actam  quam  prioribus 
aunis,  quia  spem,  posse  viuci  hostem,  dictator  pne- 
buerat 

6  Ceterum  priusquam  signa  ab  urbe  novae  legiones 
and  the  Sibynine  movereiit,   decemviri   libros   adire  atque 

books  again  cou*    .  •  i         i 

suited  mspiccre  lussi  propter  territos  viilgo  ho- 

7  mines  novis  prodigiis.  Nam  et  Romae  in  Aventino 
et  Axicm  nuiitiatum  emt  sub  idem  tempus  lapidibus 
pluvisse,  et  niulto  cruore  signa  in  Sabinis  sudasse  ei 

8  aquas  fonte  calido  gelidas  manasse  ;  id  qiiidem  etiani, 
quod  saepius  acciderat,  magis  terrebat ;  et  in  via  I'or- 
uicata,  quae  ad  campum  erat,  aliquot  homines  de  cajlo 
tacti   oxanimatique    fuerant.     Ea   prodigia    ex    libris 

5  procurata.     Legati   a   Paesto  pateras  aureas  Romam 
attulerunt   lis,  sicut  Neapolitanis,  gratiae  actae,  aurum 
non  acceptum. 
37        Per  eosdem   dies   ab    Hierone   classis  Ostia  cum 

,  King  uiero  sends  luagno  commeatu  accessit     Legati  in  se- 

iarge   supplies  of  -xi.^'  x-  ^  i  a 

corn  aiiti  a  force  natuui  uitroducti  nuntiarunt,  caedem  t. 

of    arclivrs    atid 

siiugers.  Flaminii   consulis    exercitusque   allatatu 

adeo  aegre  tulisse  regem  Hieronem,  ut  nulla  sua  pro- 

j  pria  reguique  aui  clade  moved  magis  }X)tuerit     Ita- 


LIBER   A'T/7. 


117 


que,   quamquam    probe    sciat,    maguitudinem    popidi 
Romani  admirabiliorem  prope   adversis   rebus   quam 
secuiulis  esse,  tamen  se  omnia,  quibus  a  bonis  fideli  4 
busque  sociis   bella   iuvari  soleant,   misisse;    quae  ne 
accipere  abnuant,  magno  opere  se  patres  conscriptos 
orare.     lam  omnium  primum  oniinis  causa  Victoriam  5 
auream  pondo  ducentuui  ac  viginti  afferre  sese.     Ac- 
ciperent  earn   tenerentque   et   haberent   propriani    et 
[)eii)etuam.     Advexisse  etiam  trecenta  niillia  modiuni  6 
trltici,   ducenta    liordei,    ne   com  meatus   deessent,   et 
quantum  praeterea  opus  esset,  quo  iussissent,  subvec- 
turos.     Milite   atque   equite   scire  nisi   Romano  La-  7 
tini(iue  nominis  non  uti  populum  Romanum ;  levium 
amionim   auxilia    etiam    externa    vidisse    in   castris 
Ronianis.     Itaque  misisse  millo  sagittariorum  ac  fun-  s 
ditorum,  aptam   manum  adversus  Baliares  ac  Mauros 
puguacesque    alias    missili   telo  gentes.     Ad  ea  dona  9 
consilium  quoque  addebant,  ut  prator,  cui  provincia 
Sicilia  evenisset,  classem  in  Africam  traiiceret,  ut  et 
hostes  in  teri-a  sua  bellum  haberent,  minusque  laxa- 
menli  daretur  iis  ad  auxilia  Hannibali  summittenda. 
Ab  senatn  ita  responsum  regi  est,  virum  bonum  egre-  10 
giumque  socium  Hieronem  esse  atque  uno  tenore,  ex 
quo  in  amicitiam  populi  Romani   venerit,   fidem   co- 
luisse  ac  rem  Romanam  omni  tempore  ac  loco  munifico 
adiuvisse.     Id    perinde,    ac    deberet,    gratum   popiilo 
Romano    esse.     Aurum    et   a   civitatibus   quibusdam  n 
allatum,    gratia    rei    accepta,    non    accepisse   populum 
Romanum ;  Victoriam  omenque  accipere,  sedemque  ei  .2 
se  divai  dare  dicare  Capitolium,  templum   Fovis  optimi 
niaximi.    In  ea  arce  urbis  Ronianae  sacratam  volentem 
])ropitiamque,  firmain  ac  stabilom  fore  populo  Romano. 


118 


UVT7 


UBER   XX FT. 


119 


I 

I 


13  FimJitores  sagittariique  et  friimcntnra  traditum  con- 
siilibua  Quinqueremes  ad  cenhim  viginti  naviiim 
classem,  quae  cum  T.  Otacilio  proprsetore  in  Sicilia 
erat,  quinque  et  viginti  additaj,  permissumque  est,  ut, 
si  e  re  publica  censeret  esse,  in  Africam  traiiceret. 
38  Dilectu  perfecto  consules  paueos  morati  dies,  diuii 
a  ab  sociis  ac  nomine  Latino  venirent  milites.  Tuni, 
The    i«vie«   ara  quod  nunquam  an  tea  factum   erat,  iuie 

raked    with     un-    .  .  1      ,    m         •  'I'l  1      .. 

usual  soieiimitiea.  luiiinilo  ab  tribunis  militum  adacti  mi- 
slites;  nam  ad  earn  diem  nihil  praeter  sacramentuin 
fuerat,  iussu  coiisuluni  con  ventures  neque  iniussu 
abituros,  et  ubi  ad  decuriandum  aut  centurianduni 
convenissent,  sua  voluntate   ipsi  inter  sese  decuiiati 

4  equites,  centuriati  pedites  coniurabant,  sese  fugaa  atque 
formidinis  ergo  non  abituros  neque  ex  ordine  reces- 
suros  nisi  teli  siiniendi  aut  [>etendi  [et]  ant  hostis  feri- 

5  endi  aut  civis  servandi  causa.  Id  ex  voluntario  inter 
ipsos  fcedere  ad  tribunos  ac  legitimam  iuris  iuramli 
adactionem  translatum. 

6  Contiones,   priusquam  ab  urbe  signa  moverentur, 

^    consulis  Varronis  multaj  ac  feroces  fuere, 

The  parting  words 

of  varrn  are  full  denuutiantis,   bellum  arcessitum  in  Ita- 

of  boaatful  arro-  ' 

«»***=<*•  Ham  ab  nobilibus  mansurumque  in  vissce- 

7  ribus  rei  publica?,  si  phi  res  Fabios  imperatores  haberet, 

8  se,  quo  die  hostem  vidisset,  perfecturum.    Collegae  eius 

rent  mood  ceretur,  contio  fuit,  verier  quam  gratior 

populo,  qua  nihil  inclementer  in  Varronem   dictum 

9  nisi  id  mode,  mirari  se,  [qued  ne]  qui  dux,  priusquam 
aut  suum  aut  hestium  exercitum,  locorum  situiii, 
naturam;  region  is  nosset,  iam    nunc   togatus  in  lubo 

10  sciret,  quie  sibi  agenda  armato  forent,  et  diem  qnoquo 


prasdicero  posset,  qua  cum  lioste  signis  collatis  osset 
diiuicaturus ;  se,  qiue  cousilia  magis  res  dent  liomini-  n 
bus  quani   homines  rebus,  ea  ante  tern  pus  immatura 
non  pnficei>turum  ;  optare,  ut,  qnaj  caute  ac  consul te 
"esta  essenb,   satis    prospeie    evenircnt;    temeritatem,  12 
prieterquam  quod  stulta  sit,  infeliceni  etiam  ad  id  lo- 
corum fuisse.     Et  sua  sponte  a}iparebat  tiita  celeribus  13 
consiliis  praepositnrum,   et,  quo  id   constantius  perse- 
veraret,   Q.   Fabius   Maximus  sic  eum   proficiscenteni 
ailocutus  fortur. 

"Si  aut  collegam,  id  qued  mallem,   tui  similem,  39 
L.   ^mili,    haberes   aut    tu  collegaj   tui  ^^^^  ,.^^^^^  ^^  ^,,^ 
esses  similis,   super vacanea   esset   oratie  ofTabius^toTe 
mea;  nam   et  duo  boni   consules,   etiam  '^»"^»""3'  ^ 

me  indicente,  omnia  e  re  publica  Udeque  vestra  face- 
retis  et  mali  nee  mea  verba  auribus  vestris  nee  consilia 
animis    acciperetis.     Nunc   et   collegam    tuum   et   te  3 
talem   virum    intuenti  mihi   tecum  omnis  oratio  est, 
quern  video  nequiequam   et  virum    boniun   et   civem 
fore,  si,  altei-a  parte  claudente  re  publica,  malis  con- 
siliis idem  ac  bonis   iuris   et   potestatis  erit.     Erras  4 
enim,  L.  Paule,  si  tibi  minus  certaminis  cum  C.  Te- 
rentio  quam  cum  Hannibale  futurum  censes;  nescio 
an  infestior  hie  adversarius  quam  ille  hostis  maneat  te. 
Cum  illo  in  acie   tantum,  cum  hoc  omnibus  locis  ac  5 
temporibus   certaturus   es;    adversus   Hannibalem  le- 
gionesque  eius  tuis  equitibus  ac  peditibus  pugnandum 
tibi  erit,  Varro  dux  tuis  militibus  te  est  oppugnaturus. 
Ominis  etiam  tibi  causa  absit  C.  Flaminii  memoria.  6 
Tamen  ille  consul  demum  et  in  provincia  et  ad  exerci- 
tum coepit  furore  ;  hie,  priusquam  peteret  consulatum, 
delude   in    petendo   consulatu,    nunc   quoque   consul. 


120 


LTV7I 


LIBER   XXTT, 


121 


7  priiisquani  castm  videat  aiit  liostem,  insanit.  Et  qui 
tantas  iam  nunc  procellaa  prcelia  atque  acies  iactando 
inter  togatos  ciet,  quid  inter  armatani  iuventutem 
censes  facturum  et  ubi  extemplo  res  verba  sequitur  ? 

8  Atqui  si  hie,  quod  facturum  se  denuntiat,  extemplo 
pugnaverit,  aut  ego  rem  militarem,  belli  hoc  genus, 
hostem   hunc  ignoro,  aut  nobilior  alius  Tnisumenno 

9  locus  nostris  cladibus  erit.  Nee  gloriandi  tempus  ad- 
versua  unum  est,  et  ego  contemnendo  potius  quam 
a,.,«,tendo  gloriam  modnm  excesserim  ;  sed  ita  res  se 
habet :  una  ratio  belli  gerendi  adversus  Hannibaleni 

loest,  qua  ego  gessi.  Nee  eventus  modo  hoc  docet 
(stultorum  iste  magister  est),  sed  eadem  ratio,  qua- 
fuit  futunique,  donee  res  esedera  manebunt,  immuta- 

ti  bills  est.  In  Itiilia  bellum  gerimus,  in  sede  ac  solo 
nostro  ;  omnia  circa  plena  civium  ac  sociorum  sunt ; 
armis,  viris,  equis,  commeatibus  iuvant  iuvabuntqiie : 

,2  id  iam  fidei  documentum  in  adversis  rebus  nostris 
dederunt;    melioi'cs,    pnidentiores,    constantiores   nos 

13  tempus  diesque  facit.  Hannibal  contra  in  aliena,  in 
hostili  est  terra  inter  omnia  inimica  infestaque,  procul 
ab  domo,  ab  patria;  neque  illi  terra  neque  mari  est 
pax  ;  nullae  eum  urbes  accipiunt,  nulla  moenia ;  nihil 

14  usquam  sui  videt,  in  diem  rapto  vivit ;  partem  vix 
tertiam  exercitus  eius  habet,  quern  Hiberum  amnem 
traiecit ;  plures  fame  quam   ferro  absumpti ;  nee  his 

15  paucis  iam  victus  Huppeditat.  Bubitas  ergo,  quin  se- 
dendo  supemturi  simus  eum.  qui  senescat  in  dies,  nou 
commeatus,  non  supplementum,  non  pecuniam  habeati 

i6  Quamdiu    pro   Gereotiii,   castelli  Apuliae  inopis,   tan- 

17  quam  pro  Carthaginis   mcenibus   sedet  1     Sed  ne  ad- 

\'ersii8  te  quidem  de  me  gloiiabor.    Cn.  Servilius  at<pin 


Atilius,  proximi  consules,   vide,  queniadmodum  eum 
ludificati   sint.     Haec   una  salutis  est  via,  L.   Paule, 
quam   difficilem  infestauique  cives   tibi    magis   quam 
hostes  facient.     Idem  enim  tui,  quod  hostium  milites  i8 
volent;  idem  Varro  consul  Romanus,  quod  Hannibal 
Poenus  imperator    cupiet.     Duobus  ducibus  unus  re- 
sistas   oportet.     Resistes   autem,   si   adversus   famam 
nniioresque  hominum  satis  firmus  steteris,  si  te  neque 
collegSB  vana  gloiia  neque  tua  falsa  infamia  moverit. 
Veritatem  laborare  iiimis  sie[)e  aiunt,  exstingui  nun-  19 
quam.      Vanam  gloriam  qui  spreverit,  vei-am  habebit. 
Sine,  timidum  pro  cauto,  tardum  pro  considerate,  im-  20 
bellem  pro  perito  belli  vocent.     ]Malo,  te  sapiens  hostis 
metuat,  quam  stulti  cives  laudent.     Omnia  audentem 
contemnet  Hannibal,   nihil   temere   agenteni    metuet. 
Nee  ego,  ut  nihil  agatur,  suadeOy  sed  ut  agentem  te  21 
i-atio  ducat,   non  fortuna;    tuie   potestatis   semi)er  tu 
tuaque  omnia  sint ;  armatus  intentusque  sis ;  neque 
occasioni  tuae  desis  neque  suam  occasionem  hosti  des. 
Omnia  non  properanti  clara  certaque  erunt ;  festinjitio  22 
inijirovida  est  et  cajca." 

Adversus   ea  oratio  consulis  baud  sane  Iseta  fuit,  40 
magis  fatentis  ea,  quae  diceret,  vera  quam  but  is  not  sanguine 
facilia  factu  esse.     Dictatori  magistrum  *>^^"*^*^'''*^'  ^ 

equitum  intolerabilem  fuisse  ;  quid  consuli  adversus 
collegam  seditiosum  ac  temerarium  virium  atque  auc- 
toritatis  fore  1  Se  populare  incendium  priore  consulatu  3 
semustum  effugisse ;  optare,  ut  omnia  prospere  eveni- 
rent;  sed  si  quid  adversi  caderet,  hostium  se  telis 
potius  quam  suffragiis  iratorum  civium  caput  obiec- 
turum. 

Ab  hoc  sermone  i)rofectum  Paulum  tmdunt,  pro-  4 


122 


Livri 


LIBER  XX TL 


123 


* 


Bequentibus  primoribus  patrum ;  plebcium  cousuleni 
sua  plebes  prosecutti,  turba  conspectior,  quum  dignitus 
3  n.u.n.bui  hopes  to  ^leesset.  Ut  in  castm  veueruut,  perinixt., 
toT"enemrtS'  ^^^^'«  ©xei'citu  ac  vetere,  castris  bifarium 
gagi;"»«ut,  factis,   ut    uuva    minora   esseut   piopius 

Hajinibaleni,  in   veteiibus  inaior  pai-s  et  omne  robiir 

6  virium  esset,  consulum  anni  prioiis  M.  Atilium,  a3ta- 
tem  excusanteui,  Romam  misenmt,  Gemiuuni  8ei'- 
viliura  in  miiioribus  castris  legioni  Komanae  et  sociuui 

7  peditum  equitumquo  duobus  millibus  piieficiunt.  Hau- 
nibal  quanquam  i>arte  dimidia  auctas  liostium  copias 
cornebat,    tameu    adveutu    consulum    raii-e    gaudere. 

8  Non  solum  enim  nihil  ex  mptis  in  diem  commeatibus 
supembat,  sed  ue  unde  mperet  quidem,  quicquam 
i-eliqni  erat,  omni  uiulique  frumento   postquam  ager 

9  parum  tutus  erat,  in  urbes  munitas  convecto,  ut  vix 
decern  dierum,  quod  compertum  postea  est,  fi-unu'iituin 
superesset,  Hispanorumque  ob  inopiam  ti-ansitio  parata 
fuerit,  si  maturitas  tempomm  exspecUita  foi-et. 

41  Ceterum  temeritati  consulis  ac  pnepropero  ingenio 
especially  after  ^^^-^riam  etiam  fortuua  dedit,  quod  in  pro- 
aSme  !ll^'Les"h!  ^i^eudis  praedatoribus  tumultuario  prcelio 
akiriimhing.  ^^  procursu  magis  militum  quam  ex  pia- 

imi-ato  aut  iussu  imperatorum  orto  haudquaquani  par 
a  Poenis  dimicatio  fuit.  Ad  mille  et  septingcnti  civsi, 
uou  plus  centum  Rouianorum  sociorumque  occisis. 
Ceterum  victoribus  eflfuse  sequentibus  metu  insidiaruiii 
obstitit  Paulus  consul,  cuius  eo  die  (nam  alternis  im- 

3  peritabant)  imperium  erat,  Varrone  indignante  ac 
vociferante,  emissum  bostem  e  manibus  debcllariquc, 

4  ni  cessatum  foret,  jjotuisse.  Hannibal  id  dainnuiu 
haud  segerrime  pati ;  quin  potius  credere,  velut  iniy- 


catam   temeritatem    ferocioris    cousulis    ac    novorum 
maxime  militum   esse.      Et   omnia   ei  hostium  haud  s 
secus   qnam  sua  nota  erant :    dissi miles  discordesque 
iinperitjire,  duas  prope  partes  tironum  militum  in  ex- 
ei-citu  esse.     Itaque  locum  et  tempus  insidiis  aptum  6 
se  habere  ratus,  nocte  proxima,  nihil  prae-  ,i^  ^^^,^  ^  ^^^^  ^^^ 
ter  anna   ferente   secum    milite,    castra  "^®'"' 
plena   omnis   fortunse    publicse    privatseque   reliiiquit, 
transque    proximos    montes    Ijeva   pedites    instructos  7 
condit,   dextra    equites,    impedimenta  per   convallem 
mediam    traducit,   ut  diripiendis   velut  desei-tis   fuga  8 
dominorum   castris  occupatum  impeditumque  hostem 
opprimeret.     Crebri   relicti  in  castris  ignes,   ut  fides  9 
fieret,  dum  ij)se  longius  spatium  fuga  prjBciperet,  falsa 
imagine  castrorum,   sicut    Fabium   priore   anno  frus- 
ti-atus   esset,  tenere  in   locis  consules  voluisse.     Ubi  42 
illuxit,  aubductae  primo  stationes,  deinde  propius  ade- 
untibus  insolitum  silentiuui  admirationem  fecit     lam  2 
satis  comperta  solitudine  in  castris,  concursus  fit  ad 
pratoria  consulum  nuntiantium  fugam  hostium  adeo 
trepidam,  ut  tabernaculis  stantibus  castra  reliquerint, 
quoque   fuga   obscurior   esset,    crebros  etiam   relictos 
ignes.     Clamor  inde  ortus,  ut  signa  proferri  inherent  3 
(lucerentque  ad  persequendos  hostes  ac  protinus  castiu 
diripienda.     Et  consul  alter  velut  unus  .^^  ^,,5^,,  ti,ey 
turbae  militaris   erat;    Paulus  etiam  at-  Sf^lJ  ^uK'S  1 

..  •  1       J  Paulus. 

que  etiam  dicere  providendum  pi-aecaven- 
duuique  esse ;  postremo,  quum  aliter  ueque  seditionem 
ueque  ducem  seditionis  sustinere  posset,  Marium  Sta- 
tilium    prsefectum    cum    turma    Lucana    exploratum 
mittit.     Qui  ubi  adequitavit  portis,   subsistere   exti-a  5 
munimenta  ceteris  iussis,  ipse  cum  duobus  equitibns 


124 


LTVJ1 


vallum   intravit,    speculatusqno   omnia  cxim    cura  re 

6  nuntiat,  insidias  iirofecto  esse ;  i-jfiies  in  parte  castro 
rum,  qiisB  vergat  ad  hostem,  relictos ;  tabernacula 
apert»  et  omnia  cam  in  promptu  lelicta  ;  argentiim 
quibusdam   locis   temere   per  vias  velw^  obiectuni  ad 

7  praedam  vidisse.  Quae  ad  deterrendos  a  cupiditate 
animos  nuntiata  eraiit,  ea  accendenint,  et  clarnore  orto 
a  militibus,  ni  signum  detiir,  sine  ducibus  ituros,  liaud- 
quaqnam  dux  defuit  ;    nam   extemplo  Varro   sigmim 

8  dedit  proficiscendl  Paulus,  quum  ei  sua  sponte  cunc- 
tanti  pulli  (pioqne  auspicio  non  addixisseiit,  niintiari 

9  iara  efferenti  porta  signa  collegae  iussit.  Quod  (jimn- 
quam  Varro  aegre  est  passiis,  Flaminii  tamen  rcceiis 
casus  Claudiique  consulis  primo  Punico  bello  meiuo- 

10  rata  navalis  c lades  religionera  animo  incussit.  Di 
prope  ipsi  eo  die  magis  distulere  quam  prohibuerc 
imminentem  pestem  Romanis  ;  nam  forte  ita  evenit, 
ut,  quum  referri  signa  in  castm  iubenti  consul i  militos 

11  non  pai-erent,  servi  duo,  Formiani  unus,  alter  Sidicini 
equitis,  qui  Servilio  atque  Atilio  consulibus  inter 
pabulatores  excei>ti  a  Numidis  fuerant,  profugerent 
eo  die  ad  dominos  ;  deductique  ad  consul es  nuntiant, 
omnem  exercitum  Hannibalis  trans  proximos  montes 

la  sedere  in  insidiis.  Horum  oi)portunus  adventus  con- 
sules  imperii  potentes  fecit,  quum  ambitio  altering' 
suam  luimura  apud  eos  prava  indulgeiitia  inaiestateiii 
solvisset 
43  Hannibal  postquam  motos  magis  inconsulte  Ro- 
want  of  supplies  manos  quam  ad  ultimum  temere  evectos 

forces  liiiu  to  re-       ... 

tintoCkQuie.       vidit,  nequicquam  detecta  fraude  in  cas- 

t  tra  rediit.     Ibi  plures  dies  [»ropter  inopiam  frumenti 

manere   nequit,    novaque   consilia   in    dies  non   apud 


LIBER   XXII. 


125 


uiilites  solum  mixtos  ex  colluvione  umuiuiu  gentium, 
sed  etiam  apud  ducem  ipsum  oriebantur.     Nam  quum  3 
initio  fremitus,   dcinde  aperta   vociferatio   fiiisset  ex- 
noscentium    stipendium    debitum   querentiumque   an- 
nonam  primo,  postremo  famem,  et  merceuarios  milites, 
luaxime  Hisjjani  generis,  de  transitione  ce})isse  con- 
silium fama  esset,  ipse  etiam  interdum  Hannibal  de  4 
fuga  in  Galliam  dicitur  agitasse,  ita  ut,  relicto  peditatu 
omni,  cum  equitibus  se  proriperet.     Quum  haec  con-  5 
silia   atque   hie    habitus   animorum   esset   in   castris, 
movcre  inde  statuit  in  calidiora  atque  eo  maturiora 
messibus  Apulise  loca,  simul  ut,  quo  longius  ab  hoste 
recessisset,  transfugia  impeditiora  levibus  ingeniis  es- 
scnt.     Profectus  est  nocte  ignibus  similiter  factis  ta-  6 
beiuaculisque  paucis  in  speciem  relictis,  ut  insidiarura 
par  priori  metus  contineret  Romanos.     Sed  per  eun-  7 
ilem  Lucanum  Statilium  omnibus  ultra  castra  transque 
montes  ex[)loratis,  quum  relatum  esset,  visum  procul 
hoHtium  agmen,  tum  de  insequendo  eo  consilia  agitari 
cQjpta.     Quum  utriusque   consulis   eadem,    quae  ante  8 
semper,  fuisset  sententia,  ceterum  Varroni  fere  omnes, 
Paulo  nemo  jji-yeter   Servilium,  prions  anni  consulem, 
assentiretur,  maioris  partis  sententia  ad  nobilitandas  9 
clade  Romaua  Caniias  ui-gente  fato  profecti  sunt.    Pro-  10 
pe  eum  vicum  Hannibal  castra  posuerat  aversa  a  Vul- 
turno  vento,  qui  campis  toriidis  siccitate  nubes  pulveiis 
vehit.     Id  quum  ipsis  castris  percommodum  fuit,  tum  n 
salutare  pi-secipue  futurum  erat,  quum  aciem  dii-igerent, 
ipsi  aversi,  terga  tantum  afflante  vento,  in  occaecatum 
pnlvere  offuso  hostem  pugnaturi. 

Consules,    satis    exploratis    itineiibus,    sequentes  44 
Pa>uum,  ut  ventum  ad   Cannas  est  et  in  conspectu 


126 


LI  VI I 


LIBER   XXIL 


127 


PcBiium    habebant,   biiia    castra   comniuiiiunt,  eodeui 
wiiithor  tiie  iio-  ^^^T^^  inteivallo,  quo  ad  Gereoniuni.  sicut 

mans  follow  Iiim,    „^i.«    _      ••      i-    .   .         »      ..  , 

'  tiimijfh  with  di-  ante,  copiis  divisis.   Aufidus  amiiis,  iitris- 

viQccl  counsolfl. 

que  castris  affluens,  aditum  aquatorihus 

ex   sua  cuiusque  oi)|)ortmiitate  Laud  sine  certamine 

jdabatj  ex  minoribus  tanien  castris,  quae  posita  trans 

Autidum  erant,  liberius  aquabaiitur  Komani,  quia  ripa 

4  ulterior  nullum  habebat  hostium  presidium.  Hanni- 
bal spem  nanctus,  locis  natis  ad  equestrem  pugnani, 
qua  parte  virium  invictua  emt,  facturos  copiani  pug- 
nandi  consules,  dirigit  aciem  lacessitque  Nuniidarum 

5  procursatione  hostea  Inde  ruraus  sollicitari  seditionc 
militari  ac  discordia  consulum  Romana  castra,  quuni 
Paulus  Semproniique  et  Flaminii  temeritatem  Vano- 
ni,  Varro  Paulo  speciosum  timidis  ac  segnibus  ducibus 

6  exemplura  Fabium  obiiceret,  testareturque  deos  liomi- 
nesque  hie,  nullam  penes  se  culpam  esse,  quod  Hanui- 
bal  iam  velw^  usu  cepisset  Italiam;  se  constrictuni  a 
coUega  teneri;   femim  atque  arma  iratis  et  pugnarc 

7cupientibus  adimi  militibus;  ille,  si  quid  proiectls  ac 
proditis  ad  inconsultam  atque  improvidam  pugnani 
legionibus  accideret,  se  omois  culpai  exsorteni,  onini.s 
eventus  participem  fore  diceret ;  videret,  ut,  quibus 
lingua  tarn  prompta  ac  temeraria,  seque  in  j)ugna 
vigerent  manus. 

45        Dum  altercationibus  inagis  quam  cousiliis  tenipus 


ibheJSJLi!?^  ^''^*^^^**»  Hannibal  ex  acie,  quam  ad  mul- 

'^"^•^  turn  diei  tenuerat  instructam,  quum  in 

.  castra  ceteras  reciperet  copias,  Numidas  ad  invadendos 

ex  minoribus  castris  Romanorum  aquatores  trans  flu- 
3  men  mittit,     Quam  inconditam  turbam  quum  vixdum 

in  ripam   egressi  clamore   ac   tumultu   fuffasseut.  in 


siati(»neni  quoque  pro  vallo  locatani  atque  i[)sa,s  prope 
portas  ovecti  sunt.     Id  vero  adeo  indignum  visum,  ab  4 
tuniultuario  auxilio  iam  etiam  castra  Romana  terreri, 
lit  ea  mode  una  causa,  ne  extemplo  transirent  fiumen 
tliri<'erentque  aciem,  tenuerit  Komanog,  quod  summa 
imperii  eo  die  penes  Paulum  fuerit.     Itaque  postero  5 
die  Varro,  cui  sors  eius  diei  imperii  erat,  ^^^  vano  insists 
nihil  consulto  collega  signum   i)roposuit  «- "ff«"ng  battle 
instnictasque  copias  fluiiieu  traduxit,  sequente  Paulo, 
quia  magis  non  probare  quam  non  adiuvare  consilium 
poterat.     Transgressi  flumen  eas  quoque,  quas  in  cas-  6 
tris  minoribus  habuerant,  copias  suis  adiungunt  atque 
ita  instruunt  aciem  :  in  dextro  cornu   (id  erat  flumini 
propius)  Ronuinos  equites  locant,  deinde  pedites ;  la3-  7 
vum  cornu  extremi  equites  socionim,  inti-a  pedites,  ad 
medium  iuncti  legionibus  Romanis,  tenuerunt;  iacu- 
latores  cum   ceteris   levium   armorum    auxiliis  prima 
acies  facta.    Consules  cornua  tenuere,  Terentius  la3vum,  s 
iEmilins    dextrum;     Gemino    Servilio   media   pugna 
tuenda  data. 

Hannibal  luce  prima,  Baliaribus  levique  alia  arma-  46 
tura  praemissa,  transgressus   flumen,  ut  ^^^  ^1,1^,^  iianni- 
quosque  traduxerat,  ita  in  acie  locabat,  ''a' »s  p'^p^^^'^ 
Gallos  Hispanosque  equites  prope  ripam  Uevo  in  cornu  a 
ad  versus  Romanum  equitatum ;  dextrum  cornu  Numi-  3 
dis  equitibus  datura,  media  acie  peditibus  firmata,  ita 
ut  Afrorum  utraque  cornua  essent,  interponerentur  his 
medii  Galli  atque  Hispani.     Afros  Romanam  magna  4 
ex  parte  crederes  aciem;  ita  armati  crant  armis  et  ad 
Trebiam,  ceterum  magna  ex  parte  ad  Trasumennum 
captis.     Gallis  Hispanisque  scuta  eiusdem  formse  fere  5 
erant,  dispares  ac  dissimiles  gladii,  Gallis  prailongi  ac 


19ft 


LI  VII 


LIBER   XX J L 


129 


sine  niucroiiibus,  Hispano,  puoctim  uiagis  quam  casim 
ttssueto  petere  hostem,  brevitate  liaVjiles  et  cum  mucrc*- 
nibus.  Ante  alios  habitus  gentium  harum  qiium  niag- 
6nitudiutj  corporum,  turn  specie  tembilis  erat:  Galli 
super  umbilicuDi  erant  nudi;  Hispani  linteis  prsetextis 
purpura  tunicis,  candore  niiro  fulgentibus,  constiterant. 
Humerus  omnium  jieditum,  qui  turn  steterunt  in  acie, 

7  niillium   fuit    quadraginta,    decern    equitum.      Duces 
comibus  praeerant  sinistro  Hasdrubal,  dextro  Maliai 
bal  \  mediam  aciem  Hannibal  ipse  cum  fratro  Magoue 

8  tenuit  Sol  seu  de  industria  ita  locatis,  seu  quod 
forte  ita  stetere,  peropportune  utrique  parti  obliquiis 
erat,  Romania  in  meridiem,  Pcenis  in  septentrioneni 

9  versis ;  ventua  (Vultumum  regionia  incolaj  vocant) 
adversuB  Romania  coortus  raulto  pulvere  in  ipaa  oni 
volvendo  prospectum  ademit. 

47        Clamore  sublato,  procursum  ah  auxiliis  et  pugiia 
Tiic  RomaiM  are  Icvibua  primum  annin  commissa :  deindc 

outmaiiuiuvred  at  .  rt    1 1  -tt  • 

ciiimaj,  equitum  Cfallorum  Hispanoruni^ue  luivuni 

coniu  cum  dextro  Romano  concurrit,  minime  equestiis 

3  more  pugnae ;  frontibua  enim  adversis  concuiTenduin 

erat,  quia,  nullo  circa  ad  evagandum  relicto  spatio, 

3  Mnc  amnis  hinc  peditum  aciea  claudebant.  In  dii-ectum 
utrinque  nitentes,  stantibus  ac  confertis  postremo  turbii 
equis,  vii-  virum  amplexus  detrahebat  equo.  Pedestrc 
magna  iam  ex  parte  certamen  factum  erat;  acrius  tameu 
quam  diutius  pugnatum  est,  pulsique  Romani  equitcs 

4  terga  vertunt  Sub  equestris  finem  certaminia  coortii 
est  peditum  pugna,  primo  et  viribus  et  animis  par, 

5  dam  constabant  ordinea  Gallis  Hispanisque;  tandem 
Ilomani,  diu  ac  saepe  connisi,  obliqua  fronte  acieque 
densa  impulere  hostium  cuneum  nimis  tenuem  eoque 


paruni  validum,  a  cetera  prominentem  acie.     Impulsis  6 
deinde  ac  trepide  referentibus  pedem  institere  ac  tenore 
uno  per  prseceps  pavore  fugientium  agmen  iu  mediam 
primum  aciem  illati,  postremo  nullo  resistente  ad  sub- 
sidia  Afrorum  pervenerunt,  qui  utrinque  reductis  alia  7 
constiterant,  media,  qua  Galli   Hispanique  steterant, 
aliquantum  prominente  acie.     Qui  cuneus  ut  pulsus  8 
sequavit  frontem   primum,  dein  cedendo  etiam  sinum 
in  medio  dedit,  Afri  circa  iam  cornua  fecerant,  irrueu- 
tibusque  incaute  in   medium    Romanis  circumdedere 
alas;   mox  cornua  extendendo   clausere   et  ab  tergo 
hostea      Hinc  Romani,   defuncti   iiequicquam   prcelio  9 
uno,  omissis  Gallis  Hispanisque,  quorum  terga  ceci- 
dei-ant,  adversus  Afros  integram  pugnam  ineunt,  non  10 
tantum  eo  iniquam,  quod  inclusi  adversus  circumfusos, 
sed  etiam  quod  fessi  cum  recentibus  ac  vegetis  pug- 
nabunt. 

Iam  et  sinistro  cornu  Romano,  ubi  socioruni  equites  48 
adversus  Numidas  steterant,  consertum  proelium  erat, 
segne  primo  et  a  Punica  coeptum  fraude.     Quingenti  2 
ferme  Numidse,  praiter  sol  ita  arma  telaque  gladios  oc- 
cultos  sub  loricis  habentes,  specie  transfugarum  quum 
ab  suis  parmas  post  terga  habentes  adequitassent,  re-  3 
pente  ex  equis  desiliunt,   parmisque   et  iaculis   ante 
pedes  hostium  proiectis,  in  mediam  aciem  accepti  duc- 
tique  ad  ultimos  considere  ab  tergo  iubentur.    Ac  dum 
proelium  ab  omni  parte  conseritur,  quieti  manserunt; 
postquam  omnium  animos  oculosque  occupaverat  cer-  4 
tamen,  tum  arreptis  scutis,  quae  passim  inter  acervos 
caesorum  corponim   strata  erant,  aversam  adoriuntur 
Romanam  aciem,  tergaque  ferientesac  poplites  csedentes 
sti-agem  ingentem  ac  maiorem   aliquanto  pavorem  4ic 


130 


LIVII 


LIBER  XXII. 


131 


i| 


s  tumultum  fecerunt.  Quiim  alibi  tenor  ac  fuga,  alibi 
pertinax  in  mala  iam  spe  prcBlium  esset,  Hasdrubal, 
qui  ea  parte  prseerat,  subductos  ex  media  acie  Numidas, 
quia  segnis  eomm  cum  adversis  pugna  erat,  ad  per- 

6  »equendo8  passim  fugientea  mittit,  Hispanos  et  Gallos 
equitea  Afris  prope  iam  fessis  caede  magis  quam  pugua 
adiungiL 
49        Parte  altera  puguai  Paulus,  quanquam  primo  statim 

a  and    completely  proelio  fuuda  graviter  ictus  fiierat,  tamen 

lll^fflAtifiCl   Willi    lilts  «_-w 

joasofpauiusiuid  et  occui'rit  saepe  cum  confertis  Hamiibali 

nearly     all     the 

army.  et  aliquot  locis  proeUum  restituit,  prote- 

3  gentibus  eum   equitibus    Komanis,   omissis    postremo 

equis,  quia  coosulem  et  ad  regendum  equum  vires  defi- 

ciebant     Tum  renuntianti  cuidam,  iussisse  consulem 

ad  pedes  descendere  equites,  dixisse  Hannibalem  fe- 

4 1-unt :  •'  Quam  mallem,  vinctos  mihi  traderet."     Equi- 

tum  pedesti-e  prcelium,  quale  iam  liaud  dubia  hostium 

victoria,  fuit,  quum  victi  mori  in  vestigio  mallent  quam 

fiigere,  victores  morantibus  victoriam  irati  trucidarent, 

s  quos  pellere  noii   poteraut.      Pepulerunt  tamen  iam 

paucos  superantes  et  labore  ac  vulneribus  fessos.    Inde 

dissipati  omnes  sunt,  equosque  ad  fugam,  qui  poteraut, 

6  repetebant  Cn.  Lentulus  tribunus  militum  quum 
praeterveheus  equo  sedentem  in  saxo  ciniore  oppletum 

7  consulem  vidisset,  "  L.  iEmili  "  inquit,  "  quern  unum 
insontem  culpse  cladis  hodiernie  dei  respicere  debent, 
cape  hunc  equum,  dum  et  tibi  virium  aliquid  superest 

8  et  comes  ego  te  tollere  possum  ac  protegere.  Ne  funes- 
tam  banc  pugnam  morte  consulis  feceris;  etiam  sine 

9  hoc  lacrimarum  satis  luctusque  est"  Ad  ea  consul :  "Tu 
qnidem,  Cn.  Cornell,  macte  virtute  esto;  sed  cave, 
irnfitra  miserando  exiguuiu  tempus  e  manibus  hostium 


evadendi  absumas.     Abi,  nuntia  publice  patribus,  ur-  lo 
bem  Romanam   muniant  ac,  priusquam  hostis  victor 
advenit,  praesidiis   firment ;    privatim   Q.    Fabio,    L. 
iEmilium  praeceptorum  eius  memorem  et  vixisse  adhuc 
et  mori    Me  in  hac  strage  militum  meorum  patere  ex-  1 1 
spirare,  ne  aut  reus  iterum  e  consulatu  sim  aut  accu- 
sator  collegse  existam,  ut  alieno  crimine  innoceutiam 
meam  protegam."     Hsec  eos  agentes  prius  turba  fu-  is 
gientium  civium,  deinde  hostes  oppressere ;  consulem 
ignorantes,   quis  esset,   obruere  telis,  Lentulum  inter 
tumultum  abripuit  equus.     Tum  undique  effuse  fugi-  13 
unt.    Sep  tern  millia  hominum  in  minora  castra,  decern 
in  maiora,  duo  fetme  in  vicum  ipsum  Cannas  peifu- 
gerunt,   qui  extemplo  a  Cartlialone  atque  equitibus, 
nullo  munimento   tegente   vicum,    circumventi   sunt. 
Consul  alter,  seu  forte  seu  consilio  nuUi  fugientium  14 
insertus  agmini,  cum  quinquaginta  fere  equitibus  Ve- 
nusiam  perfugit.      Quadraginta  quinque  millia  quin-  15 
genti  pedites,  duo  millia  septingenti  equites,  tet  tanta 
prope  civium  sociorumque  pars,  csesi  dicuntur ;  in  his 
ambo  consulum   quaestores,   L.   Atilius  et  L.   Furius 
Bibaeulus,  et  undetriginta  tribuni  militum,  consulares  16 
quidam  praetoriique  et  sedilicii  (inter  eos  Cn.  Servilium 
Geminum  et   M.   Minucium   numerant,  qui  magister 
equitum  priore  anno,  aliquot  annis  ante  consul  fuerat),  17 
octoginta  praeterea  aut  senatores  aut  qui  eos  magis- 
tratus  gessissent,  unde  in  senatum  legi  deberent,  quum 
sua  voluutate  milites  in  legionibus  facti  essent.    Capta  x8 
eo  proelio  tria  millia  peditum  et  equites  mille  et  quin- 
genti  dicuntur. 

Haec  est  pugna  GannensiSy  Aliensi  cladi  nobilitate  50 
par,  ceterum  ut  illis,  quje  post  pugnam  accidere,  levior,  a 

9—2 


132 


LJVIT 


LIBER  XXIL 


133 


quia  ab  hoste  est  cessatum,  sic  strage  exercitus  gravior 

3  foediorque.  Fuga  namque  ad  Aliam  sicut  urbem  pro- 
didit,  ita  exercitura  servavit ;  ad  Cannas  fugientem 
consulem  vix  quinquaginta  secuti  sunt,  alterius  mori- 
entk  prope  totus  exercitus  fuit. 

4  Binis  in  castris  quuni  multitudb  seraiermis  sine 
Rom©  of  tiie  sur-  ducibus  csset,  uuutlum,  qui  in  maiorilms 

vivors  make  their  ^  .  ^       ,  ,.         ,    .     , 

way  to  canushim.  erant,  mittunt,  dum  proBlio,  demde  ex 
lajtitia  epulis  fatigatos  quios  noctuma  hostes  premeret, 
ut  ad  se  transirent :    uuo  aginine  Canusium  abituius 

5  esse.  Eiiui  sententiain  alii  totam  a«>j)ernari;  cur  enim 
illos,  qui  ae  arcessant,  ii)S08  non  venire,  quuni  aMjue 
coniungi  possent?  quia  videlicet  plmia  hostiiim  omnia 
in  medio  essent,  et  aliorum  quam  sua  corpora  tan  to 

6  periculo  mallent  ohiicere.  Aliis  non  tarn  sententii 
displicere  quam  animus  deesse.  P.  Sempronius  Tudi 
tanus  tribunus  militum  "Capiergo  mavultis"  in<iiiit 
**ab  avanssimo  et  ci'udelissimu  hoste,  aBstiraarii|iir 
capita  vestra  et  exquiii  pretia  ab  interrogantibus,  ll<»- 
manus  civis  sis  an  Latinus  socius,  ut  ex  tua  coiitu- 

7  melia  et  niiseria  alteri  honos  quaeratur?  Non  tu,  si 
quidem  L.  iEmilii  consulis,  qui  se  bene  mori  quam 
turpiter  vivere  maluit,  et  tot  fortissimorum  viroruui, 

8  qui  Circa  eum  cumulati  iacent,  cives  estis.  Sed  aiUu- 
quam  opprimit  lux  maioraque  hostium  agmina  obss- 
piuut  iter,  per  hos,  qui  inordinati  atque  incompositi 

9  obstrepuut  portis,  erumpamus.  Ferro  atque  audacia 
via  fit  quamvis  per  confei*to8  hostes.  Cunco  quideui 
hoc  laxnm  atque  solutum  agmen,  ut  si  nihil  obstet, 
disiicias.     Itaque  ite  mecum,  qui  et  voamet  ipsos  et 

lorem  publicam  salvam  vultis."     Haec  ubi  dicta  dedit, 
stringit  gladium,  cuneoque  facto  per  niedios  vadit  hos- 


tes, et,  quum  in  latus  dextrum,  quod  patebat,  Numidae  u 
iacularentur,  translatis  in  dextrum  scutis,  in  raaiora 
castra  ad  sexcentos  evaserunt,  atque  inde  protinus, 
alio  magno  agraine  adiuncto,  Canusium  incolumes  per- 
veniunt.  Hsec  apud  victos  magis  impetu  animorum,  12 
qiiem  ingenium  suum  cuique  aut  fors  dabat,  quam  ex 
consilio  ipsorum  aut  imperio  cuiusquam  agebantur. 

Hannibali  victori  quum  ceteri  circumfusi  gratula-  51 
rentur  suaderentque,  ut,  tanto  perfunctus  while    the    con- 

*^  17        7  ^  quorors  rest  alter 

bello,  (liei  quod  reliquum  esset  noctisque  their  labour, 
insequentis  quietem  et  ipse  sibi  sumeret  et  fessis  daret 
militibus,    Maharbal   praefectus   equitum,  minime   ces-  2 
santhun  ratus,  "  Immo  ut,  quid  hac  pugna  sit  actum, 
scias,  die  quinto,"  inquit  "victor  in  Capitolio  epula- 
beris.     Sequerc  ;   cum  equite,   ut  prius  venisse  quam 
venturum  sciant,  prsecedam."     Hannibali  nimis  Iseta  3 
res  est  visa  maiorque,  quam  uteam  statim  capere  animo 
posset    Itaque  voluntatem  se  laudare  Maharbalis  ait; 
ad  consilium  pensaiiduni    temporis  opus  esse.      Turn  4 
Maharbal  :    "  Non   omnia  nimirum  eidem   di  dedere. 
Vincere  scis,   Hannibal  ;  victoria  uti  nescis."     Mora 
eius  diei  satis  creditur  saluti  fuisse  urbi  atque  imperio. 

Postero  du;,  ubi  primuin  illuxit,  ad  spolia  legenda  5 
foedamque  etiam  hostibus  spectandam  stragem  exeunt, 
lacebant  tot  Romanorum  millia,  pedites  passim  equi-  6 
tesque,  ut  quem  cuique  fors  aut  pugna  iunxerat  aut 
fuga;   assurgentes   quidam  ex   strage  media  cruenti, 
quos  stricta  matutino  frigore  excitaverant  vnlnera,  ab 
hoste  oppressi  sunt ;  quosdam  et  iacentes  vivos  succisis  7 
feminibus  poplitibusque  invenerunt,   nudantes   cervi- 
cem  iugulumque  et  reliquum  sanguinem  iubentes  hau- 
rire ;  inventi  quidam  sunt  mersis  in  effossam  terram  8 


134 


LIYU 


capifcibus,  quofl  sibi  ipsos  fecisse  foveas  obnientesque 
ora  superiecta  humo  interclusiase  spiritum  apparebat 
9  Pracipue  convertit  omnes  substratus  Numida  mortuo 
superincubanti  Romano  vivus,  naso  auribusque  lacera^ 
tis,  quum,  manibus  ad  capiendum  telum  inutilibus,  in 
rabiem  ira  versa,  laniando  dentibus  hostem  exspirasset. 
52  Spoliis  ad  multum  diei  lectis,  Hannibal  ad  minora 
Sooie   surrender  duclt  castra  oppugnanda,  et  omnium  pri- 

the   next  day  in 

their  camp  where  mum  brachio  obiecto  flumine  eos  exclu- 

they    liad    taken 

a  refuge.  dit ;  coterum  ab  omnibus  labore,  vigil  lis, 

vulneribus  etiam  fessis  maturior  ipsius  spe  deditio  est 
facta.  Pacti,  ut  arma  atque  equos  traderent,  in  capita 
Romana  trecenis  nummis  quadrigatis,  in  socios  duce- 

3  nis,  in  servos  centenis,  et  ut  eo  pretio  i)ersoluto  cum 
singulis  abirent  vestimentis,  in  castra  hostes  accepe- 
runt,   tiaditique   in   custodiam   oninea   sunt,  seorsnm 

4  cives  sociique.  Dnm  ibi  tempns  teritur,  inteiea  quvim 
ex  maioribus  castris,  quibus  satis  virium  et  animi  fuit, 
ad  quattuor  millia  hominum  et  duoenti  equites,  alii 
agmine,  alii  palati  passim  per  agros,  quod  baud  minus 
tutum  erat,  Canuiium  perfugissent,  castra  ipsa  ab  sau- 
ciis  timidisque  eadem  condicione,  qua  altera,  tradita 

5  bosti.  Prseda  ingens  parta  est,  et  prseter  equos  viros- 
que  et  si  quid  argenti  (quod  plurimum  in  phaleris 
equonim  erat;  nam  ad  vescendum  facto  perexiguo, 
utique  militantes,  utebantur)  omnis  cetera  praeda  diri- 

6  [lienda  data  est.  Turn  sepeliendi  causa  conferri  in 
unum  corpora  suorura  iussit;  ad  octo  miUia  fuisse 
dicuntur  fortissimorum  virorum.  Consulem  quoque 
Romanum  conquisitum  sepultumque,  quidam  auctores 
siintk 

7  Eos,    qui   Canusium    perfugerant,    mulier    Apula 


LIBER   XXn. 


135 


nomine  Busa,  genere  clara  ac  divitiis,  moenibus  tan- 
tura  tectisque  a  Canusinis  acceptos,  frumento,  veste, 
viatico  etiam  iiivit,  pro  qua  ei  mimificentia  postea, 
bello  perfecto,  ab  senatu  honores  habiti  sunt.     Cete-  53 
rum  quum  ibi  tribuni  militum  quattuor  essent,  Fabius 
Maximus  de  legione  prima,  cuius  pater  P«yec^ts^of^|jfi; 
priore  anno  dictator  fuerat,  et  de  legione  g^;;|.^^^i««^-;^  ^ 
secunda  L.  Publicius  Bibulus  et  P.  Cor-  checked^^  bj^  ^ti.e 
nelius  Scipio  et  de  legione  tertia  App.  neiiu8  sdpio. 
Claudius  Pulcher,  qui  proximo  aedilis  fuerat,  omnium  3 
consensu  ad  P.  Scipionem  admodum  adolescentem  et  ad 
App.   Claudium  summa  imperii  delata  est.      Quibus  4 
consultantibus  inter  paucos  de  summa  renim  nuntiat 
P.  Furius  Philus,  consularis  viri  filius,   nequicquam 
eos  perditam  spem  fovere ;  desperatam  comploratam- 
que  rem    esse   publicam ;    nobiles   iuvenes   qnosdam,  s 
quorum   principem    L.   Csecilium  Metellum,  mare  ac 
naves  spectare,  ut  deserta  Italia  ad  regum   aliquem 
transfugiant.     Quod  malum,  prseterquam  atrox,  super  6 
tot  clades  etiam   novum,   quum  stupore  ac  miraculo 
torpidos  defixisset,  qui  aderant,  et  consilium  advocan- 
dum  de  eo  censerent,  negat  consilii  rem  esse  Scipio 
iuvenis,  fatalis  dux  huiusce  belli.     Audendum  atque  7 
agendum,  non  consultandum  ait  in  tanto  malo  esse. 
Irent  aecum  extemplo  armati,  qui  rem  publicam  sal- 
vam  vellent ;    nulla  verius,  quam  ubi  ea  cogitentur,  8 
hostium  castra  esse.     Pergit  ire  sequentibus  panels  in  9 
hospitium  Metelli  et,  quum  concilium  ibi  iuvenum,  de 
quibus  allatum   erat,   invenisset,  stricto  super  capita 
consulbantium  gladio,  "  Ex  mei  animi  sententia "  in- 10 
quit,  "  ut  ego  rem  publicam  populi  Romani  non  dese- 
ram  neque  alium  civem  Romanum  deserere  patiar ;  si  ti 


136 


IIVII 


sciens  fallo,  turn  me,  luppiter  optime  maxime,  domum 

«2  familiam  remque  meam  pes^imo  leto  aflScias.     In  liaec 

verba,  L.  Caecili,  iures  postiilo  ceterique,  qui  adestk 

Qui  non  iuraverit,  in  Be  hunc  gladium  strictum  esse 

13  sciat."     Hand  secus  pavidi,  quam  si  victorem  Hanni- 

balem  cernerent,  iurant  omnes  custodiendosque  seiuet 

ipsos  Scipioiii  tradiint. 

54        Eo  tempore,  quo  hsec  Canusii  agebantur,  Venusiain 

varro   mid   the  ad  coiisulem  ad  uuattuor  millia  et  quin- 

■trogglers  at  Ve-  ^.         ,-  ..  .  ^ 

miaia  rejoin  their  genti  pedites  equitesoue,  qui  sparsi  fu^^a 

comnides  atCa-*^  «  ^»^  r  "©'* 

a  nusium.  per  agros  fuerant,  pervenere.    Eos  omnes 

Venusini  per  familias  benigne  accipiendos  curandosque 
quum  divisissent,  in  singulos  equites  togas  et  tunicas 
et  quadrigatos  nummos  quinos  vicenos,  et  pediti  denos, 

3  et  arma,  quibus  deerant,  dedemnt,  cetei-aque  publice 
ac  privatim  hospitaliter  fjicta  cei-tatumque,  ne  a  mu- 
liere  Canusina  populus  Venusinus  officiis  vinceretur. 

4  Sed  giavius  onus  Busse  multitudo  faciebat ;  et  iam  ad 

5  decern  millia  hominum  erant,  Appiusque  et  Scipio 
postquam  incolumem  esse  alterum  consulem  accepe- 
runt,  nuntium  extemplo  mittunt,  quantse  secum  pedi- 
tum  equituraque  copiae  assent,  sciscitatumque  simul, 
utrum  Venusiam  adduci  exercitum  an  manere  iuberot 

6  Canusii.  Varro  ipse  Canusium  copias  traduxit;  et 
iam  aliqua  species  consularis  exercitus  erat  moenibus- 
que  se  certe,  si  non  armis,  ab  hoste  videbantur  defen- 
suri 

1  Romam  ne  has  quidem  reliquias  superesse  civiimi 
ThepauicatHonie  sociorumque,  sed  occidione  occisum  cum 
was  unexampled,    jj^otj^g  consulihus  exercitum  deletasque 

8  omnes  copias  allatum  fuerat.  Nunquam  salva  urbe 
t^antum   pvoris   tumultusque   intra   mcenia    Komana 


LIBER  XXII. 


137 


fiut.     Itaque  succumbam  oneri  neque  aggrediar  nar- 
rare,  quae  edissertando  minora  vero  faciam.     Consule  9 
exercituque  ad  Trasumennum  priore  anno  amisso,  non 
vulnus  super  vulnus,  sed  multiplex  clades,  cum  duo- 
bus  consulibus  duo  consulares  exercitus  amissi  nuntia- 
bantur,-  nee  ulla  iam  castra  Romana  nee  ducem  nee 
militem  esse;  Hannibalis  Apuliam,  Samnium  ac  iam  10 
prope  totam  Italiam  factam.     Nulla  profecto  alia  gens 
tanta  mole  cladis  non  obruta  esset.     Compares  scilicet  " 
cladem  ad    iEgates  insulas  Carthaginiensium  proelio 
navali  acceptam,  qua  fracti  Sicilia  ac  Sardinia  cessere 
et  vectigales  ac  stipendiarios  fieri  se  passi  sunt,  aut 
piignam  adveisam  in  Africa,  cui  postea  hie  ipse  Han- 
nibal succubuit ;  nulla  ex  parte  comparandse  sunt,  nisi 
quod  minore  animo  latje  sunt. 

P.  Furius  Philus  et  M'.  Poniponius  prsetores  sena-  55 

turn  in   curiam    Hostiliam  Vocaverunt,  Ut    Tlie    senate    de- 
liberates   in    the 

de    urbis   custodia    consule  rent :    neque  midst  of  universal  » 

'  *         mourning        and 

enim  dubitabant,  deletis  exercitibus  lios-  confusion, 
tern  ad  oppugnandam  Romam,  quod  unum  opus  belli 
restaret,  venturum.     Quum  in  malis  sicuti  ingentibus,  3 
ita  ignotis  ne  consilium  quidem  satis  expedirent,  ob- 
streperetque  clamor  lamentantium  mulierum  et,  non- 
dum  palamfacto,  vivi  niortuique  per  omnes  paene  domes 
promiscue  complorarentur,  tum   Q.  Fabius  Maximus  4 
eensuit,  equites  expedites  et  Appia  et  Latina  via  mit- 
tendos,  qui  obvios   percontando  (aliquos   profecto  ex 
fuga  passim  dissipates  fore)  referant,  quae  fortuna  con- 
suluin  atque  exercituum  sit  et,  si  quid  dii  iramortales,  5 
miseriti  imperii,  reliquum   Romani   nominis  fecerint, 
ubi  ese  copiae  sint;    quo  se   Hannibal  post  prcelium 
contulerit,  quid  paret,  quid  agat  acturusque  sit.     Haec  6 


138 


LIT  IT 


exploranda  noscendaque  per  impigros  luvenes  esse; 
illud  per  patres  ipsos  agendum,  quoniam  magistratiiuni 
parum  sit,  ut  tumiiltum  ac  trepidationem  in  urbe 
toUant,  matronas  publico  arceant  continerique  intra 

7  suum  quamque  limen  cogant,  comploratus  familiarum 
coerceant,  silentium  per  urbem  faciant,  nuntios  reriim 
omnium  ad  pi-setores  deducendos  curent,  suae  quisque 

8  fortunsB  domi  auctorem  exspectent,  custodesque  prae- 
terea  ad  portas  ponant,  qui  prohibeant  quomquMin 
egredi  urbe,  cogantque  homines  nullam  nisi  urbe  ac 
mcenibus  salvis  salutem  sperare.  Ubi  conticuerit 
tumultus,  turn  in  curiam  patres  revocandos  consulen- 
dumque  de  urbis  custodia  esse. 

56        Quum  in  banc  sententiam  pedibus  omnes  issent, 
ami  receives  let-  summotaque  foro  per  magistratus  tnrba, 

terc   from  Varro         ^  t  •       i         i       j        .  li.         r 

and  news  of  dan-  patres  diversi  ad  sedandos  tumultus  dis- 
fromSidiy.  cessissent,  turn  demum  litterae  a  C.  Te- 

a  rentio  consule  allata;  sunt :  L.  ^^Imilium  consulem  ex- 
ercitumque  ciesum ;  sese  Canusii  esse,  reliquias  tauta' 
cladis  velut  ex  naufmgio  colligentera  ;  ad  decern  raillia 
militum  ferme  esse  incompositorum  inordinatonimque ; 

3  Poenum  sedere  ad  Cannas,  in  captivorum  pretiis  pi-se- 
daque  alia  nee  victoris  animo  nee  magni  ducis  more 

4  nundinantem.  Turn  privatae  quoque  per  domes  clades 
vulgatse  sunt,  adeoque  totam  urbem  opplevit  luctus,  ut 
sacrum  anniversarium  Cereris  intermissum  sit,  quia 
nee  lugentibus  id  facere  est  fas  nee  ulla  in  ilia  teiii- 

5  pestate  matrona  expers  luctus  fuerat.  Itaque  ne  ob 
eandem  causam  alia  quoque  sacra  publica  aut  privata 
desererentur,  senatus  consulto  diebus  triginta  luctus 

6  est  finitus.  Ceterum  quum,  sedato  urbis  tumultu,  re- 
vocati  in  cunam  patres  essent,  alisB  insuper  ex  Sicilia 


LIBER   XXII. 


139 


litterffi  allatse  sunt  ab  T.  Otacilio  proprsetore,  regnum 

Hieronis  classe   Punica  vastari ;   cui  quum  opem  im-  7 

ploranti  ferre  vellet,  nuntiatum  sibi  esse,  aliara  classem 

ad  -Agates  insulas  stare  paratam  instructamque,  ut, 

ubi  se  versum   ad  tuendain  Syracusanam  oram  Poeni  8 

sensissent,   Lilybseum  extemplo  provinciamque  aliam 

Romanam   aggrederentur ;  itaque  classe  opus  esse,  si 

regem  socium  Siciliamque  tueri  vellent. 

Litteris  consulis  pra^torisque  lectis,  censuerunt  prce-  57 

totem  M.  Claud ium,  qui  classi  ad  Ostiam  under  the  pres- 
sure of  reliKious 

stanti  prjeesset,  Canusium  ad  exercitum  fear  they  resort 

^  to  human    sacri- 

mittendum,    scribendumque   consuli,   ut,  fico. 
quum   prsetori    exercitum    tradidisset,    primo    quoque 
tempore,  quantum  per  commodum  rei  publicse   fieri 
j>osset,  Romam  veniret.      Territi   etiam  super  tantas  a 
clades  quum  ceteris  prodigiis,  turn  quod  duie  Vestales 
eo  anno,  Opimia  atque  Floronia,  stupri  compertse  ot 
altera  sub  terra,  uti  mos  est,  ad  portani  Collinam  necata 
fuerat,  altera   sibimet   ipsa    mortem   consciverat;    L.  3 
Cantilius  scriba  pontificis,  quos  nunc  minores  pontifices 
appellant,  qui  cum  Floronia  stuprum  fecerat,  a  pontifice 
maximo  eo  usque  virgis  in  comitio  csesus  erat,  ut  inter 
verbei-a  exspiraret.     Hoc  nefas  quum  inter  tot,  ut  fit,  4 
clades  in  prodigium   versum    esset,    decemviri    libios 
adire  iussi  sunt,  et  Q.  Fabius  Pictor  Delphos  ad  oracu-  5 
Ium  missus  est  sciscitatum,  quibus  precibus  suppliciis- 
que  decs  possent  placare,  et  quaenam  futura  finis  tantis 
cladibus  foret.     Interim  ex   fatalibus   libris  sacrificia  6 
aliquot  extraordinaria  facta,  inter  qua?  Gallus  et  Galla, 
Grsecus  et  Grseca  in  foro  boario  sub  terram  vivi  de- 
missi  sunt  in  locum  saxo  consseptum,  iain  ante  hostiis 
humanis,  minime  Romano  sacro,  imbutum. 


140 


UVTT 


LTBEU   XXTT. 


141 


1  Placatia  satin,  iit  rebantur,  deis  M.  Claudius  Mar- 
M  Claudius  Mar-  ccllus  ab  Ostia  milic  et  quingentos  militos, 
uumd  Lf'cinmi-  *l^*os  in  classeiu  scriptos  habebat,  Romam, 

8  ""•  ut  urbi  pi-aesidio  essent,  mittit ;  ipse, 
legiono  classica  (ea  legio  tc^rtia  erat)  cum  tribunis  mili- 
tum  Teanum  Sidicinum  pnemissa,  classe  tradita  P. 
Furio  Philo  collegae,  paucos  post  dies  Canusiuni  nuignis 

9  itineribus  contendit.  Inde  dictator  ex  auctoritnte  pa- 
trum  dictus  M.  luniiis  et  T.  Sempronius  mai^^istei-  equi- 

tum,  dilectu  edicto,  iuniores  ab  annis  sen- 

a  dictator   roisei  '  * 

fresh  levies,   in-  tendecim    et   quosdam   pitetextatos   scri- 

cludiuK    in   tliem  ^  ^     * 

even  slaves.         bunt ;  quattuoi"  ex  his  legiones  et  mille 

10  equitea  effecti.  Item  ad  socios  Latinumque  nomen 
ad  milites  ex  formula  accipitndos mittuiit.  Arma,  tela, 
alia  parari  iubent  et  Vetera  spolia  hostium  detraliiint 

11  templis  porticibusque.  Et  aliam  foi-mam  novi  dilectiis 
inopia  liberoruni  capitum  ac  necessitas  dedit;  octo  iiiil- 
lia  iuvenum  validoram  ex  servitiis,  prius  sciscitaiites 
singulos,  vellentne  militare,  empta  publice  arma\'erunt 

I  a  Hie  miles  magis  placuit,  quum  pretio  uiinore  rt'dimendi 

captivos  copia  fieret. 
58        Namque   Hannibal  secundum  tam  prosperam   ad 
Hannibal    offers  Cannas  pugnam  victoris  magis  quam  bel- 

temis  of  ninsom    ,  .•      •    .       ^ 

a  to  the  prisoners     lum  gcrentis  uitentus  curis,  quum,  cap- 
tivis  productis  segregatisque,  socios,  sicut  ante  ad  Tro 
biam  Trasumennumque  lacum,  benigne  allocutus  sine 
pretio  dimisisset,  Romanes  quoque  vocatos,  quod  nun- 

3  quam  alias  antea,  satis  miti  sermone  alloquitur :  uon 
internecivum  sibi  esse  cum  Romania  bellum  ;  de  dig- 
nitate  atque  impeiio  certare.  Et  patres  virtu ti  Ko- 
maujB  cesaisse  et  se  id  anniti,  ut  suae  in  vicem  siiuul 

«  felicitati  et  virtu  ti  cedatur.     Itaque  redimendi  se  cajv 


tivis  copirtui  facere;  pretium  fore  in  capita  equiti  quin- 
genos  quadrigatos  nummos,  trecenos  pediti,  servo  cen- 
tenos.     Quanquam  aliquantum  adiiciebatiu-  equitibus  5 
ad  id  pretium,  quo  pe})igerant  dedeiites  se,  Iseti  tamen 
quamcunque  condicionem  paciscendi  ucceperunt.     Pla-  6 
cuit  suflfragio  ipsorum  decem  duligi,  qui  J^'jfjf  J^^^go^JJ 
Romam  ad    senatum   irent,   nee   pi  gnus  funds, 
aliud  fidei,  quam  ut  iurarent  se  redituros,  acceptum. 
Missus  cum  his  Carthalo,  nol)ilis  Carthagiuit^nsis,  qui,  ^ 
si  forte  ad  pacem  inclinaret  animus,  condiciones  ferret. 
Quum  egressi  castris  essent,  unus  ex  iis,  minime  Ro-  8 
numi  ingenii  homo,  veluti  aliquid  oblitus,  iuris  iuraudi 
sokendi  causa  quum  in  castra  redisset,  ante  noctem 
comites  assequitur.    Ubi  Romam  venire  eos  nuntiatum  9 
est,  Carthaloni  obviam   lictor   missus,   qui   dictatoris 
verbis  nuntiaret,  ut  ante  noctem  excederet  finibus  Ro- 
manis.      Legatis  captivorum  senatus  ab  ^^^  ^^^  ^,,^,„  ^  ^^ 

TiT     lunius  pleads  with 

dictatore  datus  est,  quorum  princeps  JVl.  ^i.^    8[.nate    for 
lunius  "  Patres  conscripti "  inquit,  "  nemo  "'""^ 
nostrum  ignorat,  nuUi  unquam  civitati  viliores  fuisse 
captivos  quam  nostrse ;  ceterum,  nisi  nobis  plus  iusto  2 
nostra  placet  causa,  non  alii  unquam  minus  negligendi 
vobis  quam  nos  in  hostium  potestatem  venerunt.    Non  3 
enim  in  acie  per  timorem  arma  tradidimus,  sed,  quum 
prope  ad  noctem  superstantes  cumulis  csesorum  cor- 
porum  proelium  extraxissemus,  in  castra  recipimus  nos; 
diei  reliquum  ac  noctem  insequentem,  fessi  labore  ac  4 
vulneribus,  vallum  sumus  tutati  :  postero  die,  quum  5 
circumsessi  ab  exercitu  victore  aqua  arceremur,   nee 
uUa  iam  per  confertos  hostes  erumpendi  spes  esset,  nee 
esse  nefas  duceremus,  quinquaginta  millibus  hominum 
ex  acie  nostra  trucidatis,  aliquem  ex  Cannensi  pugna 


142 


LIVII 


6  Bomanum  luilitem  restare,  tunc  demum  pacti  sumus 
pretium,  quo  redempti  dimitteremur,  arma  in  quibus 

7  nihil  iam  aiixilii  erat,  hosti  tradidimus.  Maiores  quo- 
qiie  accepei-amiis  se  a  Gallia  auro  redemisse,  et  patres 
vestros,  asperrimos  illos  ad  condiciones  pacis,  legates 
tamen    captivoriim    ledimendorum    gratia    Tarentum 

3  misisse.     Atqui  et  ad  Aliam  cum  Gallis  et  ad  Herar 
cleam   cum   Pyrrlio  utraque  non   tam   clade   infamis 
quam  pavore  et  fuga  pugua  fuit.     Cannenses  campos 
acervi  Romaiiorum  cori>orum  tegunt,  nee  supersumus 
pugnae,  nisi  in  quibus  tiucidandis  et  fen-um  et  \ares 
9  hofitem  defi'ceinint.    Sunt  etiam  de  nostris  quidam,  qui 
ne  in  acie  quidem  fiierunt,  sed  piiesidio  castiis  relicti, 
quum  ca.stra  tradereutur,  in    j)otestatem  hostiuui  ve- 
to nenint     Hand  equidem  ullius  civis  et  commilitonis 
fortunae  aut  condicioni  invideo,  nee  premendo  alium 
me  extulisse  velim  :  ne  illi  quidem,  nisi  pemicitatis 
pedum  et  cui*8us  aliquod  prsemium  est,  qui  plerique 
inermes  ex  acie  fugientes  non  prius  quam  Venusiie  aut 
Canusii  const itemnt,  se  nobis  merito  praetulerint  glori- 
atique  sint,  in  se  plus  quam  in  nobismet  prsesidii  rei 

11  publico  esse.  Sed  et  illis  bonis  ac  fortibus  militibus 
utemini  et  nobis  etiam  promptioribus  pro  patiia,  quod 
beneficio  vestro  redempti  atque  in  patriam  restituti 

12  fuerimus.  Dilectum  ex  omni  setate  et  fortuna  habetisj 
octo  millia  servorum  audio  armari.  Non  minor  nu- 
merus  noster  est,  nee  maiore  pretio  redimi  possumus, 
quam  ii  emuntur ;  nam  si  conferam  nos  cum  illis,  iniu- 

13  riam  nomini  Romano  faciam.  lllud  etiam  in  tali  con- 
silio  animadvei-tendum  vobis  censeam,  patres  conscripti, 
si  iam  duiiores  esse  velitis,  quod  nullo  nostro  merito 

M  ^ciafcis,  cui  nos  hosti  relicturi  sitis.     Pyrrho  videlicet, 


LIBER  XXIL 


143 


qui  hospitum  numero  captivos  habuit?     An  barbaro 
ac  Pceno,  qui  utrum  avarior  an  crudelior  sit,  vix  exis- 
timari  potest]     Si  videatis  catenas,  squalorem,  defor-  15 
mitatem  civium  vestrorum,  non  minus  profecto  vos  ea 
species  moveat,  quam  si  ex  altera  parte  cernatis  stratas 
Caiinensibus  campis  legiones  vestras.     Intueri  potestis  16 
sollicitudinem  et  lacrimas  in  vestibulo  curiae  stantium 
cognatorum  nostrorum    exspectantiumque    responsum 
vestrum.     Quum  ii  pro  nobis  proque  iis,  qui  absunt, 
ita  suspensi  ac  soUiciti  sint,  quern  cense tis  animum  ip- 
sorum  esse,  quorum  in  discrimine  vita  libertasque  est? 
Si,  mediusfidius,  ipse  in  nos  mitis  Hannibal,  contra  na-  17 
turani  suam  esse  velit,  nihil  tamen  uobis  vita  opus  esse 
censeamus,   quum   indigni  ut  redimeremur   [a]  vobis 
visi  simus.    Rediere  Romam  quondam  remissi  a  Pjrrho  18 
sine  pretio  capti ;  sed  rediere  cum  legatis,  primoribus 
civitatis,  ad  redimendos  sese  missis.     Redeam  ego  in 
patriam  trecentis  nummis  non  sestimatus  civis  1    Suum 
quisque  hahet  animum,  patres  conscripti.     Scio,  in  dis- 19 
crimiue  esse  vitam  corpusque  meum ;  magis  me  famse  pe- 
riculum  movet,  ne  a  vobis  damnati  ac  repulsi  abeamus; 
neque  enim  vos  pretio  pepercisse  homines  credent." 

XJbi  is  finem  fecit,  extemplo  ab  ea  turba,  quae  in  60 
comitio  erat,   clamor  flebilis   est   sublatus,  manusque 
ad  curiam  tendebant  orantes,  ut  sibi  liberos,  fratres, 
cognatos  redderent.     Feminas  quoque  metus  ac  neces-  3 
sitas  in  foro  turbae  virorum  immiscuerat.   Senatus  sum- 
motis  arbitris  consuli  coeptus.      Ibi  quum  sententiis  3 
variaretur,  et  alii  redimendos  de  publico,  alii  nuUam 
publice  impensam  faciendam  nee  prohibendos  ex  pri- 
vate redimi ;  si  quibus  argentum  in  praesentia  deesset,  4 
dandam  ex  aerario  pecuniam  mutuam  praedibusque  ac 


144 


LIVll 


LIBER   XX I L 


Ub 


5  prsediis  cavendum  populo  censerent,  turn  T.  Manliius 
nut  T.  Maniius  Torquatus,  priscae  ac  nimis  diirse,  ut  D]f'ri«» 

Torquatus      pro-  •  i    .    '^  .        .  '  ^^^  P^US- 

tests  against  ran-  que    videbatur,    seventatis,    interroffatns 

soming  men  who  .  .  -^fotn/ua 

6  had    so   tamely  seiitentiam  ita  locntus  fertur:  Si  tantnn. 

surrendered  wlien  vcvtiuuui- 

^'';"ourof'"the  "'''*^^  l>08ttilassent  legati  pro  iis,  qui  in 
camp.  hostium  potestate  sunt,  ut  redimerentur 

sine  ullius  insectatione  eorum  brevi  sententiam  pere- 

7  gissern ;  quid  euini  aliud  quam  admonendi  essetis,  ut 
morem  traditum  a  patribus  necessario  ad  rem  mili- 
tarem  exeraplo  servaretis?  Nunc  autem,  quuin  prope 
gloriati  sint,  quod  se  hostibus  dediderint,  prjeferrique 
m  non  captia  modo  in  acie  ab  hostibus,  sed  etiam  iis, 
qui  Venusiam  Canusiumque  pervenerunt,  atque  ipsi 
C.  Terentio  consult  aequum  censuerint,  nihil  vos  eorum, 
I)atres  conscripti,  quae  illic  acta  sunt,  iguorare  patiar. 

8  Atque  utinam  haec,  quae  apud  vos  acturus  sum,  Canusii 
apud  ipsum  exercitura  agerem,  optimum  testem  ign.i- 
viae  cuiusque  et  virtutis,  aut  unus  hie  saltem  adesset 
P.  Sempronius,  quern  si  isti  ducem  secuti  essent,  milites 
hodie  in  castris  Romania,  non  captivi  in  hostium  pote.s- 

9  tate  essent.  Sed  quum,  fessis  pugnando  hostibus,  turn 
victoria  Isetis  et  ipsis  plerisque  regressis  in  castra  sua, 
noctem  ad  erumpendum  liberam  habuissent,  et  septem 
millia  armatorum  hominum  erumpere  etiam  per  con- 
fertos  hostes  possent,  neque  per  se  ipsi  id  facere  conati 

10  sunt  neque  alium  sequi  voluerunt.  Nocte  prope  tota 
P.  Sempronius  Tuditanus  non  destitit  monere,  adlior- 
tari  eos,  dum  paucifcis  hostium  circa  castra,  dum  quies 
ac  silentium  esset,  dum  nox  inceptum  tegere  posset,  sc 
ducem  sequerentur:  ante  lucem  pervenire  in  tuta  loca, 

11  in  sociorum  urbes  posse.  Si,  ut  avorum  memoria  P. 
Decius  tribunus  militum  in  Samnio,  si,  ut  nobis  adoles- 


centibus  priore  Punico  bello  Calpumius  Flamma  tre- 
centis  voluntariis,  quum  ad  tumulum  eos  capiendum 
situm  inter  medios  duceret  hostes,  dixit  'Moriamur, 
milites,  et  morte  nostra  eripiamus  ex  obsidione  circum- 
ventas    legiones,*  si  hoc   P.   Sempronius  diceret,  nee  « 
viros  equidem  nee   Romanes  vos  ducerem,  si   nemo 
tantae  virtutis  exstitisset  comes. .  Viam  non  ad  gloriam  13 
magis  quam  ad  salutem  ferentem  denionstrat ;  reduces 
in  patriam  ad  parentes,  ad  coniuges  ac  liberos  facit. 
Ut  servemini,  deest  vobis  animus :  quid,  si  moriendum  14 
pro  patria  esset,  faceretis  1  Quinquaginta  millia  ci\  ium 
sociorumque  circa  vos  eo  ipso  die  caesa  iacent.     Si  tot 
exempla  virtutis  non  movent,  nihil  unquam  movebit ; 
si  tanta  clades   vilem   vitam   non   fecit,   nulla  faciet. 
Liberi  atque  iucolumes  desiderate  patriam ;  immo  desi-  15 
derate,  dum  patria  est,  dum  cives  eius  estis  !  sero  nunc 
desideratis,   deminuti  capite,   abalienato  iure   civium, 
servi  Carthaginiensium  facti.     Pretio  redituri  estis  eo,  16 
unde  ignavia  ac  nequitia  abistis  ?  P.Sempronium  civem 
vestrum  non  audistis  arma  capere  ac  sequi  se  iubentem; 
Hannibalem  post  paulo  audistis  castra  prodi  et  arma 
tradi  iubentem.     Quan^-wam  ego  ignaviam  istorum  ac-  17 
cuso,  quum  scelus  possim  accusare.     Non  modo  enim 
sequi  recusarunt  bene  monentem,  sed  obsistere  ac  re- 
tinere  conati  sunt,   ni  strictis  gladiis    viri  fortissimi 
inertes  summovissent.     Prius,  inquani,  P.  Sempronio 
per  civium  agmen  quam  per  hostium  fuit  erumpendum. 
Hos  cives  patria  desideret,  quorum  si  ceteri  similes  is 
fuissent,  neminem  hodie  ex  iis,  qui  ad  Cannas  pug- 
naverunt,  civem  haberet?     Ex  millibus  septem  arma-  19 
torum  sexcenti  exstiterunt,  qui  erumpere  auderent,  qui 
in  patriam  liberi  atque  armati  redirent,  neque  his  sex- 

C.  L.  10 


146 


LIYII 


LIBER  XXII. 


147 


ao  centis  hostes  obstitere;  quam  tutum  iter  diiarum  prope 
legionum  agmini  futurum  censetis  fuissel  Haberetia 
hodie  viginti  millia  annatorum  Canusii  fortia,  fidelia, 
patres  conscripti.  Nunc  autem  quemadmodum  hi  boni 
fidelesque  (nam  ^fortes'  ne  ipsi  qiiidem  dixerint)  cives 

ji  esse  po88unt  1  Nisi  quia  credere  potest,  aut  favisse 
enimpentibus,  qui,  ne  erumpereut,  obsistere  conati 
sunt,  aut  non  invidore  eos  quum  incoluinitati,  tuiii 
glorisB  illorum  per  vii-tutem  partse,  quum  sibi  timorem 
ignaviamque  servitutis  ignominiosae  causam  esse  sciant. 

«a  Maluerunt  in  tentoriis  latentes  simul  lucem  atque  hos- 
tem  exspectare,  quum  silentio  noctis  erumpeudi  oc- 
casio  esset.    At  ad  eruiupendum  e  castris  defuit  animus, 

23  ad  tutanda  fortiter  castra  animum  habuerunt;  dies  noc- 
tesque  aliquot  obsessi  vallum  armis,  se  ipsi  tutati  vallo 
sunt  \  tandem  ultima  ausi  passique,  quum  omnia  sub- 
sidia  vitffi  deessent  affectisque  fame  viribua  arma  iam 
sustinere  nequirent,  necessitatibus  magis  liumanisquam 

24  armis  victi  sunt  Orto  sole  bostis  ad  vallum  accessit; 
ante  secundam  horam,  nullam  fortunam  certaminis  ex- 

25  perti,  tradidenint  arma  ac  se  ipsos.  H«bc  vobis  istorum 
per  biduum  militia  fuit.  Quum  in  acie  stare  ac  pug- 
nare  decuerat,  turn  in  castra  refugerunt ;  quum  pro 
vallo  pugnandum  erat,  castm  tradiderunt,   neque  in 

»6  acie  neque  in  castris  utiles.  Et  vos  redimam  %  Quum 
erumjiere  «  castris  oportet,  cunctamini  ac  manetis; 
quum  manere  tt  castra  tutari  armis  necesse  est,  et  cas- 

t7  tra  et  arma  et  vos  ipsos  traditis  hosti.  Ego  non  magis 
istos  redimendos,  patres  conscripti,  censeo,  quam  illos 
dedendos  Hannibali,  qui  per  medios  hostes  e  castris 
eruperunt  ac  per  sum  mam  viitutem  se  patriffi  resti- 
tuenuit," 


Postquam  Manlius  dixit,  quanquara  patnim  quo-  61 
que  plerosque  captivi  coguatione  attinge-  ^he    senate   re- 
bant,  prseter  exemplum  civitatis  minime  [Kr^amo.rof  the 
in  captivos  iam  inde  antiquitus  indulgen-  *^^*'^*'^' 
tis,  pecuniae  quoque  summa  homines  movit,  quia  nee  a 
serarimn  exhaurire,  magna  iam  summa  erogata  in  ser- 
vos ad  militiam  emendos  armandosque,  nee  Hanniba- 
lem,  maxinie  huiusce  rei,  ut  fama  erat,  egentem,  locu- 
pletari  volebant.     Quum  triste  responsum,  non  redimi  3 
captivos,  redditum  esset,  novusque  super  veterem  luc- 
fcus  tot  iactura  civium   adiectus   esset,   cum   magnis 
fletibus  questibus^i*6  legatos  ad  portam  prosecuti  sunt. 
Uuus  ex  iis  domum  abiit,  quod  fallaci  reditu  in  castra  4 
iure  iurando  se  exsolvisset.     Quod  ubi  innotuit  rela- 
tumque  ad  senatum  est,  omnes  censuerunt  comprehen- 
dendum  et  custodibus   publico  datis  deducendum  ad 
Hannibalem  esse. 

Est  et  alia  de  captivis  fama:  decern  primes  venisse;  s 
de  eis  quum  dubitatum  in  senatu  esset,  but  the  details  of 

*  the  story  are  van- 

adniittereutur  in  urbem  necne,  ita  admis-  ousiy  described. 
SOS  esse,  ne  tamen  iis  senatus  daretur ;    morantibus  6 
delude  longius  omnium  spe,  alios  tres  insuper  legatos 
venisse,  L.  Scribonium  et  C.  Calpurnium  et  L.  Man- 
lium  \  turn  demum  ab  cognato  Scribonii  tribune  plebis  7 
de  redimendis   captivis   relatum   esse,   nee   censuisse 
redimendos  senatum ;  et  novos  legatos  tres  ad  Hanni- 
balem revertisse,  decem  veteres  remansisse,  quod  per  8 
cauaam  recognoscendi  nomina  captivorum  ad  Hanni- 
balem ex  itinere  regressi  religione  sese  exsolvissent ; 
de  iis  dedendis  magna  contentione  actum  in  senatu 
esse,  victosque  paucis  sententiis,  qui  dedendos  censu- 
eriut;  ceterum  proximis  censoribus  adeo  omnibus  notis  9 

10—2 


148 


LIVII   LIBER   XXII. 


ignominiisque  confectos  esse,  ut  quidam  eorum  mortem 
sibi  ipsi  extemplo  consciverint,  ceteri  non  foro  solum 
omni  deinde  vita,  sed  prope  luce  ac  publico  caruerint 
loMirari  magis,  adeo  discrepare  inter  auctores,  quam, 
quid  veri  sit,  discemere  queaa 

Quanto  autem  maior  ea  clades  superioribus  clatli- 
^  „         ^      bus  fuerit,  vel  ea  res  indicio  e««,  qmd 

Th«  Romaiu  hear  ^  '    ^ 

thei?I°Uos*oTS  fi^^  soaorum,  qu»  ad  earn  diem  firma 
SSS^Sf  "SJktag  steterat,  turn  labare  coepit,  nulla  profecto 
**•■**•  alia  de  re  quam  quod  desperaverant  de 

„  imperio.  Defecere  autem  ad  Pcenos  hi  populi:  Atellani, 
Calatini,  Hirpini,  Apulorum  pars,  Samnites  praeter 
Pentros,  Bruttii  omnes,  Lucani,  praeter  hos  Uzentiiii, 
et  Graecorum  omnis  ferme  ora,  Tarentini,  Metapontini, 

3  Crotonienses  Lociique,  et  Cisalpini  omnes  GallL  Nee 
tamen  eae  clades  defectionesque  sociorum  moverunt,  ut 
pads  usquam  mentio  apud  Romanos  fieret,  neque  ante 
consulis   Romam   adventum   nee   postquam   is  rediit 

4  renovavitque  memoriam  accept®  cladis ;  quo  in  tem- 
pore ipso  adeo  magno  animo  civitas  fuit,  ut  consul! 
varro  on  iiis  re-  ex  tanta  clade,  cuius  ipse  causa  maxima 
wiS  wSSieifet  fidsset,  redeunti  et  obviam  itum  frequen- 
foi  not  despaiiiDg  ter  ab  omnibus  ordinibus  sit  et  gratiifi 

of  the   commoo  ,  _  „„+ . 

wealth.  act®,  quod  de  re  publica  non  desperasset, 

5  qui  n  Carthaginiensium  ductor  fuisset,  nihil  recusan- 
dum  supplicii  foret. 


19 


NOTES. 


BOOK    XXL 

p  1  c.  I.  §  1.  In  parte  operis.  Livy's  work  in  nearly  150 
books  covered  the  whole  history  of  Republican  Rome ;  books 
XXI.— XXI.  dealt  ^vith  the  Second  Punic  War. 

smnma  totlU8  =  T^$  t\t\%  <ruiTd^ew5  of  Polybius.     Cf.  Lncr. 

I.  983,  «2>atiMm  mmniai  totim  omne.  Cic.  Qu.  fr.  iii.  5.  5,  in 
omni  summa.  Summa  is  often  used  substantively  in  Livy, 
and  with  a  genitive  as  summa  rerum,  imperii,  spei,  rei  bellica, 
ret  publica.  Cf.  Vita  summa  brevis,  Hor.  Carm.  i.  4.  16,  and 
hodiema  summit  iv.  7.  17. 

rerum  scrlptores.  For  the  historians  who  wrote  specially 
on  this  war  see  the  Introduction  on  the  Authorities,  but  cf .  also 
the  begmning  of  Thucydides,  who  calls  the  Peloponnesian  War 
fiiyap  T€  Kal  d^LoKoyurarov  tuv  Trpoy€'Y€vr}fi^b)v. 

imquam,  though  properly  used  in  negative  sentences,  is 
employed  at  times  with  si  to  increase  the  indefinitenese  of  the 
statement,  and  even  absolutely  when  the  indefiniteness  is  to 
be  made  still  more  emphatic.  Cf.  use  of  quisquam  Seneca 
de  tranquil.  11,  cuivis  potest  accidere  quod  cuiquam  potest. 

Hamiibale.  The  name  meant  in  Punic 'favour  of  Baal,' 
Schroder  Phoen.  Sprache  p.  87.  The  2nd  a  was  long  in  En- 
nius  and  in  the  speech  of  the  earlier  Romans  (Aul.  Gell.  ly.  7) 
as  in  Hasdrubal,  Hamilcar,  but  became  shortened  in  fam^iar 
use,  just  as  the  aspirate  which  had  at  first  the  Punic  sound  of 
eft,  was  softened,  and  often  dropped  completely,  as  in  the 
Greek,  'kwl^a%.    Corssen  Aussprache  der  Lat.  Spr.  i.  99. 

§  2.    vliium  ant  roborls,  '  resources  or  endurance.'    Polyb. 

II.  24  estimates  the  armies  which  Rome  could  raise  with  the 


im 


NOTES,     XXI.  c.  I.  g  2—4. 


Italian  contingenta  m  700,000  foot  and  70,000  liorse.  He 
asks  the  question  i.  64  why  in  later  days  of  empire  she  could 
no  longer  put  such  forces  on  the  field. 

Inter  mm,  Md.    Heerwagen  notes  that  the  alliteration  was 
in  such  cases  less  displeasing  to  Koman  than  to  modern  ears, 
cl  Cic.  opt.  gen.  or.  2.  6,  nee  generihut  inter  iue  sed  facultati 
bm  difertfii. 


conserebant  is  formed  on  the  analogy  otpugnam  or 
maniM  eonserere.  The  reading  conferebant  found  in  some  MSS. 
is  approved  by  Kuj>erti  and  by  Madrig  as  a  more  natiuai 
expression. 

©xpertaa  prlmo  Punlco,  i.e.  each  of  the  combatants  had 
learnt  its  rival's  skill  by  the  experience  of  the  first  war.  Yet 
the  naval  skill  of  Carthage  was  comparatively  little  used  in 
the  2nd  war,  probably  because  the  Barcine  party  had  neglected 
the  fleet.  But  Hamilcar  had  given  proof  of  a  genius  like  that 
of  Hannibal  in  his  power  of  welding  into  unity  a  motley  host 
of  various  nationalities. 

propiuB  p.  ...  q.  vtcerunt.  Borne,  though  victorious,  was 
brought  to  the  brink  of  ruin  by  the  early  successes  of  Han- 
nibal. Muretus  notes  that  Sihus  Italicus  in  the  corresponding 
passage  writes  propiusqtte  fuere  penclo  |  queis  mperare  datum. 
Livy  elsewhere  often  uses  the  ace.  as  xxii.  40.  5,  propim  Han- 
nibalem,  iv.  17.  3,  propim  Jidem,  xxiii.  12.  4,  quo  propius  spem. 
vicerunt  here  used  absolutely,  cf.  xxiii.  13.  4,  quam  {pacem) 
quum  vincimm,  dat  nemo. 

§  3.  ultro  inferrent  a.  'should  presume  to  attack.'  Cf. 
1.  6.  2,  ultra  accmantes;  of  the  robbers  who  accused  Bomulus 
of  theft. 

inperbe,  in  threatening  war  and  taking  Sardinia ;  nvare  in 
raising  the  war  indemnity  by  1200  talents.     Polyb.  iii.  10. 

eredermit  does  not  properly  balance  inferrent,  as  it  rather 
repeats  than  justifies  the  idea  of  the  word  indignantibm,  and 
the  subj.  is  due  to  a  looseness  of  style  as  in  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  4, 
at  etiam  literas,  quas  mc  nbi  misisse  diceret,  recitavit  liomo. 

Imperltatum.  Livy  has  a  special  affection  for  frequenta- 
tive forms,  and  often  uses  this  one. 

§  4.  Fama  eat.  Polyb.  in.  11  says  that  H.  himself  told 
this  story  to  Antiochiis  in  later  days.     Cf.  Livy,  xxxv.  19. 

annorum  novom.  The  gen.  of  the  quality  is  here  imme- 
diately connected  with  a  proper  name  as  in  in.  27.  1,  L. 
Tarquinium  patricia  gentu ;  xxii.  GO.  5,  Torqiiatiis  prisca  «•- 
veritatis.     Fabri. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  I.  §  4— c.  ii.  §  1 


151 


blaadlentem,  used  in  pregnant  sense  with  ut  coaxmgly 
entreating.'  Blandus  is  connected  by  Bopp  and  Curtius  with 
^Xxo«  and  MAt,  mto  passing  into  bla,  cf.  the  like  change  m 
the  formation  of  /SXIrretv,  Ppords. 

Hamllcaxl,  a  name  meaning  '  friend  of  Melcart.'  Schroder, 
p.  87. 

altaii:>n8,  a  word  used  almost  exclusively  in  the  plural, 
though  of  a  single  altar  {ara). 

p  Q  8  5  amisss,  'the  loss  of  Sicily  and  S.'  Cf.  16.  2, 
pudf;  mnkiti  auxUii,  and  xxii.  34.  2,  ex  dictatoHo  impeno 
I^IZ^  It  is  a  form  not  used  by  Cicero,  but  very  common 
in  Tkcitus,  as  Ann.  i.  8,  Occisvs  Camr  aliis  pessivmm,  aliu 
pukherrimnm  facinw  visum. 

Sardinia  said  by  Polybius  to  be  prjffos  tv  fieyidei  koX  to\v- 
a.ep..l^  Kal  ToU  yev^^^aac  S.a0  Wa.  It  seem«  nejer  to  have 
recovered  its  prosperity  after  its  change  of  masters.  On  this 
and  the  foUowing  points  referred  to  see  the  Introduction. 

nam  et  Siclliam  '  for  he  felt  that  S.'  For  the  ace.  in  con- 
nei^with  anpebant  Fabri  compares  i.  46.  6,  '^^dehaturferox 
Tullia,  nihil  materia  in  viro...esse.  His  successes  seemed  to 
iustify  unwillingness  to  accept  the  terms  of  peace,  yet  Polyb. 
1  62  says  that  fiamUcar  felt  the  need  of  submission  and  con- 
ducted  the  negotiations. 

desperatione  r.  It  is  common  with  Latin  ™ter8  to 
add  rerum  where  no  equivalent  is  wanted  in  Englisn,  tnus, 
exitut,  motm,  inopia,  ignoratio  rerum. 

inter  motum  Aft.  These  are  weak  words  for  the  for- 
midable  war  of  mercenaries  which  nearly  rumed  Carthage.  ^ 
■tipendlo,  the  indemnity,  cf.  3.  3.  StipenMum  f eems  to  be 
put  for  stipCpendirm  {sUps),  m.e  pauper  ioi  P^^'J^\<tZZ 
for  arabiceps,cl  amputare,  amplectt,  selibra  {semi),  prudem 
{providens). 

insuper  ImpoBlto.  a  poetic  form;  so  45.  1,  castellum  imuper 
imponul,  Verg.  ^n.'  i.  61,  mantes  ^^^^er  altas  impomt^^^^^ 
Lity's  use  of  compounds  such  as  supenwrnbare,  super instemere. 

0.  II.  §  1.    anxlUB,  as  explained  by  the  angebant  of  i.  6. 

sub  recentem.  Sub  is  used  with  the  accus.  for  'Pst  after.' 
cf.  vii.  31.  4,  sub  h<BC  dicta  omnes-procubuerunt  J<> J^ 
vocem.  But  sub  galli  cantum,  sub  yesperum,  f^LTll^Te 
tempus  are  less  definite,  and  may  be  '  just  before.  The  Passage 
in  Verg.  Georg.  ii.  211,  usque  sub  extremum  bruma  mtra^tabiLis 


152 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  11.  §§  1—3. 


imhrem    is  decisive  for  'just  before.'     The  mercenary  wa- 
"winch  foUowed  closely  on  the  treaty  with  liome."  lasted 
three  years  and  four  months,  Pol.  i.  88.    The  five  years  of 
Livy  probably  cover  the  warlike  movements  against  the  Numi 
dians  mentioned  by  Diodorus. 

novem  annla,  from  236  to  227  b.o.    Note  the  change  to  the 
abl.  after  quinque  annos. 

In  Hispanla.  The  Phoenicians  had  in  remote  ages  planted 
colonies  on  the  coast  of  Spain,  which  fell  in  time  nnder  the 
mfluence  of  Cartilage.  The  wealth  of  the  mines  tempted  lier 
to  push  her  way  further  inland,  but  no  great  progress  had  been 
made  till  Hamilcar  annexed  much  of  the  South,  and  changed 
the  umperial  policy  of  Carthage.  The  vast  revenues  of  the 
mmes  and  the  hardy  material  for  soldiers  were  the  chief  ob- 
jects in  view ;  like  Crosar,  he  went  to  conquer  a  province  and 
organize  an  army  for  future  nses.  It  is  curious  to  contrast  the 
speedy  conquests  made  by  these  generals  with  the  slow  progress 
of  Bome  m  finally  subduing  Spain.  In  a  later  age  the  Arabs, 
of  Semitic  race  possibly  akin  to  that  of  Carthage,  possessed 
themselves  of  Southern  Spain,  and  attained  to  a  high  degree 
of  power  and  culture,  in  the  Moorish  kingdoms  of  Cordova 
and  Granada. 

1 2.  qua.  Weissenborn  and  Fabri  adopt  the  qui  of  the 
MSS.  but  it  is  a  less  probable  reading. 

ductu.  The  modal  abl.  of  one  of  the  verbal  forms  in  the 
4th  decl.  which  are  of  frequent  use  in  Livy.  It  is  here  em- 
ployed to  vary  the  H.  duce  of  the  line  before. 

I  3.     Mors  H.     He  died  in  war  with  the  Spanish  tribes. 

Pol.  II.  1. 

peropportima.  Cf.  vi,  1.  5,  mors  adeo  opportuna  ut  volun- 
tariam  magna  pars  crederct, 

diatulerunt.  For  the  use  of  this  word  Fabri  compares 
XLiii.  1.  12,  metua  de  consule  atquc  ezercitu  distulit  munienda 
Aquileice  curam. 

Hasdmbal  means  •  help  of  Baal,'  Schrdder,  p.  100. 

flore  »tetl8.  Scandalous  gossip  probably  circulated  among 
the  partisans  of  Hanno,  the  rival  faction  to  that  of  the  Barca 
family,  so  styled  from  the  personal  name,  meaning  lightninc. 
of  the  great  Hamilcar.  ebb, 

conciliatus,  for  this  use  cf.  xxii.  34.  2,  hominem  plebi  in- 
sectatione  principum  coiicUiatum. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  II.  ^  4—6. 


153 


§  4.  plus  quam  modlcsB.  Fabius  Pictor  (ap.  Polyb.  iii. 
8)  stated  that  Hasdmbal  returned  to  Carthage  from  Spain, 
with  the  design  of  making  himself  despot,  but  being  opposed 
by  the  a^t<iXo70i  dvSpeSf  he  returned  to  Spain,  disregarding 
henceforth  the  authority  of  the  senate,  as  did  his  successor 
Hannibal.  This  Polyb.  regards  as  an  idle  effort  of  faction  to 
throw  all  the  odium  of  the  war  on  the  Barcine  faction,  which 
later  history  reflecting  such  jealousies  of  party  calls  an  iraipla 
Tuv  TOvrjpoTdrujv  dvOpdiTrtav. 

plebem...pTlnclpum.  See  the  Introduction  for  a  sketch, of 
the  govei-nment  of  Carthage.  Livy  here,  as  elsewhere,  employs 
technical  Roman  terms,  as  if  the  constitutional  usages  were 
the  same. 

haud  sane.  Cf.  xxii.  19.  12.  Livy  does  not  seem  to  use 
nan  sane.    Fabri. 

§  5.  hospitiis.  Formal  contracts  of  friendly  alliance  were 
often  entered  into  in  the  old  world  between  persons,  families 
and  tribes,  pledges  of  which  were  interchanged  as  ^vfi^oXa  or 
tessera.  Documents  are  still  preserved  in  the  inscriptions  in 
wMcii  engagements  of  this  kind  are  entered  into  or  formally 
renewed,  as,in  one  where  two  Spanish  clans  [gentilitates)  of  the 
same  tribe  hospitium  vetuUum  antiquom  renovaverunt  eique 
onnes  alls  alium  in  /idem  clientelamque  suam  suorumque  libero- 
rumposterorumque  recepit.  One  form  lasted  on  in  Greece  in  the 
irpo^eula  which  was  largely  used  in  commercial  and  religious 
intercourse.  Corssen  i.  796  explains  hospes  as  a  shortened 
form  of  ho8ti'pe{t)s  =  stranger-protecting  from  root  patis  = 
TTOffii.  As  to  the  root  ghas-  from  which  he  derives  -^liostis, 
Mommsen,  R.  F.  326,  regards  it  as  simply  =  'to  eat.'  Corssen 
says  it  is  to  Hear'  or  'wound.' 

concUlandls.  Hasd.  according  to  Diodorus,  25.  17,  married 
himself  the  daughter  of  one  of  the  Sp.  chieftains ;  principes 
may  be  distinguished  from  reguli  as  nobles  from  kings,  as 
Weissenborn  suggests. 

§  6.  nlhUo  tutlor.  For  the  form  of  the  phrase  Fabri 
compares  nihilo  accuratior  v.  37.  1,  nihilo  quietior,  ix.  37.  1, 
nihilo  fadlior,  xxxi.  26.  6. 

rldentls  speciem.  Here  as  often  Livy  employs  a  partic. 
absolutely,  where  we  should  use  a  subst.  Compare  the  Stoic 
firmness  of  some  uncivilized  races  with  the  sensibihties  of  the 
Greeks  of  Homer. 

praebuerlt.  The  frequency  of  the  subjunc.  perf.  in  depen- 
dent sentences  after  ut  is  a  peculiarity  of  Livy's  style,  as  reah- 
zing  more  vividly  the  completed  result 


154 


NOTES,     XXI.  c.  II.  §  7— c.  iii.  §  1. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  rii.  §§  1—5. 


155 


17.  CmnHocHa^L  To  imply  his  practical  independenVe 
of  the  government  at  Carthage. 

■onidtandlB.  Comieoted  with  Osoan  iolltu^totus,  oXos  and 
sahms^  so  8oUi$timtu,  iolUmnis,  Ac.     Corssen,  i.  486.' 

fOBdni  wnov.  Polyb.  ii.  13  gives  details  of  the  disquietude 
at  Rome,  and  of  the  wish  to  attack  the  growing  power  in  Spain 
which  was  delayed  only  by  the  pressure  of  the  Gallic  war.  As 
the  Romans  had  no  possessions  in  Spain,  to  define  the  limit 
of  the  ffiberus,  and  to  stipulate  for  Saguntum,  was  in  fact  an 
insult  to  the  sovereign  power  of  Carthage.  Fadus  =  foidus  is 
connected  with  Jides,  like  ir^irot<?a  with  rlffris.  Curtius,  Gr 
Etym.  p.  236,  rejects  Mommsen's  explanation  from  fundere 
like  <nroi'5iJ,  spondeo.  * 

ut,  'on  condition  that'  =  ^0'  <;,  cf.  Polyb.,  as  it  was  a  new 
stipulation  added  to  the  treaty  of  241  b.c,  but  PoL  does  not 
mention  any  provision  for  Saguntum. 

P.  3,  c.  m,  §  1.  In  HasdruballB  locum.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  sentence  to  correspond  to  these  words.  Something  may 
have  dropped  out  which  referred  to  them,  but  more  probably 
it  is  one  of  those  cases  of  which  Madvig  speaks  m  his  Kleine 
Phil.  Schr.  p.  869,  where  there  is  a  want  of  balance  and  con- 
nexion in  Livy's  artificial  periods.  He  specifies  as  examples 
I.  7.  7  and  i.  46.  1.  Fabri  quotes  as  an  example  of  Livy's 
anacolutha,  xxyiii.  31.  1,  Lalitu.,.auditis  qua  acta  Gadibm 

irant nuntiis  adL.  Marcium  mi88U...redeundum  ad  impera- 

torem  esse,  adsentiente  Marcio  paucos  post  dies  ambo  Cartha- 
ffinem  rediere. 

qiil2i...Mqiiebati]T.  The  MS.  reading  is  here  quite  corrupt, 
especially  in  qimm,  where  only  qtia  is  possible,  and  in  the 
omisfdon  of  the  apodosia  after  erat.  Drakenborch's  reading 
preerogativam...gequeretur  makes  fair  sense,  but  lays  great 
stress  on  the  popularity  of  Hannibal,  who  could  hardly  have 
been  much  known  by  the  plebs,  although  the  wealth  of  Spain 
may  have  been  used  to  secure  adherents  at  home,  and  Polybius 
says,  i  S^fios  fuq,  yvtafiji  KVpLav  ixdrict  t^v  tup  arpaTOTriduip 
aXfictrtp,  m.  13. 

prserogatlva.  A  metaphor  taken  from  the  usage  of  the 
Roman  comitia.  The  tribe  on  which  the  lot  fell  to  vote  first 
often  influenced  the  vote  of  the  wavering,  and  so  the  term 
carried  associations  of  authority.  Cf.  iii.  61.  5,  ne  comitiorum 
militarium  prarogativam  sequerentur  urhana  comitia,  add  Cic. 
Mur.  18. 38,  tarUa  illis  comitiis  religio  est  ut  adhuc  semper  omen 
valuerit  prarogativum, 

pr»torlum.  The  tent  of  the  Roman  general,  and  so  the 
head- quarters  of  the  legion ;  hence  applied  to  the  palace  of  a 
governor,  Ev.  Matt,  xxvii.  27,  as  also  to  the  quarters  of  the 


nrwtorian  cohorts,  Ep.  ad  Philipp.  i.  13.  pr(etor=2)r<Bitor, '  first 
In  rank,'  is  the  oldest  title  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  republic. 
Cf.  Ascon.  in  Cic.  Verr.  i.  14,  veteres  omnem  magistratxvm,  cut 
pareret  exercitas,  prcetorem  appellaverunt,  Unde  et  pratorium 
tahemaculum  ejus  dicitur,  et  in  castris  porta  prcetoria,  et  hodie 
quoque  Prafectus  Pratorio.  The  term  is  here  extended  to 
Punic  usage. 

favor  is  said  by  Quintilian  to  have  been  thought  a  new 
word  by  Cicero,  favorem  et  urbanum  Cicero  nova  credit,  ii.  20. 
10,  though  it  was  used  by  Lucretius,  vi.  47.  It  was  first  pro- 
bably applied  to  applause  in  the  theatre,  and  Cicero  speaks 
apologetically  of  his  use  of  it.  Or.  pro  Sestio  54,  qui  ruimre 
et,  ut  ipsi  loquuntur,  favore  populi  tenetur. 

§  2.  vlxdum  puberem.  He  was  however  about  23  years  old, 
for  he  was  nine  when  his  father  went  to  Spain  for  nine  years, 
and  he  joined  Hasdrubal  after  five  of  his  eight  years  of  rule 
were  over.    Cf.  2.  3  and  4.  10. 

ad  se  accers.  Yet  1.  4  implies  that  he  went  to  Spain  with 
Hamilcar.  Probably  here,  as  elsewhere,  Livy  reproduces  dis- 
tinct  traditions.  Caelius  Antipater,  in  a  passage  quoted  by 
Priscian,  viii.  960,  seems  to  refer  to  H.,  antequam  Barca  peri- 
erat  alii  rei  causa  in  Africam  est  missus.  Yet  Livy  xxx.  37.  9 
makes  him  say,  novem  annorum  a  vobis  profectus  pout  sextum 
et  tricesimum  redii.  In  that  case  he  would  have  had  little 
oliance  of  learning  statesmanship  at  home. 

§  3.  Hajmo.  Probably  the  chief  rival  of  Hamilcar  after 
the  1st  war,  the  feud  and  reconciliation  between  whom  were  so 
important  in  the  struggle  with  the  mercenaries.  It  was  how- 
ever, like  other  Puuic  names,  a  common  one  with  leading  men 
at  different  periods. 

§4.  admlratione...convertlsset.  For  the  form  of  the 
phrase  cf.  xxii.  30.  I,  profecti...in  admirationem...convertcrunt. 

pro... rudiment© .  For  this  use  of  pro  =  ' as  if  that  were' 
Fabri  compares  xxiii.  33.  6,  hostes  pro  hospitihus  comiter  ac- 
cepti.    XXIV.  25.  3,  quum...pro  domino possederit. 

§  5.  regni  paternl  sp.  •  The  show  of  monarchy  which  his 
father  assumed.'  Cf.  the  charges  of  Fabius  in  Polyb.  in.  8 
against  Hasdrubal,  iiri^aXiaHi  efs  /xovapxio.v  Trepiffrrjaai  rd 
iroWreu/Lta. 

heredltarli.  Cf.  the  power  of  associations,  coupled  with  a 
name,  over  the  veterans  of  Caesar  and  the  countrymen  of 
Napoleon. 


156       NOTES.     XXT.  c.  m.  §  6— c.  iv.  §  3. 

§  6.  Eg^.  Cf.  Donatns  ap.  Drakenb.  temper  gravis  ineeptio 
mrationis  qua  exordium  sumit  a  pronomine  ego. 

quandoqua  is  commonly  ased  by  Livy  in  the  sense  of 
*  since,'  or  ♦  whenever.'  Hero  the  indefinite  meaning  *  at  some 
time  or  other '  grows  out  of  the  elliptical  use  '  whenever  it  may 
be,'  following  ne  as  it  follows  quoad  in  Cic.  Fam.  6.  19  quoad 
iUe  quandoque  veniat,  Tacitus  however,  Ann.  vi.  20,  uses 
it  in  this  indefinite  sense  by  itself,  et  tu  Galba  quandoque  de- 
gustabis  imperium. 

c.  IV.  §  1.  malor  pars.  Note  the  admission  that  the 
partisans  of  H.  were  the  majority  in  the  senate.  It  was  not 
therefore  merely  a  popular  party,  supported  by  the  army, 
which  dragged  the  country  against  its  will  into  a  war  with 
Borne,  according  to  the  theory  maintained  by  Fabius  Pictor, 
and  refuted  by  Polyb.  iii.  8,  though  in  later  days  H.  may  havn 
been  accused  by  his  political  opponents  as  responsible  for  all 
the  losses  of  the  war,  and  Livy  puts  this  charge  into  the  mouth 
of  the  ambassadors  of  Carthage,  xxx.  22.  i,  eum  injussu  senatus 
non  Alpei  mado  ted  Hiberum  quoque  tramgressum. 

In  opHmuM,  meliorem^  we  have  traces  of  the  old  confusion 
so  common  in  classical  literature,  by  which  moral  terms  are 
used  to  distinguish  political  parties.  Cf.  the  use  of  hrieiKeis, 
^Xrurroi,  ao<pd,  TokLrevup  auxppov^ffTepov  in  Thucydides,  who 
speaJts  of  the  unscrupulous  Antiphon  as  d/jcrp  o{/5€pI  vcrepos. 

§  2.  Hamilc.  iuvenem.  Hamilcar  was  very  young  in  the 
1st  Punic  war,  and  died  in  the  prime  of  life.  Cf.  Soph. 
Philoct.  KdfJL  €i>$iis  iv  KtJK\(f}  OTftarhi  \  iK^dvra  iras  iiavrdpET 
dfwdvres  fiXi-jrctv  \  rbv  o^k  It'  6vTa  fwrr'  'Ax*^^^'*  irdXti'. 

credere... intuert  The  historic  infinitives  here  give  vigour 
and  liveliness  to  the  passage. 

P.  4.  lineamenta.  Linea  is  connected  with  littera,  lino, 
from  a  root  sli  =  smear,  found  in  our  slime,  Corssen  i.  383. 

IMkter  In  se ...  'His  father's  memory  was  but  little  needed 
to  gain  the  popular  good  will,*  or,  'his' likeness  to  his  father 
was  but  the  least  influence,'  drc,  i.e.  was  only  the  least  among 
many  influences.  For  use  of  momentum  cf.  i.  47.  4,  ipsa  regio 
semine  orta  nullum  momentum  in  dando  adiniendoque  regno 
faceret.  From  the  early  meaning  of  the  '  weight  which  turned 
the  scale,'  movimentum,  came  secondary  meanings,  as  in  the 
parallel  cases  of  gravis,  seHus,  both  of  which  first  denoted 
physical  weight,  and  then  moral. 

§S.  dlecemeres,  a  use  of  the  imperf.  subj.,  fi-equent 
in  Livy,  where  the  pluperf.  would  seem  more  natural  to  us,  as 
n.  43.  9,  crederex  victos.  The  earlier  part  of  this  description 
seems  too  enthusiastic  to  have  come  from  a  Boman  annalist ; 


NOTES.     XXT.  c.  IV.  §§3—0. 


157 


nrobably  it  may  be  traced  to  Philinus,  who  wrote  in  the  Punio 
interest.  Here  again  Livy  seems  to  have  combmed  two  dis- 
Lt  accounts,  for  the  latter  part  is  purely  Koman.  It  has 
heen  thought  that  SaUust's  description  of  Catilme  suggested 
Bome  of  the  language  here  used,  but  the  resemblance  is  not 
very  close.  The  early  part  of  it  is  repeated  by  Livy  xxvi.  41. 
25,  of  the  young  Scipio  Africanus. 

§  4.  praflcere  is  used  absolutely,  a  common  feature  of 
Livy's  style. 

fortlter  ac  strenue,  epithets  frequently  combined.  Fabri 
Quotes  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  32,  si  minus  fortem,  attamen  strenuiim. 
Strenuus  is  probably  connected  with  arepebs,  ffrprivq^,  stenUs, 
Starr,  Curtius  193. 

5  7  Id,  i.  e.  tempons.  The  use  of  superesse  with  the  dative 
of  the  'gerundive  is  unusual.     *  Leisure  from  active  work. 

cufltodias,  sentinels  on  guard  on  the  ramparts  of  the  camp. 

sUUones,  *  outposts '  or  pickets  at  outlying  points. 

6  9  Polvb.  IX  24  says  that  the  Romans  thought  cruelty 
the  special  vice  of  H.,  but  that  his  namesake,  Monomachus 
was  the  real  author  of  much  that  was  complained  of.  In  any 
lase  the  sufferings  imposed  on  Italy  by  so  desperate  and  long 
a  8?;uggle,  the  r^uis^ions  for  the  troops,  and  the  outrages  of 
camp  followers,  must  have  associated  the  naine  of  H.  m 
popular  memor^  with  deeds  of  terrible  oppression.  Polyb. 
Sds  the  charge  of  avarice  as  best  supported  by  the  evidence 
of  the  C^hagi^ans  themselves,  and  of  Masinissa,  who  knew 
him  well 

perfidia  ..Punlca.     Cf.  xxii.  6. 12.  Punica  religione  servata 

fides  ab  Hannibale  est.  On  this  P^P^l^^  «^^*^?^f  *' f  .f  ^.^'•' 
Carm  iv.  4. 45,  dixitque  tandem  perjidus  Hannibal,  and  43,  impto 
\ZtZa  P«rirum  Imultu  |  fana.  As  to  the  Punic  character. 
of.  Cic.  de  leg.  agr.,  Carthaginienses  frauduUntx  et  rr^riU^^'^ 
wmgeneresednatura  loci,  i^^  p-opter  partus  suc^.muU^J^ 
vanis  mercatorum  et  advenarum  sermombus,  f  ^  ««"f .*""*  >/,7"f  ^ 
studio, a^aus  vocabantu.    ^^ -e  ^.^^^^^^^^^^^ 

rhrchtfe^^^T^irtr^aL^^^^^ 

wanting  in  good  faith,  and  the  foreign  pohcy  of  the  Ronaan 

Senate^as  too  often  a  course  of  ^?f.-rt'vHrpraL^ 
egotism,  for  the  religious  reverence  for  which  ^.^^y}^'^^''-''^^ 
ft3ni^  highly  was  Uttle  shown  in  international  dealings. 


nlMl.. 


The  Latin  writers  have  recourse  to  nihil  with  the 


158 


NOTFS.     XXI.  c.  IV.  §  9~^.  V.  §  3. 


mrSS.     XXL  c.  V.  §§  4—12. 


159 


partitive  genitive,  or  to  mdlm,  to  express  ideas  for  which  no 
abstract  negatives  existed,  such  as  'irreverence.'  ♦  irreliLnon^ ' 
See  Nagelsbacli,  Stilistik,  p.  61.  '      "reiifeious. 

reUglo  is  the  sense  of  the  unseen  world  as  a  bindiim  nr 
constraining  force  (whether  from  religare,   as  in  Lucretiu? 
rehgtmummdw  exsolvere,  or  from  reUgere,  as  Cicero  N  D 
u.  28).    It  is  wider  than  deum  nietus,   which  refers  only  to 

if'ilf  PI-  <^^ij«  P^^i«i^«ie^i-  Fabri  quotes  as  a  limitation 
of  this  Pbny,  Nat.  H.  xvi.  40,  cui  (templo)  pepercit  reliaioZ 
tnductus  Hannibal.  But  it  is  needless  to  discuss  seriouslv  the 
extreme  language  of  national  antipathy.  ^ 

§  10.  meralt,  used  properly  with  stipendia,  then  ahso. 
lutely  =  ' served.* 

agenda...,  'which  one  who  hoped  to  be  some  dav  a  ffroat 
Jieneral  could  do  for  himself  or  learn  from  others.' 

c.  V.  §  1.  provlnda  decreta.  A  metaphor  taken  from  the 
lioman  usage  by  which  special  departments  were  assigned  to 
the  consuls  and  prtetor.    Cf.  17. 1. 

■  1^  ^'    i"m  ^  <l^o«"«-     But  the  time  may  have  seemed  aus- 
picious while  Home  had  the  Gauls  upon  her  hands. 

P.  5.  cunctantem.  Notwithstanding  the  similarity  in  form 
the  root  of  cunctor  (connected  with  6KP€h)  is  probably  distinct 
from  that  of  cunctus  {^covinctus  or  cojunctus),  or  percontor 
(from  contm,  a  punt-pole).     Cf.  Curtius,  638. 

§  3.  Qulbua  oppu«niandla... '  as  by  an  attack  on  them  Eome 
was  sure  to  be  provoked  to  war.' 

al«n*^!?  pT'k*  P^Tl^  ?**  '^^  ^-  ^-  **'  Saguntum,  mentioned 
lei^isltknown.'''  "  "°"^^°°  ^"^  '"^  ^^^'^^  ^'^^ 

I  ,J^  ^-S^.."^'  *®'  ^^  *^®  «i<l®  0^  the  Hiberus  which  was 
left  to  Carthage  by  the  treaty  with  Hasdrubal,  though  not  as 
yet  conquered.  ** 

^  itnmi  serle...  *by  the  course  of  events,  the  conquest  that 
w  of  neighbouniig  tribes,  and  the  annexation  of  their  territory.' 
Ihe  absolute  use  of  jungendo  seems  very  awkward,  and  Usener 
suggests  ahud  agendo  quan  traetm,  but  Fabri  illustrates  tiiis 
use  of  jungere  from  Pliny,  Ep.  in.  19,  Pradia  agrU  meu  \vi- 
cina  atque  etiam  inserta  venalia  sunt...8onicitat  primum  ipsa 
pulchntudo  Jungendi.     For  the  combination  of    subst.  aiid 


crenmd.  in  appoB.  ierU.. Jungendo,  cf.  m.  40    1,  rwc  ir<B  nee 
ignoscendi  modum,  n.  13.  QJug<^  sequendiqv^  Jims. 

8  4     Cartala.  called  'A\data  by  Polyb.  iii.  13.    The  first 
syllable  is  probably  Carth  or  Kiriath  as  in  Carthago,  Carteia. 

Caxtharinem  Novam.     Note  the  pleonasm  in  the  name, 

for  C^h^  itself  =  Carthada  a  shortened  form  of  Caxth-had- 

Maine^'town,  so   Serv   iEn.  i..  366,    CartMgo  estUngua 

Panonm  ncrva  civitas,  ut  docetLmua.    Schroder,  p.  85.    Of. 

hke  formations  in  Hampton-wick,  Wansbeck-water. 

Carth  Naoa  had  been  built  by  Hasdrubal  with  regal  splen- 
^nnr  and  chosen  as  a  naval  base  for  aggressive  operations, 
&g  a  spadous  harbour  shelteredby  an  island  at  t^ie  mou  ^. 
and  be^g  protected  by  marshes.  Strabo  speaks  of  its  great 
ialstrSh,  and  the  revenue  from  its  mines,  fisheries 
and  cLS  ni.  4.  6).  Pliny  (33.  6)  mentions  a  single 
mTne  which  biJght  in  to  Hannibal  300  pounds  of  B^ver  dady 
A  full  description  of  the  site  is  given  in  Polyb.  x.  10  an  eye- 
witness?  in  connexion  with  its  memorable  capture  by  Scipio. 

8  5     partlendo...     Note  the  awkwardness  of  so  many  abl 
forms  mtMs  sentence.     It  is  one  of  the  pecuharities  of  Livy  s 
style  to  employ  the  abl.  so  often  without  a  prepos. 

pr»da  for  pra:-henda.  Cf.  pradium  {prahmdium),  prmhere 
{pmUhere),  debere  [dehi^ere).     Corssen,  i.  108. 

§  6.  Hermandica.  Polyb.  'EX/m»Tt/ci5,  possibly  the  Sala- 
manca of  later  days,  W. 

8  7  Carpetanos.  Kapw-fiam,  described  by  Polyb.  iii  14, 
as  Ine  of  ^e  strongest  tribes  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Tagus,  where  Madrid  and  Toledo  afterwards  were  built. 

8  9.  ab  hostibus,  'on  the  side  of.'  Of.  xxii.  16.  3,  and 
L  50.  6,  ne  id  quidem  ab  Tumo  tulisse  taciturn  ferunt. 

Ita.  'only  so  far,'  Fabri;  but  pe^apsnot necessarily  'only  ' 
as  Haknibal  may  have  thrown  his  camp  forward  beyond  the 
crossing  place. 

§  10.  Impeditum.  the  acute  suggestion  of  Heerwagen  for 
peditum. 

§11.    appendldbuB,  'contingents.' 

lEVlcta  contains  elliptically  the  protasis  to  si = '  which  would 
have  been  unconquerable.* 

p  6,  §  12.  Id  moraxi...  Uhat  their  victory  was  delayed 
only  by  the  river  which  flowed  between  them. 


160      NOTES.     XXT.  c.  v.  §  14— c.  vi.  §  3. 

§  14.  InstablllB  ac  yIx  vado  f.  le.  could  hardly  be  sure 
ol  Ms  footing  even  where  the  stream  was  fordable. 

§  16.  a  tanto  pavore.  To  jnstify  insertion  of  a  cf.  ii.  50. 
7,  recipiendi  a  pavore  tanto  animum. 

agmlno  qoadrato,  properly  formed  in  square,  so  as  to 
show  a  line  of  battle  on  every  side,  afterwards  more  generally 
of  an  army  in  fighting  order,  cf.  ii.  6.  8.  Sen.  Ep.  .59,  in 
quadrato  agmine  exercitum,  ubi  hostis  ab  omni  parte  sugpectus 
estf  pugnxe  paratum.  Tibull.  iv.  1.  101,  seu  sit  opus,  quadra- 
turn  acies  conautat  in  agmen  \  rectus  ut  aquatis  decuirat  fron- 
tibits  ordo, 

fagam  ex  r.  f.  *  drove  them  in  flight  from  the  bank.' 

c.  Ti.  §  1.  "War  with  S.  was  not  yet  declared,  but  there 
were  already  grounds  for  war.  The  neighbouring  tribes  were 
made  to  pick  a  quarrel  with  them,  especially  the  Turdetani. 
Ab  he  who  had  stirred  them  to  arms  also  espoused  their  cause, 
and  it  was  clear  that  the  intention  was  to  appeal,  not  to  ar- 
bitration, but  the  sword,"  &o.  Fabri  and  W.  leave  out  the 
stop  after  cama,  and  make  it  an  abl.  explanatory  of  sere- 
bantur. 

Turdetaiii.  These,  according  to  Strabo  iii.  2,  lay  on  tbo 
Bffitis  near  Gades ;  the  Edetani  may  be  meant,  for  they  were 
un  the  coast  between  Carthago  Nova  and  the  Hiberus,  Str.  in. 

§  3.  Cionsoles  tunc.  Tet  see  the  doubts  expressed  by  Livy 
15.  4. 

dtt  re  puM.  rettuL  The  position  of  the  consul  who  presided 
in  the  Senate  was  unlike  that  of  Speaker  or  of  Leader  in  a 
modem  Parliament.  He  did  not  commonly  keep  order  merely 
in  debate,  or  move  a  distinct  resolution,  but  stated  the  subjects 
for  discussion,  and  appealed  to  the  senators  to  speak  de  re 
publica.  As  to  this  expression  Fabri  quotes  from  Gell.  xiv.  7 
Varro's  description  of  the  customary  usage,  de  rebus  quoque 
Mmnis  prius  qaam  humanis  ad  senatum  referendum  esse,  turn 
porro  referri  oporttre  out  ir\/inite  de  republica  aut  de  singulis 
rebus  Jinite. 

I.egatii8  is  used  for  a  oommissioner  entrusted  with  a  special 
fonotion,  and  is  not  a  definite  name  for  official  rank,  and 
hence  it  retains  its  participial  meaning,  as  'bound,'  or  'des- 
patched.' (Cf.  lex,  collega,  ligare,  Corssen,  ii.  444.)  The 
jetiales  in  early  days  had  been  the  regii  nuntii  to  discharge 
formalities  of  international  intercourse.  This  was  however  a 
prieaily  corporation,  and  filled  by  co-optation  :  its  duties  were 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  VI.  S  3— c.  VII.  §  1. 


161 


^«aUv  narrowed  to  ceremonial  details  when  war  was 
^'filwVctod  For  previous  negotiations  the  Senate  de- 
^'^fn  e^hl^e  to  have  commissioners  (legati),  leaving  their 
'wl  commonly  to  the  Executive,  but  fixing  their  niimber 
choice  commonly  lo  .^^  instructions.     In 

i:X^i^i^^^-^^^  commander-in-chief  was  allowed 
0  ImSate  Ugatrv^ho  should  represent  the  Senate  in  his 
counoU  of  war,  and  undertake  any  functions,  mi  itary  or  ad- 
Ss  rat  ve  to  which  he  might  depute  them.  Like  pr^fectxis, 
Tnle  implied  only  delegated  functions,  and  required  other 
adjuncts  to  make  it  definite. 

ad  res  Ineplc.    A  usual  Pl^^se  in  Livy  for  the  duties  of 
special  commissioners.    Cf.  iv.  36.  2,  xxvi.  35.  8. 

§  4.  qulbUB  8l  v.,  for  qui  si  videretur  w.. .according  to 
a  frequent  usage  of  attraction. 

denuntiarent.  To  be  written  with  a  t  Hke  aU  compounds 
nf  nnntius  which=  noventius,  from  novus,  like  nundina  froin 
rLXTonuXom  conventio.  So  the  inscriptions  and  best 
MSS.     Corssen,  i.  51. 

p  7  §  5  hac  legatlone... resumes  the  whole  series  of 
clauses  which  form  the  protasis  of  the  sentence. 

necdum  missa.  This  is  hardly  consistent  with  the  account 
of  Polyb.  III.  14,  who  makes  the  Roman  e^^«y^^^J^«;^j;\^  "^^ 
at  earth.  Nova,  and  spreads  the  whole  over  a  longer  Ume 
The  conjunction  dum,  which  is  also  found  as  an  affix  of  many 
iords,  is  in  nedum  vixdum,  "i/f  to,  inj^rto  &(^,  seem^ 
to  proceed  from  -dium,  the  accus  form  «f '^^^^vi f^^,^^^^ 
perdius,  interdiu,  and  to  mean  *  the  day  through,     the  while. 

Corssen,  ii.  856. 

spe  celerlufl.  Cf.  dido  citius,  spe  «fj;^««'/«^^*?/^f  f*  ^^' 
is  constantly  used  for  '  expectation,'  rather  than    hope. 

§6.  alUprov.  '  Some  were  for  assigning  at  once  to  the 
consuls  the  departments  of,'  &o.  Cf.  17.  1.  As  Fabn  re- 
marks, decemo  is  often  used  for  decerni  volo.  U.  iu.  i^,  n- 
29  8 

alii  totum.  *  Others  were  for  limiting  the  range  of  war 
to'...  Fabri  and  Weiss,  read  intenderant  with  most  of  the 
MSS.,  i.e.  'they  had  already  at  the  first  discourse,  *«•  J^^^^« 
is  an  awkward  change  of  tense,  but  not  unexampled  m  iiivy. 

c.  VII.  §  1.  Saguntum  lay  in  the  midst  of  a  ^ch  and  fertUe 
country,  Polyb.  m.  17.  It  was  afterwards  rebuilt  and  famous 
for  its  red  pottery,  the  calices  Saguntim  ^^  ^^XfafThe 
though  Moor  and  Goth  have  built  with  the  materials  of  the 


C*  Ii* 


11 


NOTES,     XXI.  c.  VII.  ®  1—6. 


163 


past,  ill  wmrl  veteret  have  given  it  the  modem  name  of  Mur. 
▼iedro,  as  the  urbs  vetus  of  central  Italy  heoame  Orrietb.  The 
old  cairtle,  crowned  by  Moorish  walla  and  towers,  is  still  a 
fortress  which  is  the  key  of  Yalenoia. 

§  2.  paamiB  mlUe.  The  sea  has  since  retired  to  three 
times  this  distance  from  the  site  of  the  old  town. 

Orinndi.  For  the  com^.  ad  synesim,  cwitaa...oriu}idi,  cf. 
XXVI.  19. 11,  Emporiu  urbe  Oraca  {orinndi  et  ipsi  a  Phociea  sunt) 
copim  expoiuit.  With  the  participial  use  of  orinndi  compare 
that  of  volvendwt  as  used  by  Lucr.  v.  514,  1276  with  Hdera, 
(Btm,  the  volvenda  dies  of  Verjfil,  and  volvendiis  clamor  of 
Ennius. 

a  Z^cyntho.  The  identity  of  the  names  becomes  apparent 
if  we  remember  that  in  early  Latin  there  was  no  distinction 
of  0  and  G.  and  that  Z,  T  and  0  were  all  letters  of  late  intro- 
duction. The  termination  urn  may  be  paralleled  by  Epidam- 
num.  Ilium,  Pergamnm,  formed  from  Greek  words  in  -os. 
Early  coins  clearly  point  to  the  fact  of  Greek  inhabitants,  and 
are  very  hke  those  of  Massilia.     Cf.  C.  I.  L.  ii.  p.  511. 

§  3.  tantas.  There  is  no  relative  to  balance  this,  but  it 
may  refer  to  the  proofs  drawn  from  the  siege. 

fidem  sodalem.  This  is  a  bit  of  false  sentiment,  as  Sa- 
guntum  fought  for  itself,  though  it  asked  help  from  Rome. 

§  4.  infesto.  A  word  constantly  used  with  exercitu,  iignis^ 
agmine,  Ac,  of  any  aggressive  movement. 

§  5.  Polybius  omits  all  details  of  the  siege,  but  he  states 
the  motives  of  H.,  his  wish  to  strike  terror  into  Spain,  and  to 
leave  no  elements  of  danger  behind  him  in  his  march  for 
Italy,  as  also  his  need  of  funds  to  secure  adherents  at  Car- 
thage. 

cetera  drca.  This  use  of  the  adverb  for  the  adj.  or  el- 
lipse for  qti<e  circa  erant,  where  the  Greeks  would  put  an 
article  before  the  adverb,  is  common  in  Livy,  especially  in  the 
case  of  circa,  Cf.  xxii.  23.  4,  omnibus  circa  solo  aquatis,  i.  58. 
2,  postquam  satis  tuta  circa... videbantur, 

▼Ineaa.  These  were  an  important  part  of  a  Roman  siege 
train,  covering  as  they  did  the  men  who  were  trencliing,  un- 
dermining, or  bringing  up  the  battering  rams.  They  are 
described  by  Vegetius  iv.  16  as  eight  feet  high,  seven  broad, 
and  sixteen  long,  covered  above  with  planks  and  hurdles,  and 
at  the  sides  with  a  screen  of  osiers,  coated  with  raw  hides  at 


NOTHS.     XXT.  c.  VII.  §  5— c.  viii.  §  2.      163 

the  surface.     They  were  then  locked  together  to  form  one  eon- 
tinuous  defence,  under  which  the  assailants  could  work. 

§  6.  -at . . . ,  '  although  ...  yet  little  progress  was  made  when 
they  came  to  press  the  siege  in  earnest.* 

effectum  is  one  of  Livy's  favourite  verbals  in  us,  of  which 
Ije  uses  more  than  most  writers,  and  in  cases  elsewhere  less 
famiHar,  as  spe  egcctus  for  Cicero's  spe  efficiendi. 

succedebat,  often  used  impersonally  by  Livy.  Fabri  quotes 
XXIV.  38.  3,  cui  (fraudi)  quoniam  parum  succedit ;  xxv.  37.  19, 
si  successisifet  cctptis. 

P.  8  §  7.  ut  in  suspecto,  le.  as  was  natural  in.  Cf. 
12.  4^  ui  ab  irato  victore,  and  viii.  30.  7,  multis  potitus  spoliis 
ut  ex  tanta  ccede,  where  the  Greeks  might  use  ota  eUds.  At 
other  times  the  ut  is  used  in  a  restrictive  sense,  as  vir  ut  inter 
Miolos  faaindus,  xxxii.  33.9. 

cetera  alt.,  briefly  put  for  the  height  of  the  wall  in  other 
places,  constr.  pragn. 

obsistebant.  The  plural  verb  with  inventus  is  common  in 
Livy,  cf.  IV.  66.  6,  omnium  populorum  iuventm  Antium  con- 
tracta,  ibi  castris  positis  hostem  opperiebantur,  so  vii.  2.  5. 

§  8.  nee  quicquam  ...,  '  did  not  allow  the  besiegers  to  ap- 
proach anywhere  in  safety,'  a  favourite  form  of  Sallust.  Jug. 
06,  nihil  intactum  neque  quietum  pati ;  also  88.    Fabri. 

§  9.  tumultuarlis,  often  used  by  L.,  as  8.  7  of  pugna,  and 
extended  even  to  miles  i.  37.  6,  castra  xxviii.  16.  7,  and  opus 
iLii.  63.  4. 

§  10.^  tragula,  so  xxiv.  42.  2,  femur  tragula  confixum,  and 
Caesar,  Bell.  Gall.  v.  36.  6,  utrumque  femur  tragula  trajicitur. 
Varro,  L.  Lat.  iv.  24,  derives  it  from  trajicere.  The  construc- 
tion of  the  ace.  of  the  part  affected  is  more  frequent  in  poetry 
than  prose. 

c.  VIII.  §  1.  curaxetur.  The  subj.  expresses  the  purpose 
of  the  delay. 

§  2.  plurlhUB  p.,  a  local  abl.  constantly  used  by  Livy  with- 
out a  prepos. 

coBptse  agl.  Livy  varies  in  his  use  of  the  word  capi. 
Often  as  here  he  says,  like  Cicero,  agi  captum,  impediri  ccepta 
res,  and  nearly  always  with/m,  using  a  double  passive,  but  at 

11—2 


NOTES.     XXT.  c.  VIII.  8S  3—10. 


V' 


164 


times  he  has  phrases  like  templum  eedijicari  capit.    Cf.  ^ladvig 
Kleine  Phil  Schr.  p.  364. 

§  3.  Ahundahat  multltudine.  Cf.  vi.  24.  2,  multitudo  sup- 
peditabat,  and  v.  38.  4,  tantum  superanti  multitudine. 

§  4.  Itaqiie  is  generally  taken  with  the  next  sentence,  but 
the  asyndeton  of  capti  sunt,  non  sufficiehant  would  be  very 
abrupt.  W.  proposes  to  omit  sunty  and  thinks  the  passat,'e 
unfinished  or  corrupt.  It  is  not  satisfactory  as  it  stands. 
Snfficere  is  used  by  Livy  both  with  a  case,  as  x.  18.  7,  qnnm 
hello  tuo  fonitan  vix  svfficim,  and  absolutely  as  xxxvi.  4;3.  2, 
quoad  remige»  nufficere  potuerunt, 

I  5.  iui&...t  "one  side  {parn),  where  a  wide  breach  was 
made*  had  exposed  the  city  to  assault. "  The  form  of  the  sen- 
tence ifl  somewhat  bold,  for  '  the  city  was  exposed  on  one  side 
by,'  &c. 

delnceps,  'one  after  the  other,*  explanatory  of  the  fore- 
going clause.  It  seems  to  be  an  old  nominative  form,  used 
adTerbially,  such  as  princeps,  mancepn,  terticeps,  ancep.t,  iiifeps 
(Festus),  80  *  taking  the  place  from  there,'  de-in-ceps.  Corssen, 
II.  591. 

§  IS.  velut  81,  i.  e.  besiegers  and  besieged  showed  equal 
readiness  in  their  advance,  as  if  the  wall  had  been  before  a 
screen  to  both  alike. 

§  7.  tmmilttiarto  pugiim,  explamed  in  xxv.  34.  9  by  ag- 
nttna  magis  quam  ncies  pugnahant  ...ut  in  tumnltuaria  pugna... 

per  occaalonem,  i.e.  when  either  side  gave  or  seized  a 
chance  of  attack. 

alterius  is  here,  as  elsewhere,  nearly  equivalent  to  altcriux 
utrius.  Heerwagen  compares  xxiv.  3.  17,  inter  eos  levia  prcelia 
ex  oceasione  aut  opportunitate  htijus  aut  illitis  partU  orieban- 
tur. 

Gonnerl,  a  more  graphic  phrase  for  a  number  of  petty  con- 
flicts than  canciri,  adopted  by  Heerwagen  for  the  comciri  of 
most  MSS. 

P.  9  §  10.  PluOartca,  genus  teli  mwiU,  quo  uhmtur  fx 
falls,  id  est,  locis  ex.ttrvctis,  vel  ut  ait  Nonius,  ex  turrihus 
Ugneis  dimicantes,  Festus  ap.  Drakenb. 

cetera.  Heerwagen  notes  that  Cicero  does  not  use  tbi? 
nent.  plur.  absolutely  as  Livy  and  Horace  often  do. 


iVOTES.      XXI.  c.  viii.  g  12-  c.  ix.  §  1.     165 

§  12.  conceptumque  .,.,  'and  the  flame  which  it  canied 
was  fanned  by  the  mere  motion  to  a  fiercer  heat. ' 

nudum,  often  used  like  7u/x»'65,  of  anyone  unarmed  or 
defenceless.  Cf.  iii.  19.  6,  arma  vobis  adeviit  nudosque  servis 
vestris ...  ohjecit. 

c.  IX.  §1.  Saguntini8...PoBnus.  The  change  in  number  is 
abrupt,  but  the  latter  word  is  used  of  the  army,  and  not  as 
sometimes  of  the  general,  cf.  xxxv.  40.  6. 

quia  resisterent  is  properly  in  the  conj.,  as  the  thought 
of  the  S. ,  and  f,'round  of  their  confidence  :  unlike  the  quod  ere- 
derent  of  1.  3,  which  is  irregular. 

8  2.  In  ruinas  murl.  The  battle  had  taken  place  in  the 
clear  ground  between  the  walls  and  the  houses  inside,  an- 
swering probably  to  the  pomcsrium  of  Roman  towns,  or  to  the 
space  left  for  the  way  which  ran  inside  the  walls,  by  which  the 
garrison  could  pass  to  any  point. 

§  3.  tot  tarn.  For  the  asyndeton  Fabri  compares  v.  54.  3, 
tot  tarn  valida  oi)pida,  xxv.  24.  14,  tot  tarn  opulenti  tyranni. 

Hannitoall...  *H.  had  no  leisure  for  negotiations  at  so 
critical  a  moment,'  cf.  in  ipso  discrimine  periciiU,  vi.  17.  1 ; 
and  on  the  use  of  rerum  1.  5.  Polyb.  in.  15  says  that  the 
envoys  were  admitted,  but  answered  scornfully.  Note  the  hexa- 
meter, arvia,  nee  Hannibali  in  tanto  discrimine  rnnim.  On  the 
tendency  to  let  such  verses  slip  into  prose  style,  Cic.  in  Orat. 
Lvi.  Versus  scepe  in  oratione  per  imprudentlam  dicimus :  quod 
vehementer  est  vitiosum..  .senarios  vero  et  hipponacteos  effugere  vix 
possumus ;  magnavi  enim  partem  ex  iambis  nostra  constat  oratio 
...inculcaimui  autem...8(epe  etiam  minus  usitatos.  Quintilian 
notices,  Inst.  ix.  4,  T.  Livius  hexametri  exordia  capit,  'factu- 
i-usne  opera  pretium  sim.'  So  Tacitus  Ann.  1. 1,  Urhevi  lionuim 
a  principio  reges  habuere.  Livy  vii.  11,  Pugnatum  hand  pro- 
cul  I  Porta  Collina  est  totius  viribus  urbis,  and  xxii.  50.  10, 
hac  ubi  dicta  dedit  stringit  gladium  cuneoque  facto  per  m^dios 
vadit.  In  Greek  writers  also  the  same  tendency  may  be  noted 
at  times,  as  in  Thuc.  ii.  49,  <p\vKTatvais  fiiKpaU  /cai  ^Xkcciv 
iirjvdrjKOi.  And  Ep.  lacob.  i.  17,  rrdaa  boats  dyadT)  kuI  vdv  5w- 
pVfJia  rkXeiov.     Cf.  Drakenborch,  Livy,  Prffif.  i. 

P.  10   §  4.    ne  quid...     '  That  the  rival  party  might  take 
no  steps  in  deference  to  Rome,'  this  is  the  reading  of  Perizo- 
nius  for  pro  R. ,  which  is  opposed  to  the  common  construe 
tion  of  gratificari. 

c.  X.  §  1.  prseterquam  qualifies  vana  atque  irrita,  and  ia 
not  related  to  quoque  as  usually  in  sentences  of  this  form.    W. 


166 


NOTElS.     X  X  I.  c.  X.  §§  2—7. 


» 


§  2.  advenius  senatum.  The  reading  of  most  MSS.  i 
a^etso  tenatu  *  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  senate,'  in  %Yhiclt 
H.  had  a  majority,  as  adversa  nobilitate^  vi.  42.  6.  Tlie  iion 
is  omitted  m  the  MSS.  before  cum  adsensu,  but  is  required 
by  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  there  will  be  no  repetition  if  we 
take  adversug  in  the  sense  of  *  urged  before  the  senate.* 

caiuain...eglt,  *  pleaded  for  the  maintenance  of  the  treaty.' 

§  3.  monulBse,  prsad.  For  this  asyndeton  Fabri  compares 
n.  10.  1,  itaque  monere pradieeref  ut pontem...interrumpant. 

manes  means  properly  the  •  good  folk,'  opposed  to  immanU. 
Corssen,  i.  43,  connects  both  with  manus^  metari,  memura, 
from  the  root  ma = measure. 

quletora,  'would  rest... undisputed,'  for  this  negative  sense 
of  q.  ct  XXXI.  18.  9,  medicos  plus  quiete  quam  movendo  projicere. 

§  4.  flagrantem  cup.  r.  This  was  a  charge  frequently 
used  with  dangerous  effect  in  the  civil  struggles  of  Rome. 
The  examples  of  J.  Caesar  would  be  fresh  in  the  minds  of  Livy 
and  his  readers. 

ez  iMllis  bella  serendo.    Cf.  ii.  18.  10  and  xxxi.  6.  4. 

leglo,  properly  *a  gathering'  from  legere,  like  legumen, 
iptcilegium,  tacrilegm^  See. 

§  6.  rupta  foedera.  Cf.  §  8.  ulti  agrees  with  Romani 
understood  in  R  legiones  by  a  constr.  ad  synesim. 

§  6.  ilia  gentium  Bust.,  'made  light  of  international  law;' 
this  insisted  on  respectful  treatment  of  ambassadors,  but  H. 
was  justified  in  referring  them  to  his  own  government.  Cf. 
jure  gentium  agunt^  i.  14.  1. 

res  repetunt,  '  demand  compensation,'  answers  to  res  red- 
dendaa  of  §  13.  Cf.  iv.  68. 1,  per  legatos  fetialeaque  res  repdi 
coepta. 

ut  publlca,  i.  e.  as  a  proof  that,  or  assuming  that  the  state 
was  not  at  fault  they  demand  the  surrender  of  the  guilty  cause 
of  the  ofifence.  For  this  sense  of  publica  fraus  cf.  xxx.  25.  4, 
seu  Hasdrubale...sine  publica  fraude  auso  f acinus.  Cf.  v.  36.  7, 
postulatum  ut  pro  jure  gentium  violato  Fabii  dederentur. 
Most  MSS.  omit  the  ut  which  Perizonius  inserted. 

g  7.  Mg&teB.  The  decisive  defeat  of  Carthage  off  these 
islands  bioiight  the  first  war  to  a  close,  B.C.  241.  They  were  in 
front  of  Lilybffium. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  X.  §  7— c.  xi.  §  1.        167 

Erycem,  now  Monte  di  San  Guiliano,  the  scene  of  Hamd- 
car's  gallant  stand  for  years  against  the  Roman  forces. 

p   IX   §  8-    Mars  alter.     Cf.  Cato  tcrtim,  Juv.  ii.  40. 

lati  I  e.  the  Barcine  party ;  isle  is  often  used  of  an  op- 
poncnt  in  a  lawsuit,  and  with  implied  dislike. 

Tarento.  The  appearance  of  a  Punic  fleet  off  Tarentum 
had  been  urged  as  a  ground  for  the  first  war,  cf.  Epit.  Liv. 
iiv  but  Polyb.  III.  26  gives  at  length  the  early  treaties  be- 
tween Rome  and  Carthage,  and  exposes  the  error  of  those 
writers  who  hold  that  R.  was  bound  to  abstam  fi'om  Sicily, 
and  C.  from  Italy. 

8  9  homines.  Madvig  omits  the  que  usually  added  to 
this  word  in  order  to  emphasize  the  divine  intervention,  and 
makes  vicerunt  used  absolutely  ;  but  dii  hominesque  is  a  very 
common  phrase,  and  the  change  seems  needless. 

id  de  quo  is  used  absolutely,  not  in  appos.  to  a  following 
sentence.  It  may  be  explained  as  referring  to  judex,  as  if  it 
were  ejus  de  guo  =  ' the  subject  of  debate.' 

unde  for  *  on  whose  side,'  as  above,  §  6,  unde  ne  hostium 
q.  I.  Cf.  IV.  43.  9,  unde  (i.e.  ab  jEquis)  si  quid  increparet 
terroris. 

8  11.  In  eo,  'in  the  case  of,'  H.  eo...quod  'for  this  rea- 
son '  eo...unde,  'thither.'  Note  the  different  senses  in  which 
eo  is  used  in  following  lines. 

§  12.  dedendum.  We  must  supply  censco  from  the  next 
sentence. 

ad  placulum...  Ho  atone  for...'  as  xlv.  10,  ad  piaculum 
nox(C.  Some  MSS.  have  id  p.,  and  piaculum  is  often  used  by 
Livy  as  'victim,'  cf.  vi.  21.  7,  nepiacuUi  dederentur. 

accldere.  Cf.  01.  1.  So  in  L.  vox,  claimr,  strcpitiis  ae- 
cidit ;  the  common  reading  was  accedere. 

quiet®  civ.  St.  Hypallage  for  quietum  civitatis  statum, 
as  11.  8,  structura:  antique  ycnere  for  autiqxw. 

c.  XI.  §  1.  peroraaset.  The  peroratio  which  brought  a 
speech  to  a  close  was  of  special  rhetorical  unportauce. 

adeo  prope  omnia.  Cf.  57. 14  the  still  stronger  form  adeo 
omuis. 

onmis...Haiinlballs  erat.  Cf.  iii.  36.  10,  hominum  nan  can- 
so  mm  toti  erunt. 

Flaccus  Valerius.  Fabri  notes  that  the  usual  order  of 
prtEuomen,  nomtn  and  cognomen,  is  often  ne^ected  by  liivy, 
sometimes  in  putting  the  prainomen  last  as  Fabius  yuintus, 


168 


AC/i-A*!),      Jv-Ji-l.   C  XI.  gg  1—7. 


more  often  in  putting  nomen    after  cognomen  as  Grassus 
LicinloB,  Antias  Yalerins. 

5  2.    ortum  al»  8.     Polyb.  m.  16  refers  to  a  despatch  from 

H.  to  Carthage  complaining  of  aggressions  of  the  Saguntints 

.on  the  Carthaginian  subjects.     Saguntinos  short  for  Sagunti- 

norum  goeietatem,     Cf.   ix.   10.    1,  Pottumium...devotion€  P. 

Decii...aqnabant,  and  many  like  examples  in  Livy. 

P.  12.  vetustlBalmaB.  The  earliest  treaty  of  B.  with  C. 
dated  from  508  b.  c. 

§  3.  fessum  hahehat.  The  verb  habere,  besides  its  auxi. 
liary  nse,  implies  the  continuance  of  the  result.  Cf.  Cic.  Rep. 
ni.  14,  24,  quum  qtuereretitr  ex  eo  quo  scelere  impulsus  mare 
haberet  infestitm  iino  tmjoparone.  Fam.  14.  7.  1,  soUicitudines 
quibu^  te  mis^rrimam  habui.  So  Lucr.  i.  1068  amplexi  qttod 
habent  pervente  prima  viai. 

lra...ftlmulando.  The  abl.  ncconipauied  by  the  gerund  is 
awkward.  The  MSS.  do  not  vary»  though  Gronovius  reads 
stimidanda,  but  Fabri  observes  that  Livy  does  not  use  stimu' 
tare  iram,  but  st.  aliquem  or  animum,  in  other  places.  Usener 
supposes  promittendo  to  have  slipped  out  of  the  second  half  of 
the  sentence,  in  which  there  is  a  want  of  balance. 

§  4.  contlo  for  conventio  is  used  for  an  assembly  in  the 
mtjt  or  the  camp,  as  also  for  an  harangue  pronounced  on  such 
occasions,  so  pro  contione  —  ♦  publicly.' 

fixtemplo.  Adverb  formed  of  prepos.  and  noun  like  in- 
primis,  perviam,  illico,  obviam,  «fec.  Templo  connected  with 
tcmpm  and  ritivav. 

§  7.  tunis.  The  moveable  tower  (f.  ambulatoria)  of  later 
times  is  described  by  Vegetius,  iv.  17,  as  30  to  50  feet  square, 
and  150  high  as  to  overtop,  not  the  walls  only,  but  the  towers  of 
the  besieged  city.  It  was  covered  with  raw  hides  to  be 
screened  from  fire,  and  was  moved  along  on  rollers  to  the 
point  of  attack.  In  the  lowest  story  was  contained  a  batterinp 
ram,  in  the  middle  was  a  drawbridge,  which  might  suddenly 
be  lowered  and  seciured  with  grappling  irons  to  the  walls  for  a 
boarding  party,  while  the  higher  stories  were  filled  with  men 
who  iK)ured  a  shower  of  missiles  of  every  kind  upon  the 
enemy. 

catapultls.  Latinized  form  of  KarawiXrrjs  from  vdWu. 
With  it  we  may  possibly  connect  pihtm.    Corssen,  n.  167. 

tialllstis.  See  the  description  in  Vegetius  iv.  22,  Balluta 
funihm  nervinu  tenditur,  quw  quanto  prolixiora  brnchiohi 
haimerit,  hoc  «t,  quanto  major  fuerit,  tanto  fpicula  longiitf 
mUHt. 


NOTES,     XXI.  c.  XL  §  8— c.  xii.  §  4. 


169 


s  8  csementa.  The  small  stones  used  in  rambling  work, 
or  for' foundations,  or  piers.  Cf.  Hor.  Od.  iii.  1.  34,  camenta 
demittit  redemptor.  Corssen  connects  it  with  caspes,  lapicida, 
scindo,  and  the  root  skid  =  cut. 

Interlita  Into,  *  with  layers  of  mud  between  the  courses.' 
8  9,    patentla  minis,  'the  breach.'    L.  often  uses  neut. 
participles  substantively,  like  averm  urbis,  extrema  agminis, 
but  the  constr.  with  an  abl.  is  still  bolder. 

P  13  §  1^0.  murum  Interlorem  ducunt.  A  wall  crossing 
the  other  at  points  where  the  old  work  was  firm.  This  was 
sometimes  called  brachium.  Cf.  iv.  9.  14,  consul  muro  Ardea; 
brachium  injunxerat,  xxii.  52,  brachio  objecto  flumirie  eos  ex- 
cludit. 

§  13.  aflfectos.  Frequently  used  by  L.  in  the  sense  of 
•morbid,'  affecta  vires,  v.  106,  corpus,  xxii.  8.  3. 

Oretanos.  Pescribed  by  Strabo  in.  1  as  South  of  the  Car- 
petani,  and  on  the  mountain  range  now  called  the  Sierra 
Morena. 

dilectUB.  This  is  the  proper  form  of  the  word,  not  de- 
lectus, as  the  Boman  idea  was  not  so  much  that  of  choosing 
from  the  mass  {de),  as  of  distributing  {di)  among  the  4  legions 
the  conscripts  of  each  tribe,  as  described  by  Polyb.  vi.  20. 

constematl.  Here  used  for  excitement,  rather  than  fear. 
Cf.  VII.  42.  1,  ad  arma  consternari,  xxviii.  25.  1,  causa  ira  con- 
stemationisque. 

c.  XII.  §  1.  cives.  The  term  could  strictly  be  appUed  to 
only  few  in  H.'s  army,  which  was  mainly  composed  of  the 
subject  races. 

§2.  arietibus.  In  the  16th  century  large  fragments  of  a 
battering  ram  were  still  shown  at  Saguntum  rMurviedro)  m 
the  castle,  which  were  of  great  antiquity,  and  traditionally 
described  as  part  of  the  siege  train  of  H.,  and  as  such  copied 
in  the  works  of  early  travellers.     Cf.  Hermes  ii.  450. 

§  4.  Tentata.  '  Slight  as  was  the  hope  of  peace,  eflEorts 
were  made  to  gain  it.'  Cf.  xxviii.  38.  4,  tentata  est  spet 
tnumphi.  On  the  spelling  of  tentare  Ritschl  says  in  his  Fro- 
legomena,  nee  de  temptare  forma  post  Bentleium  Jiodie  fere 
dubitatur,  referring  to  Bentley's^  remark,  Hoc  in  omiic  genm 
MSS.  animadverti,  tarn  veternrnis  mille  et  ducentorum  annorum, 
quam  recentioribus,  vel  temptare  scribi,  vel  ranus  temtare; 
nunquam  quod  Jiodie  obtinet,  tentare.  Some  of  the  best  in- 
scriptions also  give  temptare.     It  was  however  an  etymolo- 


170      NOTES,     XXI.  c.  xii.  §  4— c.  xiii.  §  3. 


^cal  blander,  by  which  the  tentart  from  tenUtSy  tendere  was 
assimilated  to  the  temptm  from  Umnere,  in  which  the  p  waa 
inserted  for  euphony  between  m  and  n. 

Hispannm.  Either  generally,  or  in  distinction  to  the 
Sagnntines  who  were  said  to  be  of  foreign  race. 

moreba&t.  Fabri  remarks  on  the  frequent  use  of  the 
imperf.  with  postquam,  in  cases  where  the  action  is  supposed 
still  to  continue.  Cf.  iii.  60.  8,  postquam  jam  multa  dies  erat, 
mque  movebatur  quicquum, 

condldones.  *  Harsh  conditions  were  named  a«  might  be 
expected  from  an  implacable  enemy.'  This  speUing  of  con- 
dicta  is  almost  invariably  found  in  the  best  MSS.  and  inscrip- 
tions; the  derivation  from  condere  must  therefore  be  given  up 
in  favour  of  that  which  connects  it  with  dido,  judicare,  bU-q, 
and  the  root  dik.    On  the  use  of  ut,  cf.  7.  7. 

transfuga  ex  or.    *  Turned  deserter  instead  of  advocate.' 

lub  condlc.  The  mb  is  very  rarely  used  in  this  connexion, 
as  eondido  is  used  absolutely  in  the  abl.  Heerwagen  thinks 
that  it  emphasizes  the  dependent  condition  of  the  Sagun- 
tines. 

P.  14  §  6.  Interpretem.  For  the  use  of  the  word  cf.  ii. 
33.  14,  }!uie  interpreti  arbitroque  concordia  civium,  Curtius 
connects  interpres  with  8.  prat,  and  <f>pa$,  4>pd(ra(a. 

publice  S.  •  Recognized  by  the  State  of  Saguntom  as,'  &c. 

§  8.  senatus  datus.  •  Audience  was  given  in  the  senate 
to.'  This  sense  suits  most  of  the  passages  in  which  the 
phrase  is  used  in  Livy,  but  in  some  it  can  only  refer  to  a 
special  meeting  convened  for  the  pui-pose,  as  in  xxvi.  21. 1, 
where  the  prretor  calls  the  senate  together  to  discuss  the 
claims  of  an  applicant  for  a  triumph.  So  too  of  the  corres- 
ponding expressions,  mii,  7.  11,  senatum  extemplo  postulate 
where  the  demand  is  for  a  special  meeting. 

c.  iiii.  §  1.  veni.  The  subj.  vmiuem  of  the  MSS.  here 
seems  out  of  place  in  reference  to  the  definite  hoc  iter,  and 
Madvig  reads  veni.  sed,  thinking  that  this  was  written  veni 
««t,  then  changed  to  venisset,  and  afterwards  as  a  mistake  in 
the  person  to  veTmsem. 

§  2.    pro.    *  In  the  name  of,'  *  out  of  regard  for.' 

§  3.  loqul,  qam  loqnor.  A  sort  of  repetition  constants 
occurring  in  Latin  writers.  Fabri  compares  Quintil.  il.  3.  80, 
aceedit  et  e£  illajigura  gratia,  qua  rwmina  dixi  mutatis  casihm 
repeti  *  non  minm  cederet  quam  cessit.* 

T«l  ea  fides  sit.     *  Evidence  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that.' 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  XIII.  §  4— c.  XIV.  §  3.     171 

§  4.  Postquam... est.  'Now  that  there  is.'  A  rare  se- 
quence of  tense,  as  the  est  is  not  the  historical  present.  It 
should  be  postquam  eo  ventum  est  ut.  Heerwagen  compares  30. 
6,  postquam  multo  majorem  partem  itineris  emensam  cemant. 

§  5.  Cuius  Ita.  '  Some  slight  hope  of  which  is  left  pro- 
vided that  you  accept  its  terms  as  conquered  men,  seeing  that 
H.  dictates  them  as  a  conqueror,  and  do  not  think  of  what  you 
forfeit  as  a  loss,  but  of  what  you  are  allowed  to  keep  as  a  free 
gift,  seeing  that  all  you  have  is  at  your  conqueror's  mercy.' 
The  change  of  mood  from  the  audiatis  of  the  MSS.  which 
most  editors  retain,  to  habituri  estis,  can  hardly  be  explained 
on  any  principle,  so  Madvig  reads  audietis  after  Gronovius. 

P.  15  §  6*  captam  habet.  A  strong  form  of  the  perfect 
for  a  completed  act,  as  fessum  militem  habebat,  11.  3. 

§  7.  binlB.  Why  this  instead  of  singulis,  12.  5,  we  do  not 
know,  and  Lipsius  therefore  suggested  privis  as  privis  tunicis 
donati,  vii.  37.  2. 

§  8.  Equidem.  The  e  seems  to  be  an  intensifying  particle 
HS  in  edepol  {c.  dcm.  Pollux),  equirine,  ecastor,  edius  Fidius, 
another  form  of  medius  Fidius.     Corssen,  ii.  857. 

§  9.  patlenda...slnatls.  Note  the  change  of  construction, 
patiamini  being  understood  in  patienda. 

traddarl.  Derived  by  Corssen  from  truncum  cadere,  as  if 
shortened  from  truci-cidare  like  stipendium  for  stipi-pendium, 
II.  681. 

c.  XIV.  §  1.  paulatlm.  Like  raptim,  confcstim,  this  adverb 
seems  to  be  an  accusative  form  of  an  abstract  substantive 
otherwise  lost.  Corssen  ii.  532  explains  paulus,  or  paullus  the 
older  form,  as  a  diminutive  paurulus  from  a  root  pauro,  pre- 
served in  iradpos,  like  misellus,  tenellus,  &c.  for  muerulus, 
teneruhis.  So  the  name  Paulus  means  'the  httle  man'  as 
Crassus  '  the  fat  man.' 

argentum  aurumque  onme.  Livy  seems  in  this  chapter  to 
combine  two  accounts  of  the  event,  one  of  which  emphasized 
the  tragic  despair  of  the  S.,  while  another  reported  ingens 
prada  and  captivi.  Polybius  iii.  17  after  a  very  short  ac- 
count of  the  siege  dwells  on  the  booty  gained.  Like  stories 
of  the  self-destruction  of  the  inhabitants  were  told  in  the  case 
of  other  Spanish  towns  in  later  times.  Cf.  xxviii.  23,  Juv.  xv. 
93.    Compare  also  the  sieges  of  Numantia  and  Zaragoza. 

§  3.  memento.  More  frequently  with  temporis,  or  hovis, 
not  absolutely,  as  here  and  in  iii.  63.  1,  xxiv.  22.  9. 

crudele.  Requires  fuit  to  balance  cognitum  est,  but  Livy 
often  omits  in  like  cases. 


172      NOTES.     XXI.  c.  xiv.  §  4— a  xvi.  §  1. 

§  4.  niinum  ante  flnem.  The  long  delay  and  lieavy  losses 
o!  the  siege  may  well  have  disgusted  Hannibal  with  operations 
which  gave  so  little  scope  for  his  genius  for  strategy.  We  find 
therefore  that  in  Italy  he  rarely  persevered  in  the  siege  of  any 
of  the  fortresses  by  which  he  passed  in  his  campaigns.  He 
marched  too  rapidly  through  hostile  country  to  carry  with  him 
the  heavy  materials  of  a  siege  train. 

P  16  c.  XV.  §  2.  supeUectUem.  We  may  explain  supelUx 
as  a  contracted  form  of  superlectu.<,  though  we  read  Laheo  ait 
originem  fuisse  supellectilis  quod  olim  his  qui  in  legionibvs 
proficisccrentur  locari  solerent  qum  sub  pellibus  xuui  forent. 
Dig.  33.  10.  7. 1. 

§  3.  Octavo  mense.  Rome  had  therefore  ample  time  to 
send  tiie  needful  succour  to  Saguntum,  and  by  her  long  delay 
she  not  only  deserted  an  ally,  but  brought  invasion  upon  Italy. 

Octavo... quam.  The  po8t  is  here  omitted  before  quam,  as 
in  IV.  47.  5,  die  octavo  quam  creatus  erat,  and  other  places. 

ceeptTun.  Note  the  omission  of  sit  after  this  word,  and  of 
este  after  cap  turn. 

quldam  scripsere,  as  Polyb.  iii.  17. 

§  4  fieri  non  p.  The  chronological  difficulty  existed  only 
in  the  authorities  which  Livy  foUowed.  The  account  of  Poly- 
bitts  is  clear  and  consistent,  agreeing  only  with  L.  m  the  ei^t 
months  for  the  siege,  and  the  tive  for  the  march  to  Italy.  He 
makes  the  Roman  envoys  reach  H.  at  Carthago  Nova  before 
the  siege  begins,  and  throws  back  the  embassy  of  Saguntum  to 
the  year  before  the  consulship  of  Scipio  and  Sempronius. 

§  5.  ccBptum.  Weissenborn  remarks  that  Livy  forgets 
that  the  consuls  entered  office  on  the  16th  of  March,  and  that 
the  army  which  took  Sag.  could  not  then  be  returmng  in 
hibema. 

§  6.  exceaalsse.  '  The  battle  on  the  T.  cannot  have  falleii 
so  late.'  As  for  the  phrase  Fabri  compares  xxx.  26.  1,  imc- 
quentia  excedunt  in  eum  annum  quo. 

iragna  ad  TroMam.  So  xxii.  7.  1,  ad  Trasumennum  pugrn, 
64.  11,  clades  ad  Mgate$  imulas. 

C.  FlamlnluB  Ar.    Cf.  63.  1. 

creatua  a  T.  S.  The  magisft-ate  presi(Ung  at  the  elections 
nmst  he  of  like  or  higher  rank,  i.  e.  dictator,  consul,  or  mter- 
rex.  He  was  said  creare,  that  is,  to  declare  the  candidate 
elected,  though  the  phrase  populu»  ereat  is  also  used. 

0.  XVI.  §  1.  Bub  Idem  tempus,  'about  the  same  time.'  CI. 
a.  1.* 


NOTES.     XXL  c.  XVI.  §S  1—6. 


173 


qtd  redlerant.  The  delay  of  the  envoys  seems  unreason- 
able according  to  Livy's  dates,  still  more  so  if  we  accept  those 
of  Polybius. 

§  2.  pudor  non  latl  aux.,  'shame  at  the  neglect  to  send,* 
ct  on  1.  5. 

summa  r.,  'the  safety  of  the  state,*  cf.  xxii.  12.  10,  and 
note  on  1. 1. 

P.  17,  §  3.  nam  neque  hostem,  thrown  into  the  ace.  of 
the  oblique  narration,  giving  the  reason  of  metus.  Cf.  '  nam  et 
Siciliam,^  i.  5. 

§4.  Sardos.  These  hostilities  took  place  just  after  the 
1st,  and  before  the  2ud  Punic  war.  Sardinia,  which  Rome 
had  wrested  from  Cai-thage  at  the  end  of  the  1st  Punic  war, 
rebelled  shortly  afterwards  and  made  common  cause  with  the 
Corsicans,  whose  indignation  had  been  roused  by  the  refusal  of 
the  Roman  government  to  recognize  the  treaty  of  peace  just 
concluded  without  its  sanction,  nor  would  they  accept  the  person 
of  M.  Claudius  Glicia,  the  author  of  the  obnoxious  treaty.  The 
unhealthy  climate  stayed  awhile  the  progress  of  the  Roman 
arms,  but  both  islands  were  finally  subdued  by  Sp.  Carvihus, 
B.C.  234. 

The  lUyrians,  b.  c.  230,  under  the  queen-regent  Teuta  pro- 
voked hostilities  by  their  piracies  on  Italian  traders  and  mur- 
der of  the  R.  envoys,  but  they  were  speedily  defeated,  as  were 
also  the  Histrians  who  followed  their  example. 

tumultuatum.  These  passive  forms  of  neuter  verbs  are 
especially  frequent  in  historical  writers,  e.g.  discursum,  pro- 
cunumy  consensum,  desperatum^  introitum,  transcensum.  The 
term  is  justified  by  the  old  phrase  often  used  of  Gallicus  tumul- 
tus  which  Cicero  thus  explains,  tumultum  majores  nostri  Itali- 
cum  quod  erat  domesticus  tumultus,  Gallicum  quod  erat  Italia 
finitimus,  prceterea  nullum  tumultum  nominahant.  Phil.  8.  1. 
But  the  alarm  at  Rome  as  described  by  Polybius,  ii.  24,  and 
the  care  with  which  the  muster-rolls  of  the  ItaUan  contingents 
were  reviewed,  show  how  real  the  danger  was  then  thought 
to  be,  though  the  great  victory  at  Telamon  soon  put  an  end 
to  it.  As  to  form  of  the  sentence  cf.  ii.  26.  1,  tumultus  fuit 
verim  quam  bellum. 

§  5.  trluxn  et  vlg.  includes  the  whole  period  between  the 
two  Punic  wars,  241—218  B.C.,  though  the  conquest  of  Spain 
was  not  begun  so  early. 

§  6.  heUum  in  Italia.  Pol.  iii.  15  states  that  the  Ro- 
mans did  not  expect  to  wage  war  in  Italy  but  in  Spain,  and 


174     NOTES.     XXT.  c.  xvi.  §  6— c.  xvii.  §  3. 

there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  plans  of  Hannibal  could 
have  been  foreseen. 

0.  xvn.  §  1.    The  term  provincia  is  strictly  used  only  in  con- 
nexion with  the  imperium  of  a  Roman  magistrate,  that  is  with 
military  and  judicial  functions.    For  this  reason,  as  for  others, 
we  must  reject  the  derivation  from  provident i a  which  is  often 
given  for  it,  together  with  that  from  proventiu  of  Niebuhr,  and 
accept  the  old  derivation  horn provincere  ('to  be  the  mightiest') 
of  Festus,  though  his  words  vinciam  dicehant  continentem,... 
provincia  quod  eas  pop.  Rom.  provicit  seem  wrongly  to  restrict 
the  use  of  the  term  to  land  beyond  the  seas,  and  to  pomt  to 
the  conquest  rather  than  the  rule.     The  Annalists  employed 
it  early  for  the  limits  of  each  consul's  sphere  of  military  action. 
Thus  Livy  ii.  40.  14,  Aquilio  Uernici  provincia  evemt ;  for 
some  such  division  of  functions  must  have  been  needful  from 
the  first,  though  not  constitutionally  binding.     As  the  senate's 
influence  increased,  it  claimed  more  right  to  define  the  work 
of  the  executive  from  year  to  year,  or  nominare  provincias,  or 
in  less  appropriate  terms  decemere  (c.  6.  (>) ;  but  the  several 
departments  were  decided  by  lot  (sortin)  or  by  agreement  {com- 
parare  inter  »e provincial,... extra  sortem  concedente  collega). 

The  principle  of  division  was  extended  to  the  prrotorship 
when  two  forms  of  jurisdiction  were  distinguished,  and  with  the 
conquest  of  Sicily  a  precedent  was  set  for  the  new  system  of 
departments  locally  distinct  from  the  executive  centrahzed  at 
Rome.  Each  of  these  provinces  in  the  latter  sense  was  ruled 
by  a  governor  invested  with  an  imperium  which  covered  miU- 
tary  and  judicial  functions. 

§  2.  lOdum,  quantum  1.  ▼.  Such  discretionary  power 
was  not  commonly  vested  in  the  consuls,  unless  by  special 
commission  as  in  this  case.  The  poUcy  of  Rome  was  to  throw 
more  and  more  of  the  military  burdens  upon  the  allies,  wlio 
had  been  gradually  brought  closer  to  R,  and  severed  from  each 
other  by  distinct  ties  of  relationship  to  the  central  city. 

Note  the  contracted  form  of  the  gen.  plur.  which  is  fre- 
quently  used  in  this  word  as  in  deum,  modium,  jugerum,  de- 
nanum.  Cf.  Cic.  Omt.  157,  aliai  ita  loquor  ut  concessum  est, 
ut  hoe  vel  'pro  deum'  dico  vel  'pro  deoriim\  alioit  ut  necesse 
est,  eum  '  trium  virum'  nm  virorum,  cum  'sestertium  nummum 
mm  nummorum,  quod  in  his  comuetudo  varia  rum  est. 
ipdfl,  i  e.  consulibus. 

I  8.  lerfiitat  enrolled.  The  verbal  copula  is  omitted 
throughout  the  chapter. 

celooM=/cA7|Tej  or  light  gaUeys,  commonly  feminine.  A 
krge  fleet  was  ready  in  consequence  of  recent  operations  in 
Dlyria. 


NOTES.    XXI.  c.  XVII.  §§  3—9. 


175 


deduct!.  The  fuller  form  is  given  xli.  9.  1,  naves  si  de- 
dueere  ex  navalibus  vellet.     Gr.  KaOiXKCiv. 

§  4.  Latum.  '  The  question  was  brought  before  the  com- 
mons (i.  e.  the  Com.  Centuriata  to  which  all  questions  of  war 
were  constitutionally  referred)  whether  it  was  their  will  and 
pleasure.'  populus  is  used  of  the  general  assembly  of  the 
whole  people,  as  distinct  from  the  plebs ;  the  asyndeton  is 
especially  common  in  technical  phrases  like  these  terms  for  the 
resolution  on  which  the  vote  was  taken. 

supplicatio.     V.  Excursus  on  Roman  religion. 

bellum  is  here  inserted  in  the  relative  sentence,  though 
the  subject  of  the  principal  clause.  Cf.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  4.  2,  alii 
quorum  comcedia  prisca  virorum  est. 

§  5.  quatema  mlllia.  Polyb.  ii.  24  gives  the  full  strength 
of  the  legion  as  5200  foot  with  300  horse  attached. 

naves  longa  =  ^af/)d  Tr\o7a  of  Polyb.  These  were  triremes 
or  quiuqueremes,  or  rostrata  as  distinct  from  the  oneraria 
which  carried  only  the  supplies. 

P.  18,  §  6.  Semproniiis...ita...si.  Polyb.  iii.  41  speaks  of 
the  preparations  of  S.  in  Sicily,  and  of  his  confidence  of  taking 
Carthage  as  it  were  by  a  coup  de  main. 

transmlssurus.  The  future  participle  implies  the  com- 
mission given  conditionally.  Livy  uses  this  participle  with 
more  shades  of  meaning  than  earlier  writers,  not  merely  to 
imply  a  future  act,  a  determination  or  destiny,  but  hypothetical 
statements  such  as  vi.  38.  10,  haud  sine  pmlore  fractum  priore 
anno  in  se  imperium  repetiturum.     Cf.  Niigelsbach,  Stil.  314. 

§  7.  et  ipse.  This  combination  is  very  rare  in  Cicero, 
who  used  et  for  etiam  sparingly. 

§8.  cum  suo  lusto,  'with  their  proper  complement  of,* 
i.  e.  300  in  each,  yet  suo  seems  enough  by  itself,  as  Cic.  Ver.  v. 
51,  Si  suum  numerum  naves  haberent.  Usener  suggests  that 
jrnto  may  have  sHpped  in  from  the  beginning  of  the  next  chap- 
ter. 

§  9.  Duas  legiones.  This  sentence  explains  the  haud  in- 
valido  presidio  of  §  7,  W.  Polyb.  in.  40  impHes  that  only  one 
legion  was  sent. 

eodem  versa.  The  reading,  if  genuine,  is  harsh  ;  vena 
must  be  taken  to  agree  with  millia  or  be  understood  absolutely 
of  all  the  forces  specified. 

eodem  is  further  explained  by  in  Pun.  bellum,  i.  e.  the  pro- 
vince had  forces  sent  with  the  same  object  (or  in  tlie  same 


176     FOTES.    XXI.  c.  xvii.  §  9— c.  xviii.  §  10. 

^.  *•  «\  ♦«  moAt  t>ifi  cominff  war  with  Carthage.  But  as  i 
^r^lt^teflTZi  mainly  to  keep  the  Gauls  in 
S.««k  The  old  reading  is  eodem  anno,  which  has  little  MS 
check.     ^^«.f  ^"^  "^^^^^^^^  as  if  some  word  had  dropped  out, 

authority,    f  J.  7"  j^^^^f  that  Livy  meant  that  the  forces 

with  Hannibal  [verm  habmt), 

iL  iviii  U     omnia  iusta.     So  ix.  8.  5,  tk-c  vrim  ingredi 
0.  xviii.  S)  A-     ""*"  nerfecta  erunt.     It  was  charao. 

^f  jLtofrr>L^it  '««  the  spe'cial  duty  of  the/.tm(., 
^TtKeTthem  il^t  it  might  be  ^  pium  jw>tumq,u  bellum. 
n„  the  usJof  the  term  j«.t«»cf.  ..  4.  4  adju,ti  cursum  am,m; 
X  °,v  14  4  j^  «  m«-  «B  opposed  to  voluntecr^^^m -ma  o. 
S  iegionarieB  compared  with  those  of  the  skmn.sherB. 

mlttunt  ad  perc....nt  tad.  Note  the  "^T «« f  «°"t,^X 
„d  tout.  On  de'r.vation  of  P^rcmtor^^^^^  5^2;  >^'^  ^-^  " 
times  spelt  percunctar  from  a  mistaken  analogy.   Corssen,  i.    .. 

g  2.  publico  OOMUIO,  -with  the  sanoUon  of  the  state,'  cf. 
9.  6pul>licafraui. 

«  I  tt-cp....  'The  language  of  yonr  earlier  embassy  was 
p„!mptoreno';>gh...but  your  present  oltunatum  &o. 

"^  .a^uo  ..o  far;  (at  >- W^^'d^^S^rsolmT^^^^ 
aml^ftRBv  to  Carthage,  but  had  said  notnmg  oi  »"  ^    i' 
HemSd  as  the  sS^rinder  of  H.  beiore  the  siege  of  S. 

P19S6.  cenBeam.  The  use  of  the  subj  iu  courtesy  or 
iron^y-  "'here,  is  more  common  in  Greek  (opt.  with  a.)  than 
Latin ;  cf.  use  of  eretUderim,  oiutm. 

17.    nnadlscept.    '  With  you  there  is  one  question  only 

for  debate. ' 

S8  quoniam...placet....iiol>li...tjt.  In  the  apodosis  there 
is  ai  eUipse  of  *we  iy,'  'answer,'  as  frequently  in  Livy. 

C.  LuUUo.  The  consul  who  drew  up  the  terms  of  peace  at 
the  end  of  the  Ist  Funic  war. 

qumn  caveretnr.  'Though  the  interests  of  alHes  on  both 
sides  were  stipulated  for.' 

19.    Atenlm.     Only  used  in  the  speeches  as  yeply  to  a 

supposed  objection  'but  l^t,"::ira:S\or^^^^^^^ 
80  ted  enim,  verum  entm,  immo  enim,  ana  somewm 
another  particle  as  quid  enim,  id  enim, 

1 10.    Idt,  the  old  preterite  of  ictum,  of  ve^  rare  use    T^ 
MSS.  read^ca.  possibly  as  W.  suggests,  for  fecit.    The  form 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  XVIII.  §  10— c.  xix,  §  3.     177 

fadm  ictiim  or  ferire  is  to  be  explained  perhaps  from  the 
ancient  custom  of  slaughtering  an  animal  (porcus)  as  an  im- 
pressive symbol. 

auctorltate  patrum.  This  phrase  is  here  used  in  its  most 
general  sense  as  the  sanction  of  the  senate,  as  the  great  govern- 
ing power  in  the  state.    But  it  has  also  more  specific  senses. 

(1)  In  early  times  possibly  the  patrician  members  of  the  senate 
had  the  right  of  veto  on  any  popular  vote  of  the  comitia;  their 
sanction  or  patrum  auctoritas  was  expressed  by  the  formula 
patres  auctores  fiunt.  Their  action  was  gradually  confined  to 
questions  of  procedure  and  ceremonial  usage,  and  by  the  Pub- 
lilian  law  338  b.c,  their  assent  was  required  before  the  result 
of  the  voting  was  known,  1. 17.  9,  in  incertum  comitiorum  even- 
turn  patres  auctores  Jiuut,  viii.  12.  16,  ante  initum  suffragium. 

(2)  The  action  of  the  senate  was  subject  to  the  veto  of  the 
tribunes,  but  in  such  case  of  interference,  the  resolution  come 
to,  though  it  could  not  technically  rank  as  a  senatwi  comul- 
tum,  was  protocoUed,  and  quoted  as  a  patrum  auctoritas^  as 
the  old  sense  of  the  term  patres  became  fainter.  Cf.  Momm- 
sen,  Eomische  Forschungen,  233 — 249. 

§  12.  quod  diu  p.  Cf.  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  utinam  aliquando 
dolor  populi  Romani  pariat,  quod  jam  diu  parturit. 

§  13.  sinu  facto.  This  kind  of  symbolic  act  was  of  fre- 
quent occurrence  in  the  ceremonial  usage  of  Koman  law  and 
diplomacy,  as  in  the  contracts  of  marriage  and  sale.  Compare 
its  use  also  by  the  Hebrew  Prophets.  Sinus,  a  fold  in  the  dress 
which  might  serve  as  a  pocket. 

§  14,  iterum  'in  reply,'  not  qualifying  sinu  effuso,  but  the 
whole  sentence. 

c.  XIX.  §  1.  ante...Sagunto.  We  should  naturally  expect 
post  Saguntum  excisam  to  balance  the  ante.  The  feminine 
participle  seems  used  per  synesim  of  urbem  understood  with  Sa- 
guntum as  Mela  ii.  6. 92  S.fide  inclitam  and  an  Inscr.  C.  I.  L.  ii. 
3836,  ob  restitutam  Saguntum.  The  feminine  form  Saguntus 
is  only  known  in  later  writers  Juv.  xv.  114,  Florus  i.  22.  Discep- 
tare  varies  the  form  of  the  phrase  for  disceptatio,  which  would 
correspond  to  percontatio. 

§  2.  Nam  si.  There  is  here  an  eUipse  'though  the  Eomans 
had  arguments  to  urge,  for  &c.'    Fabri. 

P.  20.    quid.     'To  what  purpose,' '  in  what  respect.* 

§  3.     dlserte  addltimi.     'It  had  been  expressly  provided 

that  it  was  to  be  binding  only  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 

commons.'    Polyb.  iii.  22  inserts  a  full  account  of  the  various 

treaties  between  Borne  and  Carthage,  as  copied  by  him  from 


C.L. 


178 


NOTES.     XXL  c.  XIX.  §§  3—9. 


old  dociimentg  at  Rome,  the  very  language  of  wlueh  had  be- 
come  obsolete,  and  as  such  they  were  probably  distasteful  to 
Livy  who  had  little  love  for  monumental  evidence,  and  seldom 
consults  it.  For  diserte  Cicero  uses  dilucide,  aperte,  plane, 
definite,  nominatim,  v.  Nagelsbach,  p.  235. 

lta...6l,  as  17.  6  and  19.  4  *on  condition  that.' 
cenauiaaet,  a  word  not  commonly  used  of  the  commons. 
Fabri  quotes  xxxi.  7.  H,  quae  patres  censuerunt  vosjubete. 

tot  annorum...    i.e.  8  or  9  years. 

S  5  receptos  In  fldem,  i.e.  where  the  honour  of  the  state 
was  pledged  to  them.  It  may  be  convenient  to  quote  from 
Nagelsbach  p.  165  the  analysis  of  the  different  shades  of  mea,i- 
in^oijidei.  It  seems  to  pass  hrough  an  ^^t^^f'  ^«^f;,vf^ 
passive  sense,  both  as  (1)  a  state  of  mmd,  and  (2)  a  quality  of 

things. 

m    a.  ♦  trust'  cf.  ca  penth  amnis  vixfidemfecerinUJXiAl.  5. 

I,,  'trustworthiness.'    duhia Jidei  videbatur,i.  5^.  b. 

c.  'Qieddt:  fides  nuntiantibusf uit J  in.  ^B.  6. 

(2)     a.  'guarantee,     vestra  causa  me...loqui  vel  ea  fides  sit, 

p.    'certainty.'   plus  farruB  Jmbiturum  qiinmfidei,n.  W.ii. 

y.    'pledged  troth.'    receptos  in  fide  m. 
taatum  ne.    An  elliptical  expression  in  which  ^e  pay  sup- 
ply^uwm  cemeret  from  above,  or  'on  the  understandmg  tbat 
Fab?Uuotes  Ovid  Rem.  711  nee  solum  faciem.  mores  q^mu. 
confer  et  artes,  tantum  judicio  ne  tmi^  obsit  amor.     Cf.  52.  4 
modo  ne  quid  moverent. 

6  fi  ut  adirent  et. . .  The  USS.  have  ut  repeated,  in  which 
casi  the  second  ut  would  explain  the  object  of  the  visit  (M), 
but  it  is  awkward  in  form,  and  Madvig's  correction  is  piobably 
right. 

§  7  Bargusll.  Perh.  to  be  identified  with  the  Bergistani 
of  xxxiv.  21.  6. 

aula  tadehat.  This  cannot  refer  to  the  Bargusn,^  i^J 
livedCl^  north  to  be  subject  to  Caxthage.  The  clause  must 
refer  to  the  trans  Hibenim  pop.     W. 

§  8.  Volclani.  The  exact  position  of  this  people  is  nn- 
known.  i  •    • 

I  9.    Qua  verecundla.      '  What  a  modest  request  tins  r^ 
posuLei.  in  appos.  with  vereeundia  like  ^-"^/^  ;/^^'j^'t 
it  sedendo  aut  votis  debelUiri  credere  po^^^e^J^^^^ 
Saguntini  after  fecerunt  msfcoad  of  bagunttno»  wnicu 


JVOTA'S.     XXL  c.  XIX.  §  9-c.  xx.  §  6.       179 

editors  prefer.  In  17.  4  bellum  the  subject  of  the  chief  clause 
is  inserted  in  the  relative  sentence,  but  it  is  much  bolder  to 
turn  the  object  of  the  verb  into  a  nominative  attracted  to  the 
relative.  Madvig  regards  tlie  word  as  a  gloss  which  has  sUppod 
into  the  text  from  the  margin. 

§  10.    documentum,  'warning.'    Cf.  v.  51.  7,  tantum pana- 
rum  dedimus  ut  terrarum  orhi  documento  essemus,  and  Praf  7 
omnis  exempli  documenta.  ' 

P.  21,  c.  XX.  §  1.  gentis.  The  early  commentators  noticed 
that  some  tribal  name  had  probably  dropped  out,  as  venerunt 
implies  a  definite  subject,  and  in  ceteris  conciliis,  of  S  7  im- 
plies  a  defimte  locality.  Dion  Cassius  says  Nap^u^prjaiois  'P. 
ttl^A   ^'^''^^"J'  suggested  Ruscinone  for  in  his,  Heusinger 

rrr.VvT7^''^T  '''^'^'\'     ^^'*^^  usage;  cf.  Cffislr, 
lieh.  tjall.  V.  54,  Armatum  concilium  indicit.     Hoc  more  Gal 
lorum  est  imtium  belli,  quo  lege  communi  omncs  puberes  armati 
conventre  coguntur.  «^'co  u/zuatt 

♦u  ^T?'    "^"^^  ^'  ^^-    ^®^^'  ^^  elsewhere,  Livy  impUes  that 
the  Romans  were  fully  aware  of  Hannibal's  intended  march. 

llJ^laZ'^Zf ::!"'''  P^^^-^*--  ^^-v  that  they  had  not 
adjIctLXr  faS."     '''"^^•'    ^^  -  P^* -tead  of  another 

v.hL\^^!i'^^'     '^^f^^*:  *^"other  form  of    stultus,  from 
v^hich   it  was   commonly  distinguished  in  sense   as   'rude' 
boorish.  e.g.  stolidum  genus  uEacidarum  |  Bellipotentes  milt 
magis  quamsapientipotentes,  and  also  sues  stolidi  m  Ennius 
Cors^en  derives  from  star,  cf.  crrepe6s,  steHlis,  stare,  still,  u. 

censere.     This  is  an  awkward  pleonasm  if  it  is  explanatory 
of  postulatio  'request  which  proposed  that'  &c.,  like  the  Greek 

XuhJk'uifsUi^^^^^^^  i'cr^^' ''''  ^'^"^^^^^'  ^''"^  ^^- 

avertere  is  most  common,  though  the  reading  of  the  MSS. 
18  advertere,  which  W.  adopts. 

aJ}  ti  ^^  P®^'     ^^^^""^  ^^  *^e  R.  colonies  in  Cisalpine 
centia.  '"'''''  resentment  at  Cremona  and  Pla- 

^  ^Btlpendlum.     Here  the  ordinary  taxes  or  tribute,  not  as 
race^**^*  ^'^^'  "^^  ''*^®'  indignities'  practised  by  a  dominant 

12—2 


1  . 


180     NOTES.    XXI.  a  xx.  §  7--c.  xxi.  §  11. 

8  7  Massillam.  Home  had  long  since  formed  alliance 
with  this  colony  of  the  Phocajans,  whose  ^i«^«g  P«™  .^^Jj* 
old  excited  the  jealousy  of  her  neighbours  on  the  mainland, 
and  of  heTphc  Jcian  rivals  in  the  trade  of  those  waters.  Her 
Xnce  with  Rome  brought  advantage  to  both  sides,  and  was 
long  honourably  maintained. 

6  8.  InqulBita  cum  cura  ac  ftde  is  the  subject  and  cogmia 
the  predicate  of  the  sentence  ;  the  relative  is  omitted  with  the 
former,  as  often  by  Livy.  ^ 

pneoccupatos  lam  ante.  This  pleonasm  is  m  Livy  s  style. 
Cf.  XLii.  47.  2,  la  omnia  oppomna  ^oca  vra^occupa^antejh^^^ 
«oi«mnf  XXXVI.  17. 12,  $atu  undique  provisum,  anteque  pracau- 
TumT^Z.m^us  pr^cipere,  x.  41. 5,  ex  ante  pr^parato 

cuiU8...est  must  be  taken  parenthetically  as  a  remark  of 
the  writer.     Otherwise  it  should  be  in  the  sub].,  as  part  of  an 

orat.  obliq.  ,       ^ .  .       *i,-    *^ 

8  9     Haud  Ita.    Fabri  observes  that  Livy  prefers  this  to 

the  non  ita,  used  exclusively  by  Cicero. 

p  22     transmisisae.    The  verb  is  often  used  absolutely 

of  the  crossing  of  the  sea,  and  here  of  a  river.     Cf.  17.  6. 

51  4 

Wxi  5  1     aeaue  non  ducem.     This  sentence  is  made  to 

c.  XXI.  I  1.     "^^^^  "      ,         Carthage  included  the  demand 

follow  auditis,  as  ttie  news  irom  v»itii»b  ^^  ,   ^q   i    „^-  causa 

for  his  surrender,  hence  causam  belli.    Cf.  i.  13.  1,  nos  cama 

8  3.    »ocU,   the    term   applied   in    Boman  usage  to  the 
ItaUan  races,  la  here  employed  of  the  conquered  dependents  of 

Carthage.  .      ,  .     „,;«!, 

pacatis.    '  Reduced  to  submission/  m  the  sense  m  which 

max  liomana  was  spoken  of. 

§  8.     ad  edictum.  i.e.  diem  or  hcum.    Cf.  diem  edicere  ad 
eonveniendum. 

§  9.    gentium.     The  Spanish  tribes. 

ixllmin      Gftdes  was  an  early  colony  of  the  Phoenicians, 
whiK'-.alKo'the  hands  Jf  Carthage  ;^«er  the^ -f- 
r#  Txrra      Here  was  a  famous  shnne  of  the  Mercuies,  or 
tllS^i  WW  fTbld  wanderings  -/-f  ^^^^^^^ 
gpirit  of  the  Phoenician  traders     Liie  the  ^ag^-  Bt^^aven 
hml  the  name  meant  •  a  fence.'    Cf.  Avien.  0.  M.  267,  Puni 
c^m  lingua  cmseptum  locum  Gaddir  vocabat. 

§  10.    parttena  curas.   Cf.  xxii.  7.  10,  tot  in  euros  dispertxtt 
eorvm  animi  erant.  ^ 

P  aq  8  11     ah  SlcUla.    *From  the  side  of  Sicily.'    S«e 
tto^iiUns  oTsemproniuB.  17.  6.    On  the  form  of  the 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  XXI.  §  11— c.  xxii.  §  2.     181 

phrase  cf.  xxviii.  6.  9,  oppidum  ab  terra  munitum,  viii.  17.  7, 
escensionem  a  Patto  fa^iientem. 

mutula  plgnerlbus.  This  has  been  ever  the  military  policy 
of  empires  doubtful  of  the  loyalty  of  their  various  nation- 
alities.    Pignus  connected  with  pangere,  pacit,  pacisci,pax, 

Btlpendia  facere  for  mereri.  Stipend! a  passed  from  the 
sense  of  'pay'  to  that  of  'service,'  somewhat  as  'campaign* 
was  transferred  from  the  •  open  field  *  to  •  serrice  in  the  field.' 

§  12.  CflBtratos.  Nearly  equivalent  to  the  irikraarai  of 
Greek  writers.  The  ccetra  was  a  leathern  buckler  used  by  the 
Spaniards.     Verg.  Mn.  xii.  732,  lavas  ccetra  tegit. 

fundltores.  The  Roman  funda  was  probably  borrowed 
from  Greece  with  the  name  itself  {<r<f>ipb6vri),  thus  against 
these  Baharic  sUngers  they  used  Sicilian  xxii.  37.  3,  and  after- 
wards Achaean  xxxviii.  29.  4.  They  seem  to  have  been  most 
useful  in  sieges,  and  the  glandes  which  they  hurled  are  now 
found  on  the  scenes  of  memorable  sieges.  They  are  leaden 
globes  pointed,  and  sometimes  inscribed  with  contemptuous 
words.    C.  I.  L.  I.  p.  188. 

Baliares.  Polyb.  m.  33  says  the  islands  and  the  inha- 
bitants received  their  name  from  their  skill  as  slingers.  Died. 
V.  17,  BaXXta/>ct5  dir6  tov  ^dWeiv  rats  <T<p€vd6pais  Xldovs  fieyaXov^. 
But  the  name  is  more  likely  to  be  Phoenician  than  Greek. 

§  13.  conqulsitoribus.  'Recruiting  officers.'  Cf.  11.  13, 
XXV.  22.  4,  conquisitio  volonum. 

civitates.  These  were  very  numerous  near  Carthage,  300 
being  mentioned  in  Zeugitana  alone.  But  Polybius,  while 
agreeing  with  the  numerical  data  in  the  text,  refers  these 
civitates  to  tQv  MeTayuvlTuif  KoXovfiivuv.  He  gives  his  au- 
thority for  these  muster-rolls  in  a  bronze  tablet  which  he  had 
seen  in  the  temple  at  Lacinium,  near  Croton,  set  up  there  by 
order  of  H.  himself,  on  a  promontory  which  is  still  called  Capo 
delle  Colonne,  from  the  remains  of  the  great  temple.  Livy's 
account  is  probably  taken  from  an  annaUst,  not  from  a  monu- 
ment, which  he  would  certainly  not  have  gone  far  to  inspect. 

eosdem,  taken  with  millia  by  constr.  ad  synesin,  as  xxvii. 
16.  4,  millia  triginta  servilium  capitum  dicuntur  capti. 

c.  XXII.  §  1.  atque  Id  eo.  Boring's  correction  for  atque 
idea  from  the  adque  hand  ideo  of  all  MSS.  Cf.  Cas.  B.  G.  v. 
1.  2,  atque  id  eo  magis. 

§  2.  vlro  Implgro.  Diodorus  speaks  of  Hasdrubal  as, 
without  dispute,  the  best  general  of  hia  time,  after  Hannibal. 


182 


NOTES,     XXI.  a  xxii.  §§  2- 


-5. 


i  I 


li^mlbus.  Tliey  had  been  several  centuries  before  en- 
listed  in  the  armies  of  Carthage,  Herod,  i.  165,  and  joined  H. 
in  force  on  his  arrival  in  Cisalpine  Ganl.  The  Roman  writers 
speak  of  them  as  hardy  peasants  assueii  nuilo,  cf.  Vergil  .^^n. 
XI.  700,  and  they  held  out  stoutly  long  after  the  rest  of  Italy 
had  been  subdued. 

qulngentlB,  like  the  quinquaginta  in  the  next  section,  is 
supplied  from  the  parallel  account  of  Polybius. 

§  3.  LlbyphOBnlces.  The  Phoenician  settlers  who  had 
many  centuries  before  settled  in  the  interior  of  Africa,  were 
supposed  to  have  come  through  Sidon,  and  to  be  agricultural 
tribes  dispossessed  perhaps  by  Joshua  from  Palestine.  As  such 
they  betook  themselves  not  to  trade  but  husbandry  in  their  new 
homes,  and  by  their  mixture  with  the  natives  gave  rise  to  a 
new  race,  whose  name  implies  this  fusion,  like  the  Celtiberi, 
or  the  mixed  race  in  the  South  of  Spain,  where  the  Carthagi- 
nians continued  the  system  of  colonies  near  the  coast.  Diod. 
zx.  55. 

ad  mille  octiiigeiiti.  Ad  has  come  to  be  used  adverbially 
-fere,  without  affecting  the  case  of  the  numeral,  as  iv.  59.  9, 
quorum  ad  duo  millia  et  quingenti  vivi  capiuntur,  or  viii.  IB.  G, 
ad  viginti  matronu  aecitis, 

nergetuxn  ex  Hlsp.  This  seemed  suspicious  to  Sehwei^^- 
hajuser,  who  noted  (ap.  Polyb.  iii.  33)  that  they  are  the  only 
force  here  ascribed  to  Spain,  which  must  have  furnished  a 
larger  contingent,  and  that  there  is  no  such  addition  as  ex 
Hupania  in  the  corresponding  passage  of  Polyb.,  where  the 
MSS.  have  Aep^erwy.  He  believed  therefore  that  m  both 
texts  the  name  of  some  unknown  African  tribe  must  have  been 
changed  by  mistake  for  that  of  a  known  Spanish  one. 

§  4.  qua  parte  bellL  A  phrase  used  by  Livy  (cf.  17.  8) 
for  qua  parte  copiarum  of  41.  4  and  53.  1.  Contrast  the  petty 
naval  forces  here  specified  with  the  immense  fleets  which 
fought  in  the  1st  war.  There  is  an  ellipse  of  tantum  before 
triginta,  somewhat  as  in  ita  producto,  5.  9. 

apt»  remlglo.    Cf.  cesium  stelUs  aptum,  Verg.  Mn.  iv.  482. 

P  24  §  5*  OniMaa-  A-  ^^^y  uncertain  reading  taken  from 
XXII.  *20  i.  The  MSS.  have  omissa.  Gronovius  proposed  to 
read  Etovusa,  which  Ptolemy  ii.  6  mentions  as  an  mlaud  city 
of  the  Edetani. 

marltlma  ora.  The  MSS.  commonly  have  the  ace.  Heer- 
wagen  compares  the  use  of  the  ahl.  in  xxii.  18.  6.  iabius... 
agmen..^ugig  dtteehat. 


NOTES,    XXI.  c.  XXII.  §  G  -c.  xxiii.  2.     183 

§  6.  ducem  in  It.  Polyb.  iii.  47  protests  at  the  folly  of 
the  writers  who  introduce  such  marvellous  incidents  into  the 
story  of  the  war.  Some  spoke  of  a  God,  or  Hero,  actually 
guiding  H.  through  the  mountains.  Tlio  account  of  the 
vision  in  the  text  is  probably  derived  from  Cffilius  Autipater. 
Cf.  the  like  account  in  Cic.  de  divin.  i.  24.  49.  For  ominous 
dreams,  cf.  Tac.  Ann.  i.  65,  ii.  14. 

proinde  seq.  Cf.  30.  11.  Proinde  is  almost  always  used 
by  Livy,  either  with  the  imperative  in  oratio  dir.,  or  the  cor- 
responding subj.  in  orat.  obi.  Yet  in  in.  57.  4  it  is  used  with 
an  m^mti\e,  proinde... se  judicem  ilUferre. 

§  7.  cura  ingenU  h.  •  From  the  curiosity  natural  to  man.* 
Fabri  compares  xlii.  39.  1,  inerat  cura  insita  mortalibus  vi- 
dendi  congredientes  rcgem  et  legatos. 

§  8.  serpentem.  The  serpent  plays  a  great  part  in  the 
marvellous  machinery  of  ancient  poetry,  as  well  as  in  the  old 
religions  of  the  world. 

cum  fragore.    Equivalent  to  an  adjective,  '  thunderstorm.' 

§  9.  pergeret  porro  Ire.  Cf.  i.  37.  6,  pergit  porro  [exerci- 
turn)  in  agrum  Sahinum  inducere. 

c.  xxiii.  §  1.  prssmissls.  These  precautions  were  taken, 
according  to  Polybius,  before  Hannibal's  plans  were  formed, 
and  he  was  probably  determined  in  his  route  by  the  envoys 
from  Gaul. 

transitUB.  Used  by  Livy  both  for  the  passes  or  roads  (cf. 
xxxviii.  2.  10,  transitu^  insedere)  and  for  the  passage  over 
them,  xxxvii.  7.  13,  vite  ubi  transitus  difficiles.    Fabri. 

nonaglnta.  Polyb.  agrees  with  this  estimate,  and  makes 
him  leave  11,000  with  Hanno,  and  dismiss  as  many  more. 
His  losses  on  the  way  further  reduced  his  numbers  to  59,000 
when  he  crossed  the  Khone,  and  to  20,000  foot  and  6,000  horse 
after  the  passage  over  the  Alps. 

§  2.  nergetes.  Livy  had  spoken  of  them  in  the  last 
chapter,  as  if  aheady  subject  to  Carthage.  Pliny  mentions 
them  as  on  the  coast  about  Subur,  and  the  river  Eubricatus, 
the  present  Llobregat.  Their  town  (Atanagrum,  61.  6)  was 
probably  destroyed  and  disappeared. 

Ausetani.  Whose  town  Ansa  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  sunk 
to  a  mere  vicus^  and  so  became  Vich  de  Osona  in  Upper 
Catalonia. 


184    NOTES.     XXT.  c.  xxiii.  §  2— c.  ixiv.  §  3. 

lacetanla.  The  MSS.  have  Aquitania,  hut  as  this  lay 
north  of  the  Pyrenees,  Sigonius  corrected  it  to  Lacetaiiia,  the 
seat  of  a  devia  et  silvestris  gens,  mentioned  in  xxviii.  24.  4, 
and  in  3  places  of  xxxiv.  20,  as  also  in  Pliny  iii.  22  and 
Sallust  Hist.  II.  5.  Strabo  speaking  seemingly  of  the  same 
tribe  as  yvwpt/xuirarov,  iii.  4.  10,  on  the  slope  of  the  Pyrenees 
towards  Osoa  and  Ilerda,  calls  them  'laKKTrravol,  as  also  does 
IHolemy,  ii.  6.  72.  Mommsen  suggests  that  the  name  began 
with  a  consonant  which  was  between  I  and  L,  something  hke 
the  Spanish  ll=lj,  and  that  the  Romans  took  one  part  and 
the  Greeks  another  of  the  composite  sound.  We  should  pro- 
bably distinguish  from  this  tribe  the  one  referred  to  in  CO.  3. 
Cf.  Hiibner  in  Hermes  i.  337. 

or».  The  strip  of  coast  through  which  the  roads  must 
nm. 

§  4.  IneisuperabUi  Alp.  As  if  the  Spaniards  were  likely 
to  know  much  of  the  Alps,  or  of  Hannibal's  plans.  Through- 
out  Livy  assumes  that  all  was  patent  beforehand. 

P.  25,  §  5.  revocare  aut...  'It  would  be  hazardous  to 
summon  them  to  return,  as  he  might  have  to  use  force  to 
detain  them.'    On  this  use  of  aut  cf.  xxii.  39.  8. 

I  6.  remlslt.  In  sending  so  many  home  H.  showed  bis 
reliance  on  moral  forces  as  distinct  from  numbers,  Hke  Gideon 
at  the  well  of  Harod. 

et  ipsos.  Altered  by  Madvig  and  others  from  the  et  ipse  of 
all  MSS.  Fabri  however  defends  the  MSS.  reading  by  a 
number  of  passages  from  Livy  in  which  et  ipse  is  used  to  mark 
a  contrast  not  expressed  but  implied,  as  here  it  might  refer  to 
the  Carpetani,  whose  impatience  H.  had  not  noticed. 

c.  ixiv.  §  1.  niberri.  The  modern  Elne,  so  called  from 
Helena,  the  mother  of  Coiistantine.  It  is  hero  indeclinable, 
though  the  form  Iliberrim  is  used  below,  as  if  from  Iliberris, 
and  other  Spanish  towns  have  like  ending,  as  Iliturgis,  Cissis, 
Bacasis.  Strabo  speaks  of  river  and  town  both  'IXi^ippn. 
There  was  ako  a  town  of  the  same  name  in  the  South  of 
Spain,  near  the  site  of  Granada,  whence  probably  the  Sierra 
d'  Elvira. 

§  2,    Rtudnonem.    La  tour  de  Boussillon. 


§  3.     mlalt,  coUoqul.    The  oratio  obi.  often  follows  directly 
mittere  oratore.%  literas,  &c.    Qf.  viii.  19.  10,  Uteris  Eomam 


mimSf  in  officio  Fundanos  ease.    Fabri. 


NOTES.     XXL  c.  XXIV.  §  3— c.  xxv.  §  2.      185 

[et].  *  And  therefore  he  proposed,'  W.  Madvig  regards  it 
as  out  of  place,  as  the  orat.  dir.  would  run  colloqui  vobis- 
cum  volo ;  vel  ro.s  propius  acceditey  vel... 

§  4.  hospltem...non  hostem.  Livy  much  affects  the  paro- 
nomasia, I.  58. 10,  hostis  pro  hospite,  vi.  26.  1,  hospitaliter  magis 
quam  hostiliter. 

§  5.  hSBC.  For  omission  of  verb  cf.  42.  1,  hac  apud 
Fiomanos  consul. 

gravanter.    Livy  more  often  uses  gravate,  also  gravatim. 

cum  bona  pace.  '  Quite  unmolested.'  In  32.  6  the  phrase 
is  coupled  with  a  gen.  GaUorum. 

c.  xxv.  §  1.  In  Itallam.  These  words  if  taken  with  trans- 
miserunt  may  seem  too  remote  an  object  for  the  safe-conduct 
of  the  Gallic  chieftains.  They  should  probably  be  taken  with 
perlatum  erat,  and  are  further  defined  by  the  repetition  of 
Romam. 

§2.  quum...defecerunt.  Qmmw  is  used  with  the  historical 
perfect  to  imply  simultaneous  occurrence.  Livy  even  employs 
the  historical  infinitive,  though  rarely,  in  this  sense  with 
quujn. 

perlnde  ac  si.  Polyb.  jii.  34  explains  that  the  Cisalpine 
Gauls  had  already  sent  to  Hannibal,  and  encouraged  him  to 
cross  the  Alps  by  promises  to  guide  him  thither,  and  rise 
against  Rome.  The  late  war  had  left  rankling  memories 
behind  it. 

The  Boii  are  represented  by  Livy  v.  35  as  making  their 
way  across  the  Alps  with  the  Lingones,  and  finding  the 
North  already  occupied  with  Gallic  settlers.  They  crossed  the 
Po  therefore,  and  spread  south  of  the  iEmilian  way  under  the 
Apennines,  towards  the  Hadriatic.  So  restless  were  they  to 
the  last  that  the  Romans  found  it  needful  to  remove  them  to 
tlie  borders  of  Pannonia,  where  they  perished  utterly  in  wars 
with  the  neighbouring  Dacas.     Strabo  v.  1.6. 

The  Insubres  were  the  most  numerous  and  powerful  tribe 
of  the  Cisalpine  Gauls,  Polyb.  ii.  17.  They  were  formed 
of  a  number  of  distinct  tribes,  described  by  Livy  v.  34  as 
crossing  the  Alps  in  early  times,  and  founding  Mediolanum 
(Milan),  after  the  name  of  a  city  of  the  ^dui  in  Gaul. 

P.  26.  colonias.  These  illustrate  the  Roman  system  of 
colonization  which  did  so  much  to  consolidate  their  empire, 
and  which  marked  from  time  to  time  each  successive  wave  of 
conquest.    They  were  of  two  classes,  the  Roman  strictly  so 


180 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  XXV.  §§  2—8. 


II 


called,  consisting  entirely  o!  citizens,  and  planted  especially 
upon  the  coast,  or  on  the  great  roads,  to  bar  the  way  of  an 
invader ;  and  the  Latin,  in  which  the  peoples  of  Latiuin,  and 
of  other  allied  races,  were  invited  to  take  part,  which  were 
settled  on  ground  lately  won,  and  served  as  garrisons  on  a 
disputed  frontier.  These  were  therefore  doubly  useful,  as 
holding  in  check  dangerous  enemies,  and  as  pledges  for  the 
fidelity  of  old  allies,  who  could  look  only  tu  Kome  for  help  in 
their  distant  homes. 

§  3.  triumviri.  Commissioners  were  commonly  appointed 
to  direct  the  work  of  the  agrimensores,  which  was  carried  out 
with  scrupulous  nicety  on  traditional  principles,  and  to  assign 
the  allotments,  the  size  of  which  was  determined  by  the 
senate  or  commons.  Polyb.  iii.  40  says  that  there  were  6000 
colonists  in  each,  and  that  they  were  diiected  to  be  on  the 
spot  within  30  days.  Note  the  anomaly  of  the  form  triumviri, 
duumviri,  which  grew  probably  out  of  the  use  of  the  singular 
triumvir,  as  one  of  a  board  of  three. 

Mutlna  was  itself  a  Roman  colony,  Polyb.  in.  40,  though 
Livy  states  that  it  was  colonized  with  Parma  in  184  b.  c. 
(L.  XXXIX.  56).  That  the  Romans  chose  well  the  sites  of  their 
colonies  is  illustrated  by  the  importance  of  the  towns  of 
.Modena,  Piacenza  and  Cremona. 

§  5.  Id  quoque  dubium.  As  the  walls  were  already  built, 
there  seems  reason  to  doubt  whether  the  commission  was  not 
sent  for  some  other  purpose  than  to  assign  the  allotments. 

§  6.  ad  artes  rudla.  Cf.  xxii.  2.  4,  mollis  ad  talia  gem, 
1. 9.  6,  ad  muliebre  ingenium  ejicaces  preces,  Cic.  Fam.  10. 17.  2, 
ad  omnia  pericula  princeps,  and  other  cases  where  the  gerun- 
dive, such  as  subeunda  in  the  last  example,  is  constantly 
omitted.     Cf.  Niigelsbach,  p.  339. 

pi^errima...  The  Latin  writers  usually  describe  the  Gauls 
as  formidable  in  the  first  onset,  but  as  incapable  of  sustained 
eflfort.  Cf.  X.  27.  3,  0.  primo  impetu  feroces  esse..  Gallo- 
rum  corpora  intolerantissifim  laboris  atque  astus  fiuere. 

§  7.  obflldes.  These  hostages  had  been  given  at  the  close 
of  the  late  war  with  the  Gauls. 

§  8.  ostot.  The  singular  verb  used  for  the  compound 
subject  Mutina  pnesidiumquA 

ad  Hntlnam,  ad=sto  the  neighbourhood  of,  cf.  above  §  3 
Mutinam  confugerint,  i.e.  inside  of. 

L.  Hanlius.    Cf.  17.  7. 

efTasum.  'In  loose  order,'  opposed  to  quadratum  of  5.  1<». 
Cf.  46,  9,  efuse  eedendo. 


NOTES.     XXI.  a  xxv.  §  9— c.  xxvi.  §  5.    187 

§  9.  inexplorato.  This  absolute  use  of  neut.  participle  is 
common  in  Livy,  as  edicto  x.  36.  7,  sublato  xxii.  20.  6,  explo- 
rata  xxiii.  42.  9,  comperto,  cognito,  audita,  imlam  facto,  &c. 

pr»cipitat.  Some  read  the  pres.  pass,  instead  of  the  neut. 
which  is  most  usual  as  Cic.  p.  P.  Sulla,  prcccipitante  repub- 
lica,  and  Verg.  ^n.  ii.  8,  nox  humida  cceh  prcecipitat.  The 
MSS.  have  prcecipitatus,  omitting  the  est. 

emersit.  For  the  use  of  this  verb  to  express  the  passage 
from  darkness  to  light,  or  difificulty  to  safety,  Heerwagen 
quotes  IX.  10.  1,  emersisse  civitatem  ex  ohnoxia  pace,  xxv.  38. 
10,  ex  omni  sccvitia  fortunxB  emarsuram. 

P.  27,  §  13.  GaUis  territandi  et  p.  R.  Note  the  chiasmus 
which  is  so  common  in  Livy. 

Tannetum.  Somewhat  loosely  described  as  propinquum 
Fado.  It  was  a  few  miles  from  Parma,  on  a  little  tributary  of 
the  Po. 

contendere.  Probably  the  perfect,  though  its  form  in  ere 
made  it  liable  to  confusion  with  the  hist.  inf. 

§  14.  Brlxia  (Brescia)  was  the  capital  of  the  Ceno- 
mani  (Livy  xxxii.  30),  which  was  the  only  Gallic  tribe  which 
sided  with  Rome  in  this  war.     Cf.  55.  4. 

c.  XXVI.  §  1.    tumultus.     Cf.  tumultuatum,  16.  4. 

§  2.  una  leg.  The  scanty  forces  scarcely  bear  out  Livy's 
account  of  the  alarm  at  Rome,  and  the  delay  of  Scipio  in 
marching  to  meet  Hannibal  shows  how  little  the  Romans 
reaUzed  their  danger,  and  with  what  neglect  they  moved  in 
the  early  sta,ges  of  the  war, 

§  3.  Sal3rum.  These  occupied  the  coast  between  Anti- 
polis  and  Massilia,  and  were  a  Ligurian  tribe,  Strabo  iv.  1. 

pervenit.  More  definitely  ^/ce  ireAiirraros,  on  5th  day,  Poly- 
bius  III.  41. 

§  4.     ad  prozlmnm.     rb  Ma(raa\iuTiK6v,  Polyb.  iii.  41. 

pluribus.  Strabo  iv.  1.  8  counts  five  mouths  as  given  by 
Timaeus,  two  by  Polybius,  seven  by  others. 

§  6.  necduxn  satis,  i.e.  as  his  soldiers  had  hardly  yet 
recovered  from  the  sea-sickness  caused  by  the  tossing  on  the 
sea.  There  seems  to  have  been  much  neglect  on  Scipio's 
part,  for  his  first  care  should  have  been  to  prevent  the  passage 


188    NOTES.     XXI.  c.  xxvi. 


5- 


c.  XXVII.  §  4. 


I 


of  the  Bhone,  and  bar  the  road  to  Italy,  or  by  hanging  on  hii 
rear  to  cripple  H.  before  he  arrived  upon  the  scene  of  hia 
intended  operations. 

aiudllarlbiis  0.  These  served  as  mercenaries  with  the 
Massilians.    Polyb. 

§  6.  Volcarum.  Strabo  (iv.  1.  12)  distinguishes  the  Vole© 
Tectosages,  whose  centre  was  Tolosa  (Toulouse),  from  the  V. 
Arecomici,  round  Nemausus  (Nismes).  The  route  of  H.  is 
here  left  indefinite,  but  probably  he  made  for  Nemausus, 
from  Buscino.  Polyb.  iii.  12  marks  the  point  of  the  crossing 
the  Rhone  as  four  days'  march  from  the  mouth,  where  the 
channel  was  not  broken  by  islands.  This  was  probably  Roque- 
manre. 

P.  28,  §  7.  eorum  ipsonim.  The  gen.  governed  by  quos, 
i.  e.  such  even  of  the  same  tribe,  as  had  not  been  able  to  tear 
themselves  from  home.  Cf.  iv.  33.  7,  Fidenatium  qui  supersvnt 
ad  urbem  Fidenas  tendunt, 

aedes  sum.  Used  like  the  olxos  ^fXos  of  the  G.  This  is 
more  characteristic  than  to  assume  an  inversion  of  constr.  for 
qui  sedes  mas.  For  the  use  of  tenere  Heerwagen  comp.ires 
▼.  64.  1,  adeo  nihil  tenet  solum  patria. 

§  8.  lintriumque.  More  definitely  put  in  Polybius,  who 
refers  to  the  carrying  trade  from  the  ports  on  the  lower  Rhone, 
in  whioh  these  tribes  took  an  active  part.  Corssen  connects 
Unter  with  rXwr-^p,  like  tenx  with  irXd^,  latus  with  rXaruj, 
later  with  irX(i'^o$. 

§  9.  nlMl  dmnmodo.  For  this  equivalent  for  nihil  nisi  ut 
Fabri  compares  i.  34.  6,  oblita  ingenita  erga  patriam  caritatis, 
tktmniodo  vinim  honoratum  videret. 

c.  xivii.  §  1,    lamque.    Polyb.  says  '  in  two  days.* 

▼111.  Foot-soldiers.  Usually  opposed  to  equi,  not  equites, 
but  Silius  It.  IX.  669  has  magna  voce  trahens  equitemque  vi- 
rosque, 

§  2.    BomilcariB.     In  Polyb.  BoafdXKov  rov  pacCKim. 

▼Igllla  prima.  The  first  three  hours  of  the  night,  which 
was  divided  into  four  saoh  watches. 

§  4.  Ad  Id.  •  The  Gallic  guides  provided  for  the  purpose 
informed  him  that  about  five  and  twenty  miles  higher  up,  the 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  xxvii.  §  4~c.  xxvin.  §2.     189 

river,  as  it  flowed  round  a  little  island,  offered  a  crossing-place 
which  was  broader  where  the  stream  parted,  and  for  that 
reason  shallower.' 

ostendere  is  used  somewhat  boldly  with  amnem  as  subject, 
but  the  reasons  specified  serve  to  justify  the  tense. 

§  6.  Hlspani.  This  detail  is  peculiar  to  Livy,  who  in 
other  respects  agrees  closely  with  Polybius  iii.  42. 

mole.  'Trouble.'  So  for  moral  importance,  vi.  14.  1, 
major  domi  exorta  moles  coegit  accirl  Romam  dictatorem,  vi. 
19.  1,  de  imminenti  mole  libertatis.     Cf.  22.  9. 

c»tris  Incubantes.  '  On  their  bucklers.'  Here  as,  often 
the  Latin  participle  takes  the  place  of  the  English  preposition, 
as  jminu  tenens  perducit,  phalangis  subjectis  admovent,  which 
Nagelsbach  compares  with  it,  p.  329. 

§  6.  alius,  for  reliqum.  Cf.  i.  12.  10,  alia  Romana  a^ies 
aud^wia  regis  accensa  fundit  Sabinos. 

P.  29,  §  7.  tempori  deesset.  So  occasioni,  fortunes^  libcr- 
tati,  legi  deesse,  in  the  sense  of  '  neglect,*  or  '  fail  in  duty.' 

§  8.    lam.    In  Polyb.  more  definitely  *on  the  5th  night.' 

naves.  Madvig's  suggestion  for  the  nantes  of  all  MSS. 
which  was  hard  to  translate;  tbey  answer  to  the  X^/x/Sot,  while 
lintres  corresponds  to  the  fiov6^v\a  of  Polyb.  whose  description 
is  here  clear  and  definite ;  the  fere  implies  that  all  the  naves 
were  not  appropriated  to  their  use. 

Navlum  ag^en.  *  A  line  of  vessels  crossed  higher  up  the 
stream  to  break  the  force  of  the  current,  and  secured  still 
water  for  the  punts  which  crossed  below.' 

transmittens  is  used  intrans.  as  20.  9. 

§  9.  pars  magna  nantes.  The  close  connexion  of  singu- 
lar and  plural  for  the  same  subject  is  an  awkward  constr.  ad 
synesim,  though  not  unfrequent  in  Livy.  Cf.  iv.  33.  7,  Veiin- 
tium  mMcima  pars  Tiberim  effv^i  petunt. 

c.  xxviii.  §  2.  nautarum  mllitumque.  The  copula  here  is 
often  omitted  in  the  MSS.,  and  some  editors  think  that  the 
hurry  of  the  scene  is  reflected  in  the  plirase. 

et  qui...et  qui.    Referring  to  the  two  sets  naut.  mil. 


m 


im 


f 

NOTES.    XXT.  a  xxviii.  g  3—10. 


I  8.    Adverso... repeats  the  eat  adverso  of  §  2,  whicli  is  here 
balanced  by  ab  tergo. 

§  4.    ntroque  vim  facere.    ' To  offer  battle  on  both  sides.' 

§  5.    ¥arlat.     Madvig's  correction  of  variata  of  MSS.,  as 
precipitat  for  precipitatm,  25.  'J.     Cf.  favia  variat,  xxvii.'27 
13.     'Some  Bay  that  the  elephants  were  crowded  together oii 
the  bank,  and  that  the  most  spirited  of  them  being  provoked 
by  its  driver,  foUowed  him  as  he  retreated  into  the  water  (and 
at  last  took  to  shimming)  and  drew  the  whole  herd  after  it 
and  that  as  each  grew  frightened  at  the  depth  and  lost  its  foot- 
hold, the  force  of  the  current  swept  it  to  the  opposite  bank.' 
The  constrnction  and   the   thought   seem   equally   confused 
there  18  no  MSS.  authority  for  the  inde  inserted  befor.3  nantevl 
by  W.,  yet  without  it  nantem  is  very  harsh,  and  is  therefore 
considered  as  a  gloss  by  Madvig  and  Ruperti,  the  abl.  also 
seems  out  of  place  for  the  clause  which  states  the  final  result. 
Why  the  current  should  caiTy  them  acrosS  and  not  down  the 
stream  is  unexplained. 

P.  30.  timentem  altltudinem.  As  to  the  belief  that  ele- 
phants could  not  swim,  cf.  Phn.  Nat.  Hist.  viii.  10.  28,  gmuhnt 
ammbm  {ekphantt)  maxime  et  circa  fiuvios  vagantur,  auum 
alioqmn  nare  propter  magnitudinem  corporis  mm  post^int. 

I  6.    ad  fldem  pronlus,  •  more  credible.* 
I  7.    leconda  aqna,  'do^vn  the  stream.* 

§  a  The  reading  of  the  MSS.  ut  cum  before  'clephanti' is 
hopeless:  Madvig  regards  it  as  a  corruption  which  grew  out  of 
est  turn.  Others  less  probably  read  et  for  ut  and  expunt^e  ubi, 
Usener  suggests  tuto  jam.  'The  elephants  were  driven 
females  m  front,  along  the  stationary  raft  as  if  it  were  a  high- 
way, Mid  when  they  crossed  into  the  smaller  raft  which  was 
moored  to  it,  the  hawsers  with  which  this  was  temporarily 
fastened  were  suddenly  untied,  and  it  was  towed  to  the  opposite 
bank  by  a  number  of  light  craft.'  A  like  expedient  is  said  to 
have  been  tried  at  Messana  in  the  1st  Punic  war. 

§  9.  actuarila  so  called  from  their  speed- thus  the  *Actu- 
aiy  was  the  quick  writer. 

§  10.  donee... agerentur.  This  use  of  the  subjunctive  for 
a  simple  fact  occurs  chiefly  in  later  writers  as  Tac.  Hist.  iv.  35, 
pugnatum..  donee prtelium  mx  dirimerct.  But  it  mav  possibly 
be  here  explained  as  givmg  the  reason  of  the  nihil  trepidabanl 

ceteris  'aU  its  surroundings.'  Polyb.  says  that  there  were 
several  such  rafts,  but  Livy  probably  does  not  imply  this. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  xxviii.  §  10~c.  xxix.  g  6.    191 

In  altum,  often  used  for  the  sea,  but  seldom  of  a  river. 

§  12.  deiectis  rect.  Polyb.  in.  46  says  that  the  Indian 
drivers  of  these  were  drowned.  He  gives  a  lively  picture  of 
them  making  their  way  across,  each  with  its  proboscis  raised 
aloft  above  the  surface  of  the  water :  the  rest  of  his  narrative 
agrees  with  that  of  Livy,  but  he  is  clearer  in  the  details,  and 
he  reserves  the  passage  of  the  elephants  till  H.  continues  his 
march. 

c.  XXIX.  §  1.  traiiciuntur  . . .  mlserat.  The  sequence  of 
tenses  is  harsh.  Fabri  compares  ix.  32.  1,  dum  hcec  geruntur 
in  SamniOf  jam  omnes  Etruri(C  populi  ad  arma  ierant. 

P.  31,  §  2.  atrocius  quam  pro  numero.  A  form  often  used 
by  Livy,  cf.  59.  9,  major  quam  pro  nuviero  jactura,  xxxvi,  10. 
12,  lutiu^  quam  pro  copiis^  where  pro  has  the  meaning  of  'in 
proportion  to.' 

§  3.  ampllus  ducenti.  The  omission  of  quam  between 
ampliiis,  minus,  plus  and  the  numeral  in  the  nominative  is  a 
common  feature  of  Livy's  style. 

§  4.  anc.  cert.  vict.  is  a  bold  construction  formed  on  the 
analogy  of  magni  certaminis  res  erat  which  Livy  uses. 

§  6.  suns  is  not  unfrequently  used  with  reference  to  a  casus 
obliquus^  cf.  43.  17,  cui...8ua  decora^  44.  8,  quos  sua  terra  suus 
ager  acceperat. 

nee  Sciplonl.  'S  could  not'  decide  on  any  plan,  save  that 
of,'  &c.  'and  H.  was,'  &c.  Cf.  30.  1,  Hannibal,  postquam  ipsi 
xententia  stetit.  Polyb.  makes  him  start  at  once  in  pursuit  of 
H.  after  his  cavalry  return  from  reconnoitring  the  camp  of  H. 

§  6.  sum eo  qul...exercitus.  Note  the  attraction  of  subject 
to  the  relative  clause  as  Hor.  Sat.  i,  4.  2,  alii  quorum  Commiia 
prisca  virorum. 

avertit...  In  Polyb.  there  is  a  graphic  picture  of  the 
appearance  of  the  Gauls  at  the  camp  of  H.,  but  their  ai-guments 
seem  addressed  rather  to  the  soldiers  than  their  general,  whose 
mind  was  long  made  up  to  push  on  with  all  speed  for  Italy, 
especially  as  the  season  was  advanced.  He  sends  his  cavalry 
down  the  river  to  hold  the  Bomans  in  check  while  his  elephants 
crossed,  and  the  infantry  pushed  on.  Great  as  might  be  the 
risk  of  the  passage  through  the  Alps,  and  Hannibal  could 
scarcely  have  foreseen  it  all,  yet  Cisalpine  Gaul  was  the  only 
side  from  which  Italy  was  vulnerable,  now  that  Eome  was 
mistress  of  the  sea.     There  was  a  population  akin  in  race  to 


I 


4' 

4 


I'l  I 


192     NOTE^S.     XXI.  c.  xxix.  §  6— c.  xxx.  §  C. 

the  Spanish  Celts  in  his  own  army,  and  bitterly  opposed  to 
Kome  who  was  fastening  on  them  the  grip  of  her  frontier 
garrisons. 

regiOl.  MagaU.  Polyb.  in.  44  speaks  of  roifs  pa<n\l<rKovs 
Toh  Ttepl  UdyiXov  \  a  and  t  are  often  interchanged  in  foreim 
names  liJce  Mastnissa,  Mithridates,  Massilia. 

integro  bello  aggr.  '  To  open  tlie  war  with  the  attack  on  I ' 
The  words  n.  a.  libatis,  Ac.,  further  explain  integro  b.  with 
which  of.  res  Integra,  ii.  5.  1,  spea  integra,  iv.  24.  2,  and  fonti- 
bus  integru,  Hor.  Od.  i.  26.  6. 

11  ^7:  *^®F,AlP«squo.  Hendiadys  for  'march  across  the 
Alps,  to  which  rem  refera  Cf.  i.  11.  1,  per  occasimem  ac  soli- 
tudtnem. 

^  utlque  is  frequently  used  by  Livy.     The  -que  gives  indefi- 
mteness  to  the  meaning  of  uti,  and  the  compound  =  ♦  anyhow," 
'at  all  events,'  and  hence  'especially,'  'certainly,'  cf   38   8 
48. 5, 54.  9.  ^»  •    . 

c.  XXX.  §  1.  ipal  Bont.  stetlt  corresponds  to  Scip.  stare  sent. 
of  29.  o. 


nil. 


veisat  an.    Cf.  i.  58.  3,  versare  in  omnes  partes  muliebrem 


§  2.  Mlrarl.  The  infinitives  in  this  speech  are  differently 
mtroduced,  most  of  them  only  as  oratio  obi,  some  indignantis 
as  subsistere  §  6,  and  cepisse  §  11,  some  interrog.  as  §  9  and  §  10. 

^     §3.    quicumque.    There  had  been  no  such  demand  except 
in  the  case  of  Hannibal,  but  it  is  a  rhetorical  exaggeration. 

velut  Ob  noxam,  'as  criminals.' 

P.  32,  §  5.  multo  maiorem.  According  to  Polybins  they 
had  marched  from  the  strait  8800  stadia,  and  had  2600  before 
them;  but  this  as  much  of  the  speech  only  appHes  to  the 
Africans  in  the  army.  H.,  or  rather  Livy,  identifies  all  the 
nationalities  with  Carthaginians  in  the  feeling  which  he  as- 
sumes in  the  army.  Notice  in  our  author  the  absence  of  such 
definite  details  as  to  distance  and  time  as  occur  frequently  in 
Polybins. 

emexuam.  One  of  the  deponent  partic.  in  pass,  sense 
which  Livy  uses. 

Italiffl.  The  partitive  gen. 'belonged  to  Italy.'  Cf.xxii.  20. 
11,  dicionis  imperiique  R,  facti  sint, 

S  6.    quid  credentes.     The  constr.  of  the  inter,  part,  here 


NOTES.     XXT.  c.  XXX.  §  G— c.  xxxi.  ^4.     193 

is  more  Greek  than  Latin,  =  ♦  and  what  else  could  they  suppose 
the  Alps  to  be'  Ac.  Fabri  compares  xxiv.  26.  7,  conjugem 
ac  liberos  de  vita  dimicare  quid  obstantes  Ubertati. 

§  7.  Flagerent.  The  equivalent  in  orat.  obi.  for  the  imper. 
in  or.  dir. 

fauces.  A  suggestion  of  Heerwagen  for  the  panels  of  the 
MSS. 

§  8.  Ne  mal.  q.  eorum.  Livy  v.  34  gives  at  some  length 
an  account  of  the  passage  of  the  Gallic  tribes  across  the  Alps 
in  the  reign  of  Tarquinius  Priscus,  and  of  the  various  settle- 
ments about  the  Po. 

§  9.  quid... esse.  The  constr.  implies  that  a  negative  idea, 
nihil... esse,  is  wrapped  up  in  the  interr.  form. 

§  10.  caput  0.  t.  is  an  anachronism  of  the  writer  or  pro- 
lepsis  rhetorically,  and  is  somewhat  out  of  place  in  the  mouth 
of  Hannibal. 

§  11.  ea.  NJigelsbach  notes  that  hisc  is  often  used  com- 
prehensively by  Romans  of  the  Roman  state  and  empire.  Si 
modo  hiec  stabunt,  Cic.  Attic,  xii.  19. 1.  So  probably  ea  in  this 
sentence. 

cederent...sperent.  The  difference  in  tense  probably  points 
to  the  confidence  of  Hannibal  that  the  latter  alternative  would 
be  realized. 

campum  Int.  The  campus  Martius.  Cf.  Juv.  x.  155,  actum 
inquit  nihil  est  nisi  Potno  milite  portas  \  frangimus,  et  media 
vexiUum  pono  Suburra. 

c.  XXXI.  §  1.  adversa  rlpa.  Formed  on  the  analogy  of 
adverse  Jlumine  'up  the  stream.'     27.  3. 

P.  33,  §  2.  non  quia  rectlor.  The  shortest  round  by  the 
coast  must  have  brought  H.  at  once  into  conflict  with  the 
Romans.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  his  route  had  been 
planned  before  with  the  envoys  from  Gaul,  and  that  the  longer 
road  was  partly  chosen  to  bring  him  into  friendly  country  as  he 
issued  from  the  mountain  pass. 

§  3.  minus  obviam.  The  tanto  to  answer  to  the  quantum 
is  here  as  often  omitted. 

§  4.  Quartls  castris.  After  4  days'  march,  at  the  4th  time 
of  encamping. 

Insulam.  This  was  of  course  the  Insula  Allobrogum,  but 
various  attempts  have  been  made  to  fix  it  elsewhere,  and  all 

C.  L.  13 


104 


NOTES.     XXT.  c.  xxxr.  §g  4—9. 


Ihe  rivers  near  have  been  pressed  into  the  service  by  the  advo- 
oates  of  the  various  routes. 


IM  Isara.  Most  MSS.  read  Arar,  and  as  Fabri  and  others 
note,  Silius  Italicus  seems  to  have  had  this  reading  before  him 
III.  452.  Yet  H.  could  not  have  reached  it  in  4  days'  march. 
Two  MSS.  have  bisarar  and  ihisarar,  which  suggests  the  read- 
ing of  the  text.  It  is  curious  that  the  corresponding  passage 
in  Polyb.  iii.  4y  has  Z/tdpaf  as  the  reading  of  most  MSS.,  for 
which  Casaubon  proposed  'Apap  and  Schweighaeuser  'laapa!. 
The  description  of  the  insula  in  the  latter  is  that  of  an  eye- 
witness  who  was  struck  by  its  fertility  and  population,  and 
compared  it  with  the  Delta  of  the  Nile. 

dlversls  ex  Alp.  The  Rhone  from  the  Saint  Gothard,  the 
Isere  fiom  Mont  Iserau. 

§  6.  Incolunt  prope.  In  itself  a  strange  expression  as 
applied  to  the  ins.  Allob.,  but  Livy  probably  is  thinking  of  the 
point  on  the  Rhone  at  which  H.  had  arrived,  and  the  prope 
refers  to  the  neighbouring  country.  Efforts  have  been  made 
however  to  prove  that  the  Allobroges  were  then  south  of  the 
Isdre,  and  not  until  later  in  the  insula.  The  term  'prope'  does 
not  go  far  to  prove  this,  and  it  has  little  evidence  to  rest  on. 
Incolunt  is  used  absolutely  as  i.  1.  3,  qui  inter  mare  Alpesuue 
incolebanL 

gena  lam  Inde.  The  Allobroges  were  already  a  powerful 
tribe^  though  their  relations  with  Rome  began  at  a  much  later 
date.  The  account  of  Pol.  iii.  49  seems  to  distinguish  between 
them  and  the  subjects  of  Brancus,  but  perhaps  does  not  really 
do  so. 

§  6.  ambigebant.  More  commonly  used  with  de,  as  10.  0, 
xii*  16,  3* 

poterat.  The  subject  to  this  is  the  compound  notion, 
frater  et  catus  juniorum.  Cf.  25.  8,  Mutina  prcesidiuuique  in 
periculo  esset. 

§  7.  Hulus  sed.  '  As  this  civil  feud  was  very  opportunely 
referred  to  H.  for  arbitration.* 

peropportuna.  Used  adverbially.  Rem  rejicere  is  a  phrase 
often  used  by  Livy  in  like  cases,  like  the  causam  ad  senatum 
nrnittere  of  Tac.  Ann.  m.  10. 

§  8.  adlutus.  Not  only  so,  but  according  to  Polybius, 
eeoorted  by  the  chieftain  to  the  foot  of  the  pass. 

S  9.  From  this  point  onwards  it  is  hopeless  to  reconcile 
tlie  ftcoormts  of  the  march  in  Polybius  and  Livy,  who  while 


mT£S.     XXI.  o.  xxxr.  §S  9-11- 


195 


agreeing  in  much  of  the  description,  especially  in  the  dettiils 
which  admit  of  rhetorical  treatment,  yet  widely  diverge  in 
local  data.  The  former  traces  the  route  almost  certainly  over 
the  little  St  Bernard,  the  latter  probably  over  Mont  Gen^vre. 
Ammianus  Marcellinua  xv.  10  closely  follows  Livy,  as  also  does 
Silius  Italicus  in  the  lines  iii.  466 : 

Jamqiie  Tr'icastinis  intendit  finihus  agmen, 
Jamfaciles  campos,  jam  rura  Vocontia  carpit; 
Turhidas  hie  truncis  saxisque  Druentia  lietum 
Ductoris  vastavit  iter, 

Cf.  The  Appendix  '  on  the  Route  of  Hannibal.' 

recta  regione.  'In  direct  course.'  Cf.  Lucr.  ii.  249,  and 
Cic.  Verr.  v.  176,  si  quis  tantulam  de  recta  regione  dejiexerit. 

ad  Isevam.  These  words  have  given  much  trouble  to  the 
interpreters.  They  have  been  explained  as  '  the  left  hand  of 
Livy  sitting  in  his  study,'  or  'the  left  of  an  army  in  retreat, 
which  would  be  equivalent  to  the  ordinary  right,'  or  'the  left 
bank  of  the  Is^re,'  or  they  have  been  regarded  as  a  mistake  for 
the  right  hand.  They  seem  to  imply  Livy's  belief  that  after  the 
proceedings  in  the  island,  H.  marched  down  the  stream  a  little 
way,  hearing  possibly  of  Scipio's  withdrawal,  and  then  turned 
oil  to  what  was  later  Augusta  Tricastinorum  (Aoste). 

Vocontionun.  They  are  localized  by  Strabo,  iv.  6.  4,  in  the 
mountain  woodland  between  the  Allobroges  and  Balyes.  The 
Tricorii  are  placed  by  Strabo  to  the  east  of  the  Vocontii,  or 
between  the  Drac  and  the  Durance. 

baud  usquam^  Impedita.  A  most  unfitting  description  for 
the  tangled  country  between  the  Is6re  and  the  Durance. 

Druentia.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  identify  this  with 
the  Arve,  the  Dranse,  or  the  Drac.  It  is  of  course  the  Druen- 
tius  of  Strabo  who  calls  it  irora/Mds  xapaSpwSTys,  the  modern 
Durance.  It  is  true  that  it  would  have  been  out  of  the 
natural  course  from  the  Insula,  nor  would  H.  in  that  case 
have  come  across  the  Allobroges.  Also  Livy's  description  may 
suit  the  lower,  but  not  the  upper  stream  along  which  the 
army  must  have  travelled,  if  at  alL  He  probably  took  it 
from  some  topographer's  account,  and  Lavall6e  calls  it  'la 
rividre  la  plus  desordonn6e  de  la  France,'  Geogr.  Phys.  186. 

§  11.  vada...gTirglte8.  These  ace.  may  depend  on prabett 
but  more  probably  on  volvens,  which  by  zeugma  is  used  in  a 
somewhat  different  sense  with  them  and  with  saxa, 

glareosa  is  an  awkward  epithet  for  saxa,  unless  we  take  it 
to  mean  that  the  bed  was  full  of  rocks  and  gravel  mixed. 

13—2 


196 


NOTES.     XXT.  c.  XXXII.  SS  1-  -7. 


P.  34,  c.  xxxn.  §  1.  trlduo.  The  crossing-place  was  four 
days'  march  from  the  mouth,  we  are  not  told  how  far  frum 
Scipio'B  camp. 

moTlt,  as  often,  absolutely  for  u  movit,  or  castra. 

quadr.  a^xnlne.    Cf.  5.  16,  where  the  words  are  transposed 

§  2.  Tldet.  Here,  as  33.  3,  two  distinct  uses  of  the  verb 
are  combmed,  physical  and  mental  vision. 

tutiua  Ita.  Because  his  own  troops  would  be  fresh,  ana 
those  of  H.  exhausted  or  thinned  by  the  long  march.  Ita 
carries  a  good  deal  of  meaning  by  implication. 

§  »3.  nuda  auxlMla.  This  policy  was  aimed  at  the  real 
base  of  H'a  operations,  and  the  source  to  which  he  looked  fur 
reinforcements.  Arnold  says,  ''Had  Scipio,  at  this  critical 
juncture,  not  sent  his  army  to  Spain...,  his  sou  would  in  all 
probability  never  have  won  the  battle  of  Zama."  Yet  hail 
Scipio  been  ready  with  a  larger  army  to  attack  the  wearied 
troops  of  H.  as  they  issued  from  the  mountain-pass— and 
there  was  nothing  to  prevent  him,— it  miglit  have  fared  ill 
with  the  invaders. 

§  4.  ad  peU.  Hasd.  Scipio  can  hardly  have  known  as  yet 
the  arrangement  made  by  Hannibal  before  he  left  Spain. 

§  5.  Genua.  Nothing  is  known  of  Genua  before  this  time. 
It  was  destroyed  by  Mago,  Livy  xxviii.  46.  8,  and  rebuilt  as 
a  municipium  by  Rome,  xxx.  1.  10. 

«o...ezercltiiB.    Gf.  on  29.  6. 

§  6.  ab  Druentla.  His  course  would  be  rather  *  along ' 
than  'from'  the  river,  and  would  certainly  not  have  been 
^campestri  it.\  for  though  the  route  of  Polyb.  admits  f«»r  a 
time  of  this  description,  it  is  out  of  place  in  Livy's. 

pace  incolentium.  For  the  gen.  cf.  the  expression  Lucr. 
v,  1229,  Divompacem  votis  adit. 

§  7.  Til©  following  description  is  somewhat  absurd  as 
applied  to  the  lower  Alpine  valleys,  and  is  a  bit  of  fine  writing 
m  which  Livy  gives  full  scope  to  his  rhetorical  tante,  working 
upon  the  description  of  some  traveller,  ^ho  exaggerated  the 
horrors  of  his  journey.  Note  the  absence  of  any  sense  of  the 
grandeur  of  mountain  scenery,  which  was  possibly,  as  Macaulay 
suggests,  overpowered  by  the  sense  of  danger.  In  general  the 
sense  of  the  picturesque  is  of  modem  growth.  Polybius,  who 
had  himself  travelled  9ver  the  ground,  is  much  more  guard,  d 
in  liis  language,  and  guilty  of  no  such  exaggerations  as  Livy. 


NOTES.     XXT.    c.  xxxii.  §  7— c.  xxxm.  §2.   197 

prlus  is  a  pleonasm  with  prcecepta,  like  pncoccupatos  ante 
in  20.  8. 

torrlda  frigore.  Cf.  40.  9,  pramsti  artus...torrida  gdii,  xl. 
45.  1,  arbores  deusserat  hicim^. 

§  8.  ErlgentibUB.  "As  the  vanguard  was  climbing  the 
lower  heights. "  This  incident,  like  most  others  on  the  march, 
occurs  also  in  Polybius,  though  the  localities  are  quite  dis- 
tinct. 

P.  35.  stragem  dedlssent.  Cf.  use  of  dare  in  such 
phrases  as  Verg.  ^n.  xii.  575,  dant  cuneum,  vi.  IQ.Jinem  dedit 
ore  loqwndi,  aii<l  in  Lucr.  dure  paumm,  dare  motm.  "  One  ia 
tempted  to  look  at  it  as  a  half-conscious  reminiscence  of  the 
do  which  survives  in  credo,  ahdo,  condo,  &c.,  and  has  the 
same  origin  as  Tid-nixi  and  S.  dadhuini.''     Muuro,  Lucr.  iv.  41. 

§  9.  inter  confragosa  omn.  is  a  bold  construction  of  which 
Livy  is  fond.  Cf.  ix.  13.  5,  per  omnia  pacata,  xxiii.  2.  1, 
inter  cornipta  omnia,  xxii.  6.  11,  super  cetera  extrema. 

g  10.  Turn  per  eosdem.  "But  when  the  friendly  Gauls  had 
managed  to  engage  the  mountaineers  in  friendly  talk,  as  there 
was  but  little  difference  in  their  patois,  or  in  manners,  they 
informed  him,"  &c.  Strictly  we  must  understand  a  imntanis 
with  abhorrent es. 

dllabi.  Often  used  of  soldiers  deserting.  Cf.  xxii.  2.  1, 
GalJos  si  tadio  laboris...dilahereniur. 

ex  aperto.  •  Openly.'  For  the  form  cf.  §  7,  ex  propinqno, 
XXII.  7.  4,  ex  vano,  ex  a-quo,  ex  publico,  ex  antiquo,  ex  com- 
posito,  ex  improviso.     So  also  with  in  and  pro. 

§  12.  laxatas.  'Vigilance  relaxed,'  or  more  probably 
♦the  outposts  thinned.'  laxare  is  a  favourite  word  with  Livy 
in  metaphorical  uses,  as  ii.  34,  laxare  annonam,  59.  6,  laxare 
pxignam,  ix.  16.  10,  laxare  aliquid  laborix,  laxior  locus^  laxa- 
jnentum. 

§  13.  angustias  evadit.  Polyb.  Si-qwe  rds  S^trxw/'^as,  in. 
M. 

tumulis.  Livy  prefers  the  abl.  without  a  preposition,  with 
consedit,  and  like  verbs. 

c.  xxxiii.  §  2.  arce.  Often  used  for  a  natural  stronghold 
as  well  as  a  fortified  post. 

via  translre.     This  use  of  a  modal  or  local  abl.  without  a 


198 


A^OT£S,     XXI.     c.  XXXIII.  §§  2 7. 


preposition  is  frequeut  in  Livy,  but  tbe  expression  ia  bald  in 
its  breyity.  • 

§  3.  Immobiles  defixlt.  A  strong  phrase  in  frequent  use 
Cf.  xxn.  63.  6,  quum  stnpore  ac  miraculo  torpidos  dejixisset 
where  also  the  adjective  has  a  proleptic  sense.  We  need  not 
accept  the  fanciful  explanation  proposed,  that  it  is  a  figure 
suggested  by  the  magical  use  of  little  images  pierced  to  repre- 
sent the  persons  on  whom  the  charms  were  to  be  tried. 

■no  Ipsum  tmnultu  agmen.  This  construction  of  ipse 
agreeing  with  the  subject,  or  the  object  of  the  sentence;  is 
nearly  always  preferred  to  the  gen.  ipsius  following  »uus 
where  the  form  of  the  period  allows  it.    Fabri.  ' 

f?  4.  quicqnid  adl.  '  Thinking  that  any  panic  occasioned 
by  themselves  would  l>e  enough  to  rout  them  utterly.' 

tranaversis  ruplbus.  The  MSS.  commonly  read  pervem$ 
ntpihm  jiuta  invia,  &c.  This  is  rejected  by  Madvig  on  the 
ground  that  perversa  rupes  is  obscure,  and  inrhi  decurrne  aii 
unusual  construction.  He  thinks  tliat  per  has  slipped  out  of 
its  place,  and  dislodged  the  trans  of  transvenis.  Some  eilitors 
read  dhrrns  after  a  late  MS. 

§  5.    ■lmul...iiimaL      'Were    hard    pressed    not    men ly 
owing  to  the  onset  of  the  enemy,  but  also  to  the  roughness  of 
the  ground.*     Ab  is  unusual  with  a  modal  abl.  like  iniquitut: 
especially  in  Livy. 

■iW  quoque  tendent©.  'As  each  man  struggled  selfishly 
to  get  sooner  out  of  danger.'  For  the  constr.  of  sibi  compare 
Cic.  in  Verr.  ii.  8.  22,  Veneri  absolvit,  sibi  condemnat,  Tac.  Ann. 
I.  65,  sibi  quisque  properus. 

evaderet.  Note  the  different  constr.  with  this  verb  hen 
and  in  32.  13. 

P.  36,  §6.  Infestum.  'Endangered.'  Cf.  ii.  11. 1,  infes' 
ium  Momanum  agmen  reddidit. 

repercuflwe.  •  Ke-echoing. '  Properly  an  epithet  of  da- 
mores,  not  of  valles, 

§  7.     turba.     *The  crowding.' 

in  Immensiun  altitudinla.  This  use  of  the  neut.  sing,  with 
a  genitive  is  less  common  than  the  neut.  plur.,  except  in  later 
writers,  but  Livy  has,  x.  32.  6,  multum  diei,  v.  37.  6,  immensum 
loci,  vii.  a  5,  serum  diei,  xlv.  9.  2,  plerumqve  Europcr. 

deiecit.     Constr.  prjpgn.  •  caused  to  fall.' 


NOTJiJS.    XXI.    c.  XXXIII.  §  7— c.  xxxiv.  §  7.     199 

maxlme  modo  is  a  favourite  phrase  with  our  author.  Cf. 
38.  1,  hoc  maxime  modo,  xxxv.  34.  10,  itineHs  maxivie  modo. 

§  8.  8U0S  contlnult.  *  Kept  his  men  from  going  to  the 
rescue.' 

§  9.    Interrumpl.    '  A  break  in  the  line.' 

exutum.  '  If  the  baggage-train  were  lost.'  Used  prolepti- 
cally. 

8  11  ci^  is  supplied  without  MS.  authority,  but  cap- 
thm  is  often  used  with  inanimate  objects,  as  with  arma, 
navigia,  pecunia,  solum,  by  Livy,  and  with  vestis  by  Vergil,  and 
it  cannot  here  make  sense  without  a  subst. 

c.  XXXIV.  §  1.  ft-equentem.  *  Densely  peopled.'  Cf.  xxxi. 
23  5  frequentia  cedificiis  loca,  and  xxxv.  1.  6,  acies  frequens 
armaiis.  More  commonly  the  abl.  is  omitted,  as  forum  fre- 
quem. 

populum  =  canton,  or  district.  Ut,  qualifies  frequentem, 
which  should  naturally  come  nearer  to  it.  Cf.  xxxii.  33.  9, 
Alexander,  ut  inter  Jt:tolos,facundu8. 

suis  artibus.     Also  used  of  Hannibal,  xxii.  16.  5. 

^  2.  oratores  venlunt.  The  account  of  Polybius  in.  52 
is  more  graphic  in  its  details  of  the  garlands  and  olm 
branches  which  they  bore,  tovto  ydp  cx^bbv  irdai  roh  pap^d- 
pots  ffvv6r]fia  <f)i\las  Kaddirep  rb  KTjpiJKeiov  TOLs''E\\'n<ri. 

§  3.    ad  fidem.     'As  a  guarantee.'    Cf.  on  19.  5. 

P  37  §  4.  composite  agmlne.  Drakenborcb  explains  this 
passage  'not  at  all  as  if  they  were  marching  through  a  friendly 
country,  but  in  lighting  order,'  as  if  sed  were  omitted.  Fabri 
reads  incomposito  after  one  MS.  It  is  more  probably  'in  line 
of  march  not  at  all  arranged  for  passage  through  friendly 
countrj'.' 

§  5.    robore.    '  Tne  main  body.' 

drcumsp.  soilicitus.  ♦  Anxiously  reconnoitring.'  or  omnia 
may  be  taken  with  soil,  as  cetera  in  virum  cetera  egre- 
gium  I.  35.  3.  Fabri  however  notes  that  in  Livj-  we  only  find 
vicem  coupled  with  soil,  as  in  passages  lik«  xxviii.  19.  17,  ab 
sollicitis  vicem  imperatoris  militibus, 

§  7  In  eos  versa.  '  The  line  of  infantry  faced  towards 
them,  and  clearly  proved  (i.e.  by  its  losses  or  hard  fightmg) 
that  if  the  rear-guard  had  not  been  strengthened  they  must 
have  met  with  a  terrible  disaster  in  that  pass.'    The  use  of 


200    mrA-S.     XXI.    c  .xxxxv.  §  7-c.  xxxv.  §  G. 

ficit  utter  ariet  is  awkward:   it  connects  two  distinct  k(,i. 
menU^  of  the  man<.uvre  of  the  infantry,  and  thee,;;rLt  d 

lK»lpleii(U  lUerlt.     Cf.  the  nse  of  the  participle  in    .m,. 

monTLivy      *"''*'        ^«'^-^/«"m  «j,.i,  and  like  phrases  com- 

demittere.    •Kisk  sendinc'    Cf  m  n-,  1   /?..«.;. 
discrimen  diynitm.  ^  '^'  ^'  ^'"''''"  •'"'"  '" 

c.  mv.  §  1.     latrocinll.    Often  contrasted  with  belhtm  or 

fferebatur  res.  Latro,  hke  laverna,  horn  the  root  Xa  (Xr,^) 
Adr/Mf,  became  naturalized  on  Italian  soil,  and  miined  Vu 
unfavourable  meaning,  Curtius,  326.  ^ 

§  2.    novlsslmum  ag.  =  rear  =  (»xf/Ywa  agminis. 
iwrogressl  moraUve.     '  Stragglers  in  front  or  rear. ' 

im  arrect. 

n.  ^V^®'  ^t'.  ^<»«^o,*l«-  So  Poljb.  111.  53,  who  howeur 
ixes  the  point  from  which  he  reckons,  and  gives  intermediate 
dates,  while  Liyy  does  neither.  In  fact,  all  his  incidents  ana 
particulars  of  time  are  taken  from  another  route,  and  do  nut 
suit  his  own ;  his  reference  to  errores  is  probably  to  exi)lain 
the  length  of  time  which  did  not  seem  needful  for  the  shorter 
pass  which  he  had  chosen. 

per  Invla  pleraque.    Cf.  32.  9.  confragosa  omnia. 

ducentium.  •  Absolutely  for  '  guides.'  Ducenthtm  fnim  is 
haidly  consistent  with  the  promise  of  the  friends  from  Cisal- 
pine Ganl  to  be  duces  itinerum,  29.  6. 

inltw  vaUes.     Cf.  1.  0.  Sicilia  S.  amissa. 
§  6.    statlYa,  8c.  castra. 

§  6.    ocdd.   Bldere  Verg.     'As  the  constellation  of  the 
Fleiads  was  near  its  setting,'  i.e.  towards  October.     Polyb  in 
54,  8ta  Tb  ffvvkTr€iv  rriu  ttjs  IlXftaSoj  ^aip.     Pliny  11.  47.  125 
post  td  iautumni)  aquinoctium  diebus  fere  xliv.    Verqiliarim 
oceasus   hiemem  inchont,  qvod  tempm  in  iii.  Idtis  Novemhre^ 
tnctdere  consuevtt. 


NOTES.    XXI.    c.  XXXV.  §  7— c.  xxxvi.  §  1.     201 

§  7.  nlve  oppleta  The  climate  was  probably  even  more 
severe  than  at  present,  owing  to  the  thick  forests  which  then 
covered  great  part  of  Germany. 

§  8.  prospectus.  A  fanciful  picture,  which  is  hardly 
borne  out  by  facts,  as  no  such  view  can  be  obtained  near  the 
summit  of  the  Mont  GenSvre,  nor  indeed  of  any  other  of  the 
passes.  The  description  of  Polybius  does  not  imply  any  such 
actual  view  of  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  for  his  word  iudpyeia 
may  mean  ♦  evidence  '  or  '  proof '  addressed  to  the  reason,  and 
not  to  the  sight.  Many  unsuccessful  attempts  have  been  made 
to  find  a  likely  scene  for  this  speech. 

§  9.  mcBnia  It.  Cf.  Poljb.  in.  54,  d/cpoTro'Xcws  ^alvovTai 
haOcdiv  ^xeij'  at  ^AXjreis  rijs  HXrji  'IraX/os. 

transcendere.     Intin.  after  a  verb   like   dicU,  imjilied  in 

summum.  *  At  most.'  Adverbially  as  xxxiii.  5.  8,  duo  aut 
suinmuin  tres  juvi'nes. 

§  10.  furta.  '  Stealthy  ambuscades,'  as  Polyb.  ibid.  ttXV 
TWJ'  Xddpa  KaKQTTOLovvrijjv.  Fabri  compares  ix.  31.  10,  lio^toii 
ullinuim  H2)c'fiifnrto  ijisidiarum  tcmptantem. 

slcut  breviora.  This  generalization  is  not  found  in  Polyb., 
and  indicates  increased  knowledge  of  the  Alps  bIuco  the 
conquest  of  Gaul. 

§  12.    neque  sustlnere  se  a  lapsu.     Cf.  xxii.  2.  0. 

nee,  qui  panlum...  The  reading  of  tlie  MSS.  is  here  af- 
flicti,  which  is  harder.  With  it  the  passage  would  mean  '  and 
if  they  stumbled  but  a  little,  down  they  fell  and  could  not 
help  slipping  further '  (lit.  '  could  not  cling  to  the  place  where 
they  were  dashed  to  the  ground,'  cf.  Caes.  B.  G.  vi.  27,  neque  si 
quo  qffUctce  casu  conciderint,  erigere  sese  possunt).  But  as  their 
effort  would  be  chiefly  to  save  tliemselves  from  falling,  Madvig 
reads  ajixi  (as  suggested  by  Drakenborch,  cf.  iii.  68.  8,  hcerete 
affixi  contionibus)  as  a  strong  term  to  express  the  attempt  to 
keep  tlieir  footing.  Affiigerc  and  affigere  are  elsewhere  con- 
fused in  the  MSS. 

vestigium.  Perhaps  from  ve-,  artx-t  trreixw,  <ttoixos,  Cur- 
tius, 178. 

succlderent  is  a  more  questionable  change  for  occiderent. 

c.  XXXVI.  §  1.  auguatlorem.  'A  narrower  pass,  with 
walls  of  rock  so  steep  that.' 


202 


NOTES.     XXI.     c.  XXXVI.  §§1-6. 


nt  8Bgre...  This  would  be  absurdly  exaggerated  if  it  referred 
to  the  ordiuai7  state  of  the  pass.  If  however  we  understand 
it  as  caused  by  a  recent  landslip  or  avalanche,  it  would  be 
consistent  with  experience.  There  is  one  spot  especially  on 
the  Little  St  Bernard  exposed  to  such  casualties,  and  to  this 
the  description  of  Polybius  well  applies.  He  speaks  however 
of  the  road  being  carried  away,  cx^^bv  irl  rpia  iiniffrdSia,  but 
Liyj'  mistaking  this,  or  the  language  of  their  common  an 
tliority,  converts  it  into  a  precipice  of  a  1000  feet  in  depth  (if 
we  accept,  that  is,  Valla's  almost  certain  corrections  of  tie 
meaningless  readings  of  the  MSS.).  *  This,'  says  Niebuhr,  'is 
nonsense,  as  all  must  see.' 

ezpedltus.  Cf.  vii.  34.  3,  collem  adit  a  arditum  impedito 
aifmini,  expeditis  hand  diJiciLem.  So  expediti  equites  'light 
troops.'     Expedita  clmsis,  agmen,  venatores,  &c.  in  Livy. 

P.  39,  §  2.     admodum  =  max i me,  fere,  /mXtara. 

§  3.  mirantl  =  cum  admiratione  qiuerenti  by  pregnant  use. 
Cf.  I.  41.  1,  mirantium  quid  rei  enset,  in.  35.  6.  Nagelsbach, 
p.  279,  illustrattJS  this  by  such  cases  as  dodrantem  complere  = 
complementi  cama  adiicere,  triarii  postremoa  claudebant  for 
claudentes  postreuii  ibant, 

§  4.    circa.     On  use  of  the  adverb  cf.  note  on  7.  5. 

clrciunduceret  =  tnMs/  take  round.  On  this  use  of  the  subj. 
for  circumducere  deberet,  v.  Madvig,  De  Finibus  ii.  35,  who 
quotes  various  passages  from  Cicero  and  Livy,  xl.  37.  3,  non 
triumphum  impedire  debuit...8ed  postero  die . . .nomen  deferret. 
Cf.  also  Verg.  Mn.  ix.  643,  at  tu  dictis  Albane  maneres.  Ovid, 
Tristia  IV.  3.  34,  Tristis  es :  indignor,  quod  sim  tibi  caum 
doloris ;  non  es  .•  at  amisso  conjuge  digna  fores. 

§  5.  mper  Teterem...  *  Over  the  snow  of  the  last  season, 
which  had  not  melted.'  A  mass  of  snow  often  falls  into  a 
ravine  or  valley,  where  it  is  sheltered  from  the  sun's  heat,  and 
remains  through  a  whole  summer,  forming  sometime.s  a  great 
natural  bridge,  through  which  a  river  tunnels  for  itself  a 
channel.  Probably  the  early  historians  referred  to  some  such 
mass  which  blocked  up  the  spot  where  H.  tried  to  force  a 
passage.  Livy's  account  would  be  more  natural  in  the  case  of 
a  glacier,  which  was  not  likely  to  be  met  with  in  their  way. 


§6. 
snow.* 


fluentem...     *  The  liquid  mud  formed  by  the  melting 


tabem  is  the  correction  of  Gronovius  for  the  labem  of  the 
MSS.     It  is  especially  used  of  any  melting  substance. 


NOTES.    XXL    c.  XXXVI.  §  7— c.  xxxvii.  §  4.    203 

§  7.  [ut  a]  lub.  The  MSS.  read  ut  a  lubrica,  where  the 
preposition  would  seem  out  of  place.  Sauppe  and  W.  change 
this  to  via.  '  On  the  slippery  track  where  the  ice  gave  no  foot- 
hold, but  let  the  feet  slide  over  it  all  the  easier,  as  it  was  a 
steep  incline.'  Madv.  needlessly  quarrels  with  via  on  the 
ground  that  there  was  no  road,  cf.  §  5,  but  it  seems  better  to 
omit  it  as  an  awkward  addition. 

adminiculum.  Formed  from  ad  and  manus  on  the  analogy 
of  cubiculumf  sediculum.    Corssen  ii.  416. 

in  levl  tantum.  *  Rolled  in  what  was  only  smooth  ice  or 
slush  of  snow.*     *  Only,'  because  no  virgulta,  &c. 

§  8.  connitendo.  T.  Faber's  correction  for  the  contitiendo 
of  the  MSS. 

alte  concr.     '  Frozen  to  a  great  depth.' 

c.  XXXVII.  §  2.  ad  rupem  m.  *To  cut  a  way  through  the 
rock.'  Cf.  IX.  29.  5,  viam  maniirit,  of  making  the  Appian  way. 
Polyb.  i^oiKodofifiv  rtv  Kprj/jLuov.     Munitores  are  the  sappers  and 

miners. 

arboribus  circa.  Whence  these  came  it  is  hard  to  say, 
ef.  36.  7,  as  also  the  vinegar,  unless  it  was  the  soldiers' 
drink  or  posca,  Pliny,  xxiii.  1.  57,  says  acetum  saxa  rumpit  in- 
fiisum,  qutB  non  ruperit  ignis  antecedens,  cf.  Juv.  x.  153,  Didu- 
cit  scopulos  et  montem  rumpit  aceto.  The  details  in  this  section 
do  not  occur  in  Polyb. 

P.  40,  §  3.  molliimt  anfr.  *  Believe  the  steep  gradients 
by  winding  tracks  of  gradual  descent.'  Cf.  Verg.  Georg.  iii. 
293,  clivus  mollis.  Caes.  B.  G.  vii.  46,  quidquid  circuitus  ad 
moUienditm  clivum  accesserat,  also  locis  mollioribm  below. 

anftactuB,  from  ambi  and  frag  {frango).  To  the  objection 
to  this  derivation  made  by  Zeyss,  that  anfractus  means  a 
'bend'  rather  than  a  'break,'  Corssen,  i.  397,  quotes  Cic.  Nat. 
I>.  II.  18,  of  the  sphere,  ea  flgura... qua. ..habere... potest  nihil 
inchum  angnUs,  nihil  anfractibus,  nihil  eminens,  nihil  lacuno- 
sum, 

§4.  prope  fame  abs.  They  might  have  been  quite  starved 
according  to  Livy's  account.  Polyb.  makes  the  horses  get 
over  after  one  day's  delay,  the  other  three  being  spent  in  mak- 
ing a  broader  path  for  the  elephants. 

8i  quid  est...  'All  the  herbage,  such  as  it  is  ..'  Cf.  Cic. 
in  Cffic.  15,  ipse  Allieuus  ex  ea  facultate,  si  quam  habet,  all- 
quantum  detracturus  est.    Cf.  Lucr.  ii.  16,  hoc  cevi  quodcum 

qur. 


204 


NOTES.    XXI.    c.  XXXVII.  §4 — c.  xxxviii.  §6. 

This  might  easily  be  the  case  so  late  iu 


obruimt  nlvea. 

the  season. 

§  5.  aprlcosque  etlam.  The  MSS.  have  aprkos  (jiumlam, 
but  the  asyndeton  is  harsTi.  W.  reads  aprkosque  quosdam, 
which  is  ugly  and  unusual. 

et  prope  sllTa8  =  an'i  almost  forests.  Madv.  inserts  the  ct 
m  rivos  p.  s,  seems  to  him  unnatural. 

§  6.  locis  moUior.  This  is  an  abl.  absol,  and  thccompar. 
stands  for  a  partic. 

c.  XXXVIII.  §  1.  qulnto  mense  a.  Cf.  xxn.  19.  5,  altera  ah 
Tarracone  die,  an  elliptical  expression  ;  the  5th  month  only  is 
qualified  by  the  'iit  quidum,'  the  I5th  day  is  accepted  by  Livy, 
as  by  Polyb.  But  it  is  not  easy  to  make  their  detailed  state- 
ments agree  with  this  number,  as  both  reckon  9  days  to  the 
ascent,  2  at  the  top,  4  by  the  landslip,  and  3  in  the  descent. 
Probably  however  Polybins  meant  the  last  3  to  be  counted  as 
part  of  the  4  just  mentioned,  in  which  the  cavalry  reached  the 
lower  valleys  while  the  road  was  beiuK  widened  for  the  ele- 
phants, and  then  we  should  get  only  15  for  the  whole.  There 
is  no  hint  of  this  however  in  Livy,  who  is  hopelessly  incoiisist- 

€11 1. 

§  2.  qui  minimum,  e.g.  Polybius  m.  5(1,  on  the  authority 
of  the  tablet  at  Ljicinium,  We  may  note  that  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  Ligurians  there  were  no  mercenaries  in  this  army, 
only  Spaniards  and  Libyans,  not  like  the  motley  aggregates 
of  earlier  days. 

§  3.     Clnclus,  v.  Introduction  on  the  authorities. 

maxima...     *  Would  be  a  most  weighty  authority.' 

§  4.  adducta.  -l]: ought  with  him  throu^;li  the  Alps,' 
most  unhkely  when  there  was  a  promise  of  more  faithful  allies 
on  the  other  side,  who  had  more  to  gain  from  the  Punic  cause. 

magis,  take  with  veri  simile;  adducta  and  audisse  after 
icribit,  to  be  undeistooJ  after  additit* 

auctores  sunt,  so  xxui  10.  15,  quod  quidam  auctorea  sunt, 
u.  58.  1,  Piso  auctor  est,  xxx.  3.  0,  ita  pars  major  auctores 
sunt. 

§  5.  Taurlnl  Semigalll  This  is  a  very  bold  correction  by 
Madvig  of  the  corrupt  readings  of  the  MSS. :  Taurinimegalli, 
Taurinis  quie  Gallia:,  Taurinisne  Oallis,  d'C,  on  the  ground 
that  Strabo  connects  the  Taurini  with  the  Ligures,  and  yet  dis- 
tinguishes them  as  if  tliey  were  lialf  Celts.  The  conjecture  of 
W.  Taurini  Gallia  seems  preferable. 


NOTES.     XXI.     c.  XXXVIII.  SS  5—7. 


205 


degresso   (Hannibali),  cf.  i.  8.  4,  locus  qui  nunc  saptus  de- 

scendtJitihua  inter  duos  lucos  est. 

§  0.  Id  quum,  &c.  This  is  difficult,  for  Polyb.  asserts  that 
H.  descended  among  the  Insubres,  as  indeed  it  was  likely  that 
he  would  do,  since  they  and  their  allies  had  invited  him  to 
cross  into  Italy.  It  may  be  that  Livy  only  meant  that  the 
annalists  all  spoke  of  his  attack  on  the  Taurini  as  his  first 
movement  in  Italy,  and  as  the  Taurini  were,  strictly  speak- 
ing, a  Ligurian  not  a  Gallic  tribe  (Strabo  iv.  6),  possibly  the 
passage,  whose  reading  is  so  doubtful,  brought  out  the  close 
neighbourhood  of  the  hostile  T.  to  the  friendly  Insubres. 

ambig^,  quanam.  No  official  account  was  likely  to  reach 
Rome  from  the  time  when  H.  disappeared  from  Scipio's  sight, 
till  he  was  heard  of  near  the  Po.  The  Alps  were  till  long 
after  a  terra  incognita,  and  few  like  Polybius  cared  to  travel 
so  far  to  gather  up  the  local  traditions. 

P.  41.  credere,  the  transition  from  the  passive  amhigi  to 
an  active  is  marked,  but  not  unusual  in Juivy.  In  orat.  directa 
he  would  naturally  say  vulgo  crcdunt  {s^homines). 

Pcenino.  This  was  the  pass  of  the  Great  St  Bernard.  Its 
name  is  thought  to  be  derived  from  the  Celtic  deity  Penn 
{Zeuss,  die  Deutschen,  p.  5).  Jupiter  Pmiinus  was  worshipped 
on  the  summit,  and  the  name  has  been  found  on  30  ex  voto 
tablets  which  have  been  discovered  near  the  top.  It  was  also 
called  3Iom  Jovis,  which  survives  in  the  names  Mont-Joux, 
Plan-de-Joux  which  are  still  localized  on  the  height.  It  was 
by  this  pass  that  Livy,  v.  35,  brought  the  Boii  and  Lingones 
into  Italy  in  the  5th  century  b.c.  The  fanciful  derivation  of 
the  name  referred  to  in  the  text  was  an  argument  likely  to 
be  urged  in  early  times. 

Cremonls  lug.  It  is  tempting  to  identify  this  with  the 
Cramont,  between  la  Thuile  and  Entrfeves,  beside  the  little 
St  Bernard,  but  the  attempt  rests  on  grounds  of  etymology  as 
insecure  as  the  case  just  specified.  It  is  probable  that  only 
one  route  was  then  known  across  the  Alpes  Graias,  that  of 
which  Strabo  speaks,  iv.  67,  *  the  road  from  the  Salassi  parts 
into  two  branches,  the  one  rough  and  inaccessible  for  beasts  of 
biurden  over  the  Poeninus,  the  other  more  westerly  through  the 
Cintrones.' 

§  7.  per  alios.  Madvig's  conjecture  for  fer  saltus  mont. 
which  is  obviously  corrupt.  Lipsius  and  others  whom  W. 
follows  read  per  Salas.<ios,  which  is  inviting,  but  the  addition 
of  montanos  would  be  needless,  as  Madvig  points  out.     The 


206     NOTES.     XXI.    c.  xxxvin.  §  7~c.  xxxix.  §  4. 

Salassi  of  the  common  reading  were  the  tribe  on  the  Dorii 
Baltea,  better  known  in  the  days  of  Augustus  for  their 
resolute  though  hopeless  stand  f(jr  indepeudeuce  against 
Terentius  Varro,  whd  sold  42,000  of  them  into  slavery,  Strabo 
IV.  6.  7. 

Llbuoa,  otherwise  called  Lai,  Lebecii,  Libici,  Lsevi;  proba- 
bly petty  tribes  between  the  Orgua  and  Ticinus   under  the 
supremacy  of  the  Insubres.     Their  cliief  city  was  Vercellffi 
(Libicorum  ex  Salluviis  orta,  Pliny  iii.  16).  ' 

§  8.  SemlgermaiLlst  This  objection  might  apply  to  the  great 
St  Bernard,  but  could  have  little  force  after  the  description 
of  the  resistance  which  H.  met  with  on  his  way  from  the  moun- 
taineers, whoever  they  were.  The  form  Semigermanis  probablv 
suggested  Madvig's  reading  Semigalli  above. 

The  answer  to  the  etymological  theory  serves  to  show  that 
no  local  traditions  of  H.  lingered  on  the  great  St  Bernard,  but 
proves  nothing  as  to  the  little  St  B. 

§9.  Sedunl  Veratol.  Tribes  about  Martigny  on  the  lake  of 
Geneva.  They  are  cMipled  together  by  Cffisar,  B.  G.  iii.  1,  in 
Veragros  Sedunosque—qui  a  Jinibus  Allobrogum,  et  hicu  Lemano 
et  jiumine  RJiodano  adsummas  Alpes  pertinent,  as  also  by  Phny, 
in.  20.  Strabo,  iv.  6.  6,  speaks  of  the  Ovdpaypoi  near  the  Leman 
Lake,  whose  town  Octodurus  was  near  the  site  of  Martigny. 
The  names  were  restored  in  the  text  by  Lipsius  and  Gronovius 
from  the  corrupt  sed  uno  vel  acri  of  the  best  MSS. 

c.  XXXIX.  §  1.    ad  prlncipia  r.,  'for  the  opening  of  the  war.' 

aimare,  'prepare  for  action.'  Napoleon  passed  the  great 
St  Bernard  in  6  days,  but  waited  20  more  before  his  army  was 
ready  to  fight. 

§  2.  tabe.  Fabri  compares  ii.  32.  11,  totum  corpus  ad 
extremam  tabem  venisu. 

§  3.    a  Manllo,  v.  25.  8.    Atilioque,  26.  2. 

tlrone  et...,  'disheartened  as  the  raw  levies  were.'  tiro 
connected  with— far,  Hprjy,  terenus,  nux  terentina  (qua  mollh 
tit,  Macrob. ),  trio.     Corssen,  i.  511. 

novla  Ignominila,  i.e.  the  rout  by  the  Gauls,  25.  9. 

§  4.  caput.  Possibly,  but  not  certainly,  on  the  site  of 
Turin,  or  what  was  afterwards  Taurasia  and  Augusta  Taurino- 
mm. 

volentes,  i.e.  the  citizens  by  cortitr.  ad  synesim. 


NOTES.     XXL     c.  XXXIX.  §  4— xl.  §  2.     207 

§6.  oppresslsset,  'surprised,'  used  with  the  additional 
sense  of  arresting  the  movement. 

§  6.  <iu89  pars.  Fabri  gives  other  examples  of  the  fre- 
quent use  of  quis  or  qui  for  titer. 

P.  42,  §  8.  eo  Ipso,  quod...  This  is  an  afterthought  of 
history.  Livy  forgets  that  H.  had  no  great  name  as  yet,  and 
that  the  consuls  were  not  specially  elected  for  military  skill, 
except  in  times  of  crisis. 

§  9.  inter  se  opinlonem,  'their  estimate  of  each  other,*  as 
inter  se  is  often  used  for  reciprocal  action,  as  also  alii  alios,  &c. 
Sallust  combines  both.  Cat.  22.  2,  quo  inter  se  magis  fidi 
forent  aliu^  alii  tanti  facinoris  conscii.  Later  writers,  like 
Tacitus,  use  invicem. 

quod,  relictus  In  Gallia.  Polyb. ,  in.  GO,  says  wporepov  dXlyais 
rjnipais,  and  makes  Hannibal  marvel  at  the  promptitude  of 
Scipio,  though  at  least  a  month  must  have  elapsed,  and  the 
Roman  forces  might  have  been  brought  round  to  meet  H.  at 
the  foot  of  the  Alps  before  he  had  recruited  his  strength.  It  is 
probable  that  in  these  phrases  we  may  trace  the  influence  of 
the  Scipionic  circle  in  giving  a  favourable  colour  to  what  was 
really  questionable  generalship. 

§  10.  Occupavit,  'took  the  initiative  by.'  Cf.  i.  14.  6, 
occupabant  bellum  facere ;  Hor.  Carm.  i.  14.  2,  interdum  rapere 
occupat;  still  stronger    iv.  30.  4,  ipsi  prceoccupaverunt  ferre. 

educeret,  sc.  exercitum.  Often  used  absolutely  by  Livy  in 
this  connexion. 

c.  XL.  §  1,  supersedissem  1.  'I  should  have  thought  it 
needless  to  harangue  you.  *  The  speech  of  the  general  to  liis 
soldiers  is  a  characteristic  of  Greek  and  Eoman  warfare,  and  of 
citizen  soldiers. 

§  2.  Tlcissent.  Note  the  sudden  change  from  the  subj. 
which  expresses  the  speaker's  thought  to  the  ind.  habui  which 
states  only  a  matter  of  fact. 

confessionem...  •!  regarded  as  a  victory  the  admission  of 
(inferiority)  implied  in  the  enemy's  flight  and  refusal  to  engage.' 
This  is,  of  course,  a  mere  rhetorical  boast. 

§  3.  meis  auspicils.  In  the  technical  system  of  Home  the 
ampicia  were  taken  by  the  legati  or  deputy  commanders  in  the 
name  of  the  general  in  chief.  Cf.  Tac.  Ann.  i.  41,  ductu  Ger- 
manici  auspiciis  Tiberii.  Monum.  Ancyr.  res  aut  a  me  aut  per 
legatos  meis  auspiciis  gestas.  Horace  says,  Carm.  i.  7.-  27,  with 
less  propriety,  Teucro  duce  et  auspice  Teucro. 


208     NOTES.     XXI.     c.  xl.  §  S-c.  xli.  §  5. 

populua  RomanuB.  The  commons  only  indirectly  in- 
fluenced the  choice  of  a  commanaer  by  giving  consular  rank- 
the  choice  of  the  province  rested  partly  with  the  senate  partlv 
with  the  lot.  '         ^ 

TOluit  agrees  with  the  unity  implied  in  sen.  pop.  R, 

§  5.  stipendlnm.  At  first  it  was  arranged  that  the  indem- 
nity of  3200  talents  should  be  paid  off  in  20  years;  the  term 
was  afterwards  reduced  to  10. 

Sardiniam.  It  was  hardly  ingenuous  to  speak  of  S.  as  heUi 
prtEmiuin,  since  it  was  taken  by  Rome  some  time  after. 

P.  43,  §  7.  audent,  i.e.  pugnare  or  absolutely  as  often  in 
Livy. 

duabua  partlbus.  Scipio  is  supposed  to  know  the  numbers 
and  losses  in  HannibaFs  army.  The  fractions  |,  f ,  ^  are  ex- 
pressed  by  dute^  tre$t  quattuor  partes  respectively.     Cf.  viii. 

§  8.    At  enim.     An  idiomatic  ellipse  as  18.  9. 

§  9.    praeustl  artU4s,  'frost- bitten  hmbs." 

§  11.  qui  secundum...  *Who  next  to  the  Gods  have  boon 
sinned  against.'    Cf.  45.  8. 

commissum...  For  this  use  of  the  three  verbs,  cf.  Floras  n. 
15,  Si  quia  trium  temporum  momenta  comideret,  primo  commissum 
helium,  projligatum  secundo,  tertio  vera  confectum  eat,  also  Livy 
in.  50.  6. 

c.  XLI.  §  1.  vestrl  adbort.  So  Cicero  uses  sui  comervanai 
causa.  Ovid.  Heroid.  xx,  74,  copia  placandi  sit  modoparva  tui, 
neuter  forms  of  the  possessive  being  in  both  cases  used. 

§  3.  ad  famam.  But  26.  4,  he  is  said  to  have  landed  by 
the  Ehone,  thinking  Hannibal  far  away  across  the  Pyrenees. 

§  4.  qua  parte.  Comtr.  ad  syiusim,  equitibiLS  being  under- 
stood in  equestri, 

P.  44.  regressus.  The  MSS.  reading  of  this  passage  witli 
neque  before  regr.  makes  no  sense,  and  is  corrected  by  Madvi^. 
Weiss,  marks  it  as  hopeless. 

§  6.  improvlsiu.  Madvig  retains  this  reading  of  the 
MSS.,  though  impravidm  seems  more  in  accordance  with  Livy's 
usage. 

decemendum,  pp.  nrmis  or  ferro. 


NOTES.     XXI.     c.  XLT.  5S  6— 17 


209 


§  6.  BBstimatos.  Tlie  sum  paid  for  each  prisoner  at  the 
capitulation  of  Eryx,  but  which  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere. 

astimare  is  lit.  •  to  reckon  in  bronze '  from  ces  and  tima, 
Tlfirjfia,  the  earliest  coin  being  in  (ss.    Corssen,  ii.  424. 

§  7.  Herculls.  Referring  to  the  fancy  which  connected  the 
name  of  the  Graian  Alps  (or  little  St  Bernard)  with  the 
Hercules  Graius,  who  was  fabled  to  have  crossed  them  after 
his  victory  over  Geryon,  cf.  v.  34.  7.  Nep.  Hami.  iii,  4, 
Alpes...nuUadum  via.. .nisi  de  Hercule  fabulis  credere  licet... 
mperataii. 

ut  Ipse  fert.    Ferre  is  here  as  often  in  Livy  for  pra  se  ferre. 

vectigalis.  Strictly  speaking,  Carthage  was  only  stipen- 
diaria,  since  she  paid  a  definite  sum  by  way  of  indemnity, 
cf.  stipendia  Carthaginis  ivipicc,  Hor.  The  stipend,  civitates 
of  later  days  were  those  whose  contributions  to  the  imperial 
treasury  were  of  fixed  amount,  or  proceeded  from  a  tax  of  fixed 
percentage.  The  vectigalia  paid  by  the  greater  part  of  the 
empire  were  tithes  or  other  imposts  varying  with  the  pro- 
ductiveness of  the  soil. 

§  8.  Quern  nisi.  *  If  he  were  not  maddened  by  the  sense 
of  guilt.'    Cf.  Cic.  Rose.  Am.  24,  swim  quemque  scelus  agitat. 

§  9.    consule.     Lutatius. 

§  11.  ultimo,  'extreme,'  as  44.  4,  ultivii  cruciatus,  in.  68. 
11,  ultima  pana. 

sine  uUo  cert.  This  is  all  extravagant  rhetoric,  though  the 
danger  was  a  real  one  to  the  Carthaginian  army  at  Eryx.  But 
the  Romans  gladly  offered  terms  of  peace,  for  their  losses  had 
been  even  more  severe  than  those  of  the  enemy,  700  ships  as 
against  500,  according  to  Polyb.  i.  61. 

§  12.  tutelae,  gen.  of  quality  after  dtiximus,  'regarded  as 
under  our  protection,'  cf.  44.  5,  sui  arbitrii  fecit,  vii.  18.  S.Jidei 
tua  non  solum  virtutis  ducebant  esse. 

The  Romans  had  little  to  be  proud  of  in  the  memory  of 
their  conduct  to  Carthage  in  the  great  crisis  of  the  mercenary 
war. 

§  13.    Pro  his  impert.     •  In  return  for  these  boons.' 

P.  45,  §  15.  olwistat...obstandum,  'bar  the  way.'  Doder- 
lein  remarks  upon  this  verb  as  a  prouder  phrase  than  resistat. 

§  16.    non,  •  not  only.' 

§  17.  lllius  urbis,  'our  city  yonder,'  as  contrasted  with  vis 
nostra, '  our  valour  here.' 

C.  L.  14 


210    NOTES.    XXI.    c.  xLii.  §  1— c.  xuii.  §  G. 

^  c.  XLii.  §  1.  ad  spectacTUum.  A  plirase  often  used  Iv 
Livy.  Cf.  xxiii.  43.  1,  ad  spectaculum  pugna  frequentes  exi- 
erant. 

■1  vinculls.  'On  condition  of  being  set  free  from  Ijis 
bonds,  and  roceiving  if  victorious,  Arc* 

§  2.  delecta  in  id,  'thrown  for  that  purpose,'  i.  e.  into  the 
helmet  or  um,  so  cotyicere  sortem  in  umam,  siteUam,  or 
cistulam, 

§  3.  et,  ttt  culuaque.  The  MSS.  have  no  ut,  but  it  seems  to 
be  required,  and  may  have  been  omitted  after  the  et,  from  the 
similarity  of  the  words.  W.  notes  that  only  one  pair  of  com- 
batants is  mentioned  by  Polyb.,  and  thinks  that  therefore  the 
et  cujus  of  some  MSS.  is  better,  but  the  vincentium  of  the  last 
line  points  to  several  pairs  fighting  together. 

exciderat.  So  6  K\rjpos  iKwivrei.  Cf.  xxiii.  3.  7,  nominibus 
in  vrnam  eonjectis  citari,  quod  primum  sorte  nomen  excidit, 
jtusit. 

ful  mods.     Cf.  X.  20.  8,  ovantes  moris  sui  carmine. 

trlpudliii.  This  word  is  explained  by  the  Latin  writers  as 
strictly  applied  to  the  action  of  the  sacred  chickens,  cernitur 
in  aitspiciis  tripiidifintinm  pullorum  dictum  a  terra  pavienda, 
Festus.  So  too  Cicero,  div.  ii.  34.  The  root  pu  is  traced  by 
Corssen,  i.  359,  in  repudium^  and  possibly  pudet,  as  well  as 
in  pavire  (strike),  pavimentunit  rcdetv.  tri  is  not  for  terra,  which 
is  imehanged  in  composition,  but  as  in  trifolium,  triclinium, 
trianum,  from  the  threefold  beat.  The  word  is  also  used  of 
the  ceremonial  dances  of  the  Komans,  as  of  the  Salii,  cum 
tripudiii  solemnique  cantu,  i.  20.  3,  and  of  the  Fratres  Arvalet 
in  the  inscriptions. 

§  4.    is  habitus  anlmorum.     Cf.  2.  C,  eo  fuit  hahitu  oris. 
eiusdem  cond.,  i.  e.  prisoners. 
spectantes,  i.  e.  the  army. 

P.  46,  c.  XLiii.  §  2.  viclmus.  The  past  put  for  the  future 
to  express  the  certainty  of  the  result,  and  give  life  to  the 
sentence. 

§  4.  babentes.  The  MSS.  have  habentihus^  and  W.  retains 
it,  but  it  seems  equally  awkward  to  regard  it  with  Fabri  as  au 
abl.  abs.,  or  as  dative  agi-eeing  with  voMs  while  understanding 
*fiigam '  with  claudunt  as  W.  Buggeats. 

§  6.  poisldtml  '  The  port  *  which  corresponds  to  rpon, 
wp6i  appears  in  various  forms  in  possideo,  pollivgo,  porricio, 
poM  {po.  sino).  Corssen,  Beitrage  87. 


NOTES.     XXI.     c.  XLiii.  §  7— c.  xLiv.  g  6.    211 

§  7.  agite  dum,  plural  form  of  interjectional  agcdum;  for 
dum  the  MSS.  read  *cum.* 

§  10.  emerltis  stip.  Lit.  *  when  you  have  earned  your 
pay.'  So  applied  to  the  veteran  whose  term  of  service  has 
expired  and  who  looks  for  pension  or  land  as  in  later  days  at 
Kome.  So  iii.  57.  10,  non  juniores  modo,  sed  emerltis  etiam 
stipendiis,  pars  magna  voluntariorum. 

P.  47,  §  11-  momento.  Here  in  original  sense  'impulse' 
{movere).  Cf.  xxiv.  34.  2,  quicquid  hostes  ingenti  mole  agercnt, 
ipse  perlevi  momento  ludijicaretur. 

§  12.    Nam  refers  to  nee  tarn  dijfficilem  of  §  11. 

§13.  Ut  vlglnti.  'To  say  nothing  of  the  20  years  of 
service  when  you  fought  with  your  well-known  valour  and 
success,'  i.  e.  during  the  conquest  of  Spain,  rhetorically  for 
18  years. 

Ilia... Ilia.  Cf.  IX.  17.  4,  cessisset  Papirius  Cursor  illo  cor- 
pore  rohore  illo  animi. 

Herculis  columnis,  i.  e.  Calpe  and  Abyla  at  Gibraltar. 

§  14.  c»80,  &c.  Cf.  c.  25.  Livy  often  uses  the  asyndeton 
in  rhetorical  passages,  cf.  44.  4,  dolor  injuria  indignitas. 

§  15.  semestrl.  Scipio  had  taken  office  in  March.  H. 
touches  here  on  the  weak  point  of  the  military  system  of 
Kome,  the  constant  change  of  generals,  yet  Livy's  age  had  seen 
the  danger  to  civil  liberties  of  a  long  tenure  of  command. 

§  17.  notata,  &c.  '  Eecall  to  mind  your  several  distinc- 
tions with  the  appropriate  date  and  scene  of  each.' 

§  18.  laudatis  donatlsque.  A  phrase  frequently  repeated 
by  L.     Cf.  XXV.  18.  15. 

c.  XLIV.  §  1.  infrenatos,  i.e.  the  Numidians,  who  are  often 
specified  as  using  no  bridle.    Cf.  40.  2. 

§  2.  sodos.  Used  of  all  the  various  nationalities  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  citizens  of  Carthage. 

§  4.    indlgrnltas,  perhaps  *a  sense  of  the  heinousness.* 

P.  48,  §  5.  se  modum,  Ac.  'Thinks  it  her  right  to  dic- 
tate to  us  the  nations  with  whom  we  may  be  at  peace  or  war.' 

neqne,  for  'but  not.'  Cf.  iv.  30.  14,  missi  tamen  feciales, 
nee  eorum... verba  sunt  audita. 

§  6.  The  MSS.  read  ad  contrary  to  the  fact,  Madvig 
inserts  the  noUt  but  W.  prefers  cis  'on   our  side  of,'  which 

14—2 


212 


FOTES,     XX T.     c.  xLiv.  §§  6—9. 


yOTES.     XXI.  c.  XLV.  §§  1—8. 


213 


eeoms  a  better  retort,  though  less  near  the  MSS.  Kraiiss 
suggests  at  liberum  est  Saguntum^  referring  to  the  treaty  with 
Hasdrubal,  2.  7,  which  provided  Sag.  mediis  inter  imperia 
duontm  popiilontm  lihertas  xervaretur.  This  was  followed, 
however,  by  a  compact  between  Rome  and  Sagnntum,  Pol.  m. 
30,  which  Carthage  ignored  when  Hannibal  accused  Eome  of 
meddling  with  the  autonomy  of  S.,  and  when  just  above  he 
says  neque  eos  qtios  statuit  terminos  ohservat.  (Rhein.  Mas. 
1875.) 

§  7.    meas.    As  if  Carthage  were  speaking  by  prnsopop^rk. 

Etiam  (In)  Hlsp.  Tliere  is  much  doubt  as  to  the  reading  of 
the  whole  sentence.  Madv.  inserts  the  in,  atid  separates  the 
clause  from  the  foregoing,  because  he  thinks  tliat  Spain  which 
the  Romans  had  not  yet  attacked  should  be  coupled  with 
Africa.  W.  inserts  adimis  again  before  etiam  and  does  not 
accept  in. 

The  common  reading,  transcendcs  autem  dico,  is  riBJect(  •!  ly 
M.,  on  the  ground  that  either  autem  or  dico  would  be  superilu- 
ous,  and  he  therefore  inserts  transcendiss^e,  which  W.  objects  to 
with  some  reason  as  weak,  when  followed  by  duos  consules,  &c. 

imum  in  Afr.  H.  naturallv  omits  to  note  that  this  was  a 
measure  of  4efence  though  offensive  in  form. 

Ttndlcarlmns,  is  Madvig's  correction  for  the  vindicartmm 
of  the  MSS.,  which  Heerwagen  supports  by  like  passages  as 
xxiii.  5.  6,  nihil  ne  quod  guppleremus  quidem  nobis  reliquit 
fortuna. 

§  3.  qui  regpectum  habent,  '  who  have  something  to  fall 
back  on. ' 

respectUB,  used  elsewhere  by  Livy  in  this  sense  of  '  chance 
of  safety  or  retreat.'  Cf.  in.  23.  6,  nos  omnium  rerum  resper 
turn,  praterquam  victoria,  nobis  abscindamus.  So  Cic.  Phil.  v. 
18,  quum  respectum  ad  senatum  et  bonos  non  haberet. 

omnibus  inter,  &c.  '  Assiured  that  you  must  tear  out  of 
your  hearts  all  hopes  of  any  alternative  save  victory  or 
death.* 

dubitablt,  is  euphemistic  for  adversa  erit. 

§  9.  destlnatum.  W.  inserts  n*  before  this.  Madv.  wouM 
expunge  it  as  a  needless  repetition,  and  because  de.-it.  in  an.  is 
less  natural  than^^xwm  in  aii.;  yet  we  find  the  phrase,  vi.  6.  6, 
tibi  destinatum  in  animo  esse^  and  possibly  destinatum  consilio, 
64.  6. 


P.  49i  c.  XLV.  §  1.  ponte  Ticlnum,  They  had  already 
crossed  the  Po  from  Flacentia,  39.  10,  and  were  marching 
along  the  left  bank.  The  pom  over  the  Ticinus,  probably  near 
Pavia,  was  a  fixed  one,  with  a  castellum  or  tete  du  pontj  dis- 
tinguished from  the  bridge  of  boats  {rates)  over  the  Po. 

§  3.    solllcltari.     Used  absolutely  25.  2,  without  in  defect. 

Ictumolis.  The  text  points  to  a  place  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Ticinus,  about  the  modern  Carbonara,  which  agrees  also 
with  the  situation  of  the  place  of  like  name  referred  to  57.  9. 
But  Pliny,  32.  21,  and  Strabo,  v.  1.  12,  speak  of  the  gold  mines 
of  Victiimulie  or  Ictumuli  in  the  district  of  Vercellae,  and  there 
are  still  traces  of  them  near  Biella  to  the  north  of  Vercella;, 
while  there  were  none  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ticinus.  In 
later  times  the  Romans  found  a  pretext  for  a  war  with  the 
Salassi,  and  despoiled  them  of  the  mines  in  question,  and  it 
is  probable  that  the  contractors  who  farmed  them  afterwards 
and  employed  some  50(X)  workmen  in  them  brought  the 
produce  to  Ictumuli,  which  served  as  the  chief  emporium  for 
the  whole  neighbourhood  until  the  colony  of  Eporedia  was 
planted  in  the  centre  of  the  mining  district.    C.  I.  L.  v.  2,  p.  715. 

§  4.  pronuntiat,  'offers,'  like  proponit  below ;  so  declarare 
vninera,  indicere  pramia. 

in  quorum  spem.  The  use  of  the  prepos.  is  singular, 
as  spes  is  not  the  object,  but  the  cause  of  the  action,  which  is 
however  confounded  with  it.  Heerwagen  compares  v.  30.  4, 
vellent  in  earn  speni  liheros  tollere. 

§  5.    inununem,  i.e.  free  of  all  paj^ments  to  the  state. 

§  6.  potestatem  fact.  H.  here  claims  a  power  which 
Roman  generals  at  times  exercised,  of  bestowing  the  civitas 
or  franchise. 

§  7.  manciplum,  the  'taking  by  the  hand,'  was  a  symbol 
of  purchase,  and  thus  the  term  was  used  alike  for  tlie  riglit 
of  ownership  (e.g.  vitaque  mancipio  nulli  datur),  as  also  for  the 
slave  as  the  property  of  his  master. 

§  8.  sllicem  retinens.  The  knife  of  flint  was  used  for 
sacrificial  purposes  till  late  in  the  days  of  the  Empire,  as  we 
see  from  the  Acta  fratrum  Arvalium.  It  was  probably  a 
custom  of  immemorial  antiquity,  retained  from  the  ages  which 
had  little  use  of  metals,  by  a  religious  conservatism  which 
feared  to  change  its  forms,  cf.  the  proverb  inter  sacrum  saxum- 
que,  Plant.  Capt.  iii.  4,  like  our  '  between  hammer  and  anvil.' 

falleret,  *  forswear  himself.'  Cf.  Hor.  Carm.  ii.  8.  10,  es>- 
pedit  matris  cineres  opertos  |  fallere. 


214    NOTES.      XXL  c.  xlv.  §  8— c.  xlvi.  §3. 


loTem,  named  by  Livy  with  characteristic  carelessness  for 
the  Baal  of  Carthage. 

mactassel  Connected  by  Curtius,  293,  with  maceUum, 
fiaxcupa,  fiaxv-  Cf.  Lucr.  v.  1339,  bovea  Lucie  ferro  male 
macta,  and  the  fragment  of  Nrevius  restored  by  Miiller,  Festus 
p.  397,  nullum peim  mticit  hominem  quamde  mare  faevum. 

The  MSS.  have  et  before  secundum  prec.  Madvig  rejects 
this  on  the  ground  that  the  omission  of  eat  after  precutin 
would  be  indefensible,  as  in  the  reading  pracipitatus,  2'>.  S. 

§  9.  velut  dlia  auct.  *  As  if  each  were  assured  that  tlie 
gods  sanctioned  his  hopes.*  The  quisque  is  not  merely  used 
distributively  with  the  collective  rati,  but  is  made  an  intepral 
part  of  the  abl.  aba.  in  which  it  is  introduced  as  a  subject. 
Livy  does  this  elsewhere  with  quisque  as  xxxii.  24.  4,  relictb 
iuis  quisque  statiofiibm  in... locum  concurrerunt^  and  with  ipse 
as  IV.  44.  10,  causa  ipse  pro  se  dicta  damnatur,  xxxviii.  47.  7, 
causam  apud  vo»  accusantibus  mei*  ipse  legatis  dieo,  and  with 
plerique^  as  xxxiii.  9.  11,  deinde  omissis  plerique  arj/i/s 
capessunt  fupam.  He  docs  the  like  in  constructions  with  a 
gerund  as  xxv.  23.  11,  astimando  ipse  secum.  ii.  38.  0,  inxti- 
gando  suoi  quisque  populos  effecere.  ix.  29.  8,  gerendo  solus 
censuram  obtinuit.  xlii.  53.  3,  ad  pecuniam  pro  factdtatihas 
qiiaque  suis  pollicendum.  On  this  peculiarity  of  Livy's  styk 
see  Madvijj  Kleine  Philol.  Sclir.  p.  367. 

id  mona,  quod.     Cf.  5.  12,  id  morari  quod. 

P.  50,  c.  XLVI.  §  1.  terrltos  p.  The  portents,  as  seen  of 
old,  commonly  reflected  the  prevailing  temper  whether  san- 
guine or  foreboding.  Cf.  what  Bagehot  says  of  such  forms  (if 
superstition  as  a  source  of  national  weakness.  "In  historical 
times,  as  we  know,  the  panic  terror  at  eclipses  has  been  the 
ruin  of  the  armies  which  have  felt  it ;  or  has  made  them  delay 
to  do  something  necessary,  or  rush  to  do  something  destruc- 
tive  A  rehgion  full  of   omens   is  a  military  misfortune. " 

Physics  and  Politics,  p.  132. 

§  2.  exam  en,  for  exagimen^  as  ala  for  axilla,  mala  for 
maxilla. 

§  3.  procuratls.  The  technical  term  for  the  religions 
ceremonies  adopted  to  propitiate  the  powers  whose  displeasure 
had  been  shown  by  natural  signs. 

obvliu  fit.  Polyb.  who  gives  the  clearest  account  of  these 
operations  describes  Scipio  as  crossing  first  over  the  Po 
(probably  near  Placentia),  and  then  across  the  Ticinus  (pro- 
bably near  Pavia)  over  tlie  bridge  specially  built  for  him,  iii. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  XLVI.  §§3—10. 


215 


65  He  then,  c.  05,  describes  the  two  armies  marching  along 
the  river  (which  was  doubtless  the  Po),  along  the  bank  which 
faced  the  Alps  (i.  e.  the  left),  the  liomans  having  the  river  on 
their  left,  the  Carthaginians  on  the  right. 

The  account  of  Livy,  though  less  definite,  can  be  har- 
monized with  this.  Some  have  supposed  the  river  of  Polyb. 
along  which  both  armies  marched  to  be  the  Ticinus,  but 
the  Komans  could  only  have  bad  this  on  their  left  if  they  had 
tirst  marched  up  one  bank,  crossed  it  higher  up,  and  then 
marched  down  the  other  bank— a  most  improbable  manoeuvre. 
It  is  strange  however  that  no  notice  should  be  taken  of  the 
other  rivers  in  the  way  of  the  two  armies. 

§  4.  expediebant,  constr.  ad  synesim,  the  plural  referring 
to  the  soldiers  of  the  agmcn. 

§  5.  soclommq.  r.  '  The  regular  cavalry  of  the  allies,* 
like  oiir  •  heavy  dragoons.'     Cf.  34.  5,  cum  rohore  peditum. 

m  subsidiis,  '  in  reserve,'  but  not  used  in  the  technical  sense 
of  the  triarii  who  formed  properly  the  reserves. 

frenatos.    Cf.  44.  2. 

§6.  labentlbus,  'falling  from  their  horses'  or  'thrown,' 
probably  from  the  horses  taking  fright  at  the  skirmishers. 

§  7.  Intercursu,  a  word  peculiar  to  Livy.  Cf.  ii.  29.  7, 
XXX.  11.  9. 

pubescentis,  in  his  17th  year,  according  to  Polyb.  10.  3. 

§8.  Afrlcanus.  Cf.  Livy  xxx.  45.  7,  primus  certe  hie 
imperator  nomine  victa  a  se  gentis  est  nohilitatus.  Hor.  Carm. 
IV. 8. 18,  Ejus  qui  domita  nomen  ab  Africa  \  Lucratus  rcdiit,  and 
early  traditions  ascribed  a  like  origin  to  names  such  as  Gono- 
lanus,  but  they  may  have  been  derived  from  the  origo  of  the 
//('».?,  or  from  later  relations  of  patrocinium. 

P  51  §9  alius,  used  almost  as  ceteri  'the  remaining 
force''  wh'ich  was  cavalry.  Cf.  ii.  17.  6,  principes  securi  per- 
cussi,  sub  corona  venierunt  coloni  alii.  xxiv.  44.  8,  Et  aha 
ludibria  oculorum credita  pro  veris. 

§  10.  mallm  eq.  Livy  prefers  to  attribute  the  credit  to 
the  son,  not  as  being  best  attested,  but  as  most  creditable  to 
Afrlcanus.  Polyb.  refers  to  the  evidence  of  C.  Lalius  the 
friend  of  Scipio. 

et  fama.  We  may  take  fama  in  the  abl.  as  a  modal,  which 
is  however  hazardous,  or  if  we  understand  fama  as  the  nom., 
as  is  much  more  in  accordance  with  Livy's  usage,  we  may 


216    A'OT£S.     XXI.  c.  XLvi.  §  10 — c.  xlvii.  S  8 

■nppose  a  break  in  the  construction,  or  ciijm  supplied  from 
qmd,  i.e.  'as  to  which  the  report  holds  its  ground'  Cf 
I.  4.  5,  tenet  fama  lupam  cursum  Jlexisse, 

.  P-  ^^.":  §  2.  vasa  sUentlo  colL  So  xxvii.  47.  8,  extinctiB 
tqmbus  vtgtlia  |>nwa  dato  ngno  lU  taciti  vam  collinerent  The 
signal  was  not  in  such  cases  given,  as  usually,  by  "the  sound  uf 
a  trumpet. 

X,  *^"^  *^  ^'  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  explicitly  notice  the  crossinrr 
the  licmus,  but  that  is  implied  in  the  withdrawal  to  tlie 
ratm  over  the  Po,  and  in  the  advantage  of  falling  back  upon 
x^iacentia* 

§3.    Prliia...quam...8Clret  H.     Polyb.  explains  the  delay 
of  H.  as  due  to  a  belief  that  the  Bomau  infantry  would  attack 


him. 


®,®^  m?***"  ™**'^'  ^^^y^'  makes  H.  march  up  to  the  bridge 
on  the  Ticinus  (tm  roO  wpiSrrov  Torafiov)  and  capture  tlie  G(HI 
who  were  left  behind  to  break  the  brid-,'e  by  taking  up  the 
planks  (aaviSfs)  which  stretched  from  pier  to  pier.  H.  then 
retires  eit  javaurta  wapd  Thv  woTafwv,  that  is  higher  up  the 
Po  to  find  a  suitable  spot  for  crossing.  Livy  clearly  implies 
Ihat  H.  crossed  the  Ticinus,  and  found  the  600  engaged  iu 
loosing  the  bridge  of  boats  over  the  Po,  which  floated  down 
the  stream  (tit  iecundam  aqitum)  when  its  end  was  untied. 

la  ciUadore  rlpa.  'The  left  bank,'  Hannibal's  position 
bemg  the  main  idea. 

§  6-  Ea  perltis.  The  scruples  of  Livy  seem  well  founded, 
and  all  probability  is  against  such  a  mode  of  crossing.  Poly- 
bms  does  not  notice  it. 

idem  fecerlnt  'Inspire  confidence.'  Cf.  i.  16.  8,  facta jlde 
immortalUatiM,  CiBsar  Bell.  Gall.  vi.  U.  2,  ut...Voluseinu... 
fidem  mmfaceret  ademe  Ctmarem, 

ut  iam.  'Even  allowing  that.'  Cf.  Hor.  Epod.  i.  21,  non 
ut  adsit  attxili  |  latura  pirn  prasentibm, 

P.  52,  §  8.  sex  mllUa  a  Placentia.  Nothing  is  here  said  of 
Mther  army  crossing  the  Trebia  on  its  way  to  Placentia,  aikl 
the  language  of  both  Livy  and  Polybius  is  general  enough  for 
any  position  in  the  neighbourhood.  Niebuhr  and  others  have 
assumed  that  Scipio  retreated  to  the  east  of  Trebia,  and  that 
Hannibal  following  him  thither  cut  him  off  from  his  com- 
munications  with  Rome.  Tliis  view  seems  quite  untenable  for 
tlie  following  reasons : 

(1)  We  hear  afterwards  of  Scipio  crossing  the  Trebia  and 
takmg  np  his  position  on  hilly  ground  near  it.    If  this  new 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  XLVII.  §  8— c.  xlviii.    §  8.  217 

position  had  been  on  the  left  bank,  he  would  have  been  isolated 
from  his  aUies  the  Cenomani  to  the  North,  from  the  Road  to 
Rome  on  the  East,  and  from  Placentia,  which  was  his  natural 
base,  and  a  fortified  town  with  a  garrison  of  6000  colonists. 

(2)  The  union  between  Sempronius  and  himself  would 
have  been  endangered,  yet  we  hear  of  no  conflict  as  if  H. 
stood  between  the  two  armies. 

(3)  The  Trebia  was  between  H.  and  Scipio,  and  the 
attempt  made  to  gain  possession  of  Clastidium  which  lay  ou 
the  West  naturally  though  not  necessarily  points  to  H.  being 
also  to  the  West. 

It  would  seem  therefore  on  the  whole  most  probable  that 
Scipio's  camp  was  at  first  to  the  West  of  the  Trebia,  and  that 
he  crossed  at  last  to  get  nearer  his  base  and  put  the  river 
between  himself  and  H.  It  is  doubtful  however  whether  Livy 
intended  this,  and  had  he  been  careful  of  geography  he  might 
have  expressed  himself  more  clearly. 

The  language  of  Polybius  is  also  vague,  inpl  ttoKlv  IlXa- 
Ktvrlav,  but  may  point  to  the  conclusion  adopted,  which  is 
opposed  however  to  the  view  of  Niebuhr,  Arnold,  Liddell  and 
Weissenbom,  but  has  been  adopted  by  Mommseu. 

c.  XLVIII.  §  3.  sl^um  defectionls.  Scipio  therefore  fell 
back  nearer  to  the  road  to  Rome  and  to  Ariminum,  without 
quite  giving  up  his  communications  with  Placentia.  But  he 
removed  as  far  as  possible  from  the  country  of  the  Gauls. 

contactos.  'Tainted,  implicated.'  This  word  is  often  used 
by  Livy  in  derivative  senses  as  contactos  rabie,  societate  belli^ 
violatione  templi,  regia  pneda,  fanebribus  diris  and  then  ex- 
tended to  things,  as  unlucky  days,  and  auspicia. 

adhuc.  Here  and  often  by  Livy  used  for  etiam  turn,  strictly 
it  should  mean  '  up  to  now.'  Cicero  seldom  uses  it  except  of 
the  present. 

§  6.  citra,  as  47.  3,  '  ou  their  side '  of  the  agent,  not  the 
writer. 

P.  53,  §  7.  lactatl,  'irritated,'  so  we  read  of  jactationem 
cicatricis,  xxix.  32.  12,  and  vulueris,  xxx.  19.  5.  Some  MSS. 
have  jactanti  agreeing  with  via,  with  which  less  probable 
reading  cf.jactatio  maritima,  26.  5. 

ratus  exspectandum.  It  would  have  been  a  etrange  way  of 
waiting  for  reinforcements  to  allow  the  enemy  to  occupy  the 
road  by  which  they  must  come.    See  above,  on  47.  8. 

§  8.  anziUB  Inopia.  This  is  not  very  likely  as  many  of 
the  Gauls  behind  were  friends  and  the  country  was  very  rich. 


218     MOTES.     XXL  e.  xlvih.  §  8~c.  xlix.  §  1. 

Polyb.  II.  15  in  anotlicr  pnrt  of  his  history  dwells  in  emplmtic 
terms  on  the  fertility  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  which  evidently 
surprised  bim  by  its  contrast  to  the  poor  and  exhausted  soil  of 
Greece.  The  innkeeper,  he  says,  does  not  care  to  enter  the 
details  of  his  guest's  food,  but  boards  him  for  the  whole  day 
for  half  an  at.  ^ 

exciplebat.  For  this  secondary  sense  of.  v.  42.  3,  nee  tran- 
quiUior  nox  diem  tarn /cede  actum  excepit. 

Clastidlum  was  the  scene  of  the  victory  of  M.  Claudius 
Marcellus  over  the  Gallic  chief  Virdumarus  in  the  late  \Mir 
(Pol.  II.  34),  and  a  play  of  Naevius  was  called  after  its  name. 
It  was  a  principal  station  on  the  road  between  Genua  and 
Cremona,  though  afterwards  only  a  vicus  dependent  on  Pla- 
centia.  On  its  site  at  Castegpio,  an  inscription  has  been  found 
in  which  a  guild  of  cobblers  of  Placentia  who  were  livinj? 
at  Clastidium  were  made  trustees  of  a  sum  to  be  spent  iu 
honour  of  the  dead  rosa  et  aiimranUu)  et  epulis  perpetue  co- 
lendam, 

auinerus,  often  used  for  quantity.  Cf.  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  27. 
66,  maximus  vini  numerm, 

§  9.  nummls  aureis.  There  was  as  yet  no  gold  coinage 
in  Italy,  Spain,  or  Africa.  Mommsen,  R.  Miinzwesen,  C71. 
For  Spain  and  Italy  there  is  only  negative  evidence,  for  Rome 
Pliny  33.  8.  47  tells  us  that  gold  was  coined  61  years  (or  (')2 
in  most  MSS.)  after  silver,  and  that  was  begun  b.c.  267,  Liv. 
Epit.  15.  Livy  therefore  as  usual  adopts  the  terms  of  a  later  age. 

prsBfecto.  This  term  is  always  used  to  refer  to  the  delegate 
of  a  higher  oflScial,  whether  civil  or  military  :  not  to  the  elect 
of  an  assembly.  It  was  one  of  frequent  use  under  the  empire, 
and  passed  into  modern  language  as  prifet. 

Id  hoireiun.  Convenient  enough  if  H.  was  on  the  W. 
of  the  Trebia:  less  so  if  all  the  supplies  had  to  cross  the 
river. 

§  10.  ssBTitum.  A  bold  example  of  the  pass,  form  of  neut. 
verbs,  which  Livy  often  uses. 

0.  XLIX.  §1.    constitlsset.     *  Was  at  a  standstiU. ' 

Immliieiites.     'Clos«  to.'    Cf.  xli.  1.  2,  imminct  mari 
locus. 


!>• 


•t  ante  adventum.  'As  well  as  before.'  These  woids  are 
inserted  as  an  afterthought,  without  reference  to  the  inttrim, 
which  they  are  not  consistent  with. 


NOTES,     XXI.  c.  XLIX.  g§  2—8. 


•219 


8  2  novem  L.  '  9  reached  L.'  It  seems  better  to  under- 
Rtand  some  verb  such  as  attigerunt,  rather  than  assume  a  clif- 
LJ^nt  construction  in  two  clauses  with  tenuerunt  {cur sum)  ^lih 
and  without  ad,  though  both  constructions  axe  free  y  used  by 
n  a«  T  1  3  XXII  22.  2.  Strabo,  iv.  2. 10.  speaks  of  the  seven 
lKu  islanS  of  which  the  greatest  was  Lipara.  The 
^Tmay  be  used  for  the  town  as  W.  suggests,  or  be  used 
for  the  islands  generally.     Cf.  v.  lH.  -. 

msulam  Vulc.  Its  name  was  Thermessa,  Jju  udv  Up^u 
'uI^taT^Ka\ov<rc.  Strabo  gives  a  long  account  of  volcanic 
aatn  visible  on  the  island,  which  lay  between  Sicily  and  the 
LiparsB  group. 

S*?  merone.  Like  Hanno  at  Carthage,  Hiero  of  Syra- 
cuse lived  to  remember  the  1st  Punic  war  in  which  he  had 
borne  an  important  part.  At  first  an  ally  of  Car  h age  he 
transferred  himself  soin  to  the  winning  side,  to  which  ho  was 
uniformly  faithful. 

nullo  repugnante.  '  Without  resistance.' 
S  4  veteres  socles.  A  great  part  of  Sicily  once  belonged 
to  cithage,  but  they  were  graduaUy  driven  to  the  Western 
Coast  and  held  only  Motye  Solois  and  Panormus.  In  the 
dvS  ies  of  the  Greek  republics  they  found  frequent  occasions 
o7Serence,  as  the  weaker  party  in  the  struggle  turned  to 
them  for  help.  The  Ist  war  however  put  an  end  to  that,  and 
secured  the  island  to  Rome. 

p  »i4  8  6.  Slcllia  prov.  It  was  strictly  speaking  assigned 
to  Sempronius.  but  as  he  was  possibly  to  cross  into  Africa, 
the  PriBtor  Jlmilius  was  also  appomted  to  it. 

S  7.  legatL  Besides  the  envoys  so  called  who  were  sent 
on  extraordinary  missions,  there  were  regular  oflicers,  attached 
L  the  cons^^^^^^  or  the  legion,  as  lieutenant-generals, 

tiibuni.  Attached  to  each  legion,  six  in  number. 
8  8.  The  whole  passage  is  very  corrupt  in  the  MSS.,  but 
the  corrections  of  Madvig  have  been  generaUy  received.  His 
earlier  suggestion  of  strepere  for  teneri  has  not  been  admitted 
Sto  the  tfxt  The  change  of  form  from  misn  {mnt)  to  tenen 
U^rntelf  awkward,  the 'mSS  read  et  -^Y^-iJ^^^Zld'^e 
to  which  Madvig  objects  that  the  terms  of  the  edict  would  be 
gene  at  and  not  addressed  to  the  sailors  ^^dividu^ly.  and  he 
therefore  corrects  it  to  ne  quid,  ^^^^^^r^^l  ^^f f^  ',;; 
object  of  the  foregoing  direction  The  et  l^e  changes  to  «e 
but  this  seems  questionable.  Ut  ne  is  »  Pl^^^nasm  used  by 
Cicero,  but  rarely  by  later  wTiters,  and  D^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^?,^^^' 
whether  Livy  wrote  it  in  the  three  passages  in  which  the  MSb. 


A 


220      NOTES.     XXI.  c.  xlix.  §  8— c.  l.  §  3. 

have  it,  xxiiv.  17.  8,  xlii.  41. 10,  and  xlv.  23.  4,  in  all  of  which 
moreover  the  ut  ne  are  found  close  together.    It  seems  better  to 
omit  the  et  or  ut.    For  the  nnmeaning  word  simili  of  the  MSS 
l^e  reads  musU,  as  an  abl.  abs.  like  edicto  prop.    W.  prefers 
mud,  with  the  sunt  omitted,   like  the  missi  legati    above 
Hasenmiiller  suggests  mud  milites,  which  includes  many  of 
the  letters  found  in  the  simili  of  the  best  MS.     (Rhein.  Mus 
1863.) 

■odi  navalea.  In  early  days  the  Eomau  fleet  was  of  little 
importance,  and  service  in  the  navy  ranked  far  lower  than 
in  the  army.  The  ships  were  partly  manned  from  the  allies, 
and  the  coast  towns  were  especially  requiied  to  furnish  their 
contingents  of  marines  and  rowers.  Hence  the  term  mdi 
mavales,  though  Eomans  of  narrow  means  and  libertini  were 
also  called  upon  to  serve.  This  lower  status  lasted  on  even 
under  the  empiie,  as  may  be  proved  from  the  official  careers 
indicated  in  the  Inscriptions. 

§  9.  Imna  pernox.  Cf.  v.  28.  10,  and  alea  pernox,  Juv. 
VIII.  10. 

I  10.  conclamatmn,  conscensum,  prcgsemum,  v.  18.  10, 
tiei7tCtiiii. 

§  11.  demendis  axm.  Cf.  Drakeub.,  dicuntur  demi  armi- 
meata  quum  vela  cmitrahuntur,  mali  inclinantur,  antenna: 
componuntur;  quod  in  pitgna  naiali  solemne  erat. 

S  13.  memorla...  There  had  been  much  hard  fighting 
about  Lilybaeum  in  the  1st  war.  It  was  the  scene  of  an  ob- 
stinate siege,  conducted  by  the  liomans  with  great  pertinacity, 
as  well  as  of  a  disastrous  storm  which  wrecked  their  fleet. 

c.  L.  §1.     conserere  p.     *To  come  to  closf  quarters.' 

§  2.  eludere,  •  manoeuvre/  *  avoid  the  shock.'  Cf.  ii.  48. 
7  and  ixii.  18.  3,  hostem...8tatarium pugnte  genere  facile  elnsit. 
The  Carthaginians  had  been  much  the  more  skilful  in  the  1st 
war,  and  the  great  victories  of  Rome  were  mainly  gained  by 
devices  which  paralysed  the  pilot's  skill,  and  reduced  matters 
to  a  trial  of  strength,  as  by  the  machine  of  Duihus,  which 
locked  the  vessels  together  and  enabled  the  Eomans  to  board 
the  enemy's  ships. 

§3.  affatim  =  a(i  fatim^  'to  weariness,'  or  'satiety.'  Unque 
adfatim,  Plant.  Pcen.  in.  1.  31.  Cf.  fatiscere,  fatigare,  which 
Corssen  i.  430  connects  with  the  root  of  fames,  hiscere,  hau- 
ttum^X^uvta.  In  form  the  adverb  is  like  obviam,  illico,  pervium, 
extemplot  propemodwn,  &c.,  as  combination  of  prepos.  and  case. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  L.  §  3— c.  li.  §  2. 


221 


P.  55.  slcuW  conserta.  'Whenever  a  ship  was  laid 
alongside  of  an  enemy.* 

§  4.  sua  is  used  with  reference  to  E.,  which  though  not  a 
nominative  is  the  real  subject  of  the  thought.  'The  E.  were 
encouraged  by  their  numbers.' 

§  5.  tres  noblles.  Note  the  small  number  of  Carthagi- 
nians of  good  family  who  were  serving  on  board ;  the  size  of 
the  fleet  too  was  quite  inadequate  to  its  work,  and  indicates  a 
growing  neglect  of  the  navy  at  Carthage. 

§6.    perforata.    'Stove  in.' 

§  7.  classem  omare  is  to  fit  out  with  tackle,  sails,  oars, 
<fec.  Cf.  IX.  30.  2,  duumviros  navales  classis  omaiidce  refici- 
endcRque  causa, 

instructam.  Some  epithet  must  have  dropped  out  here, 
and  tliis  one  supplied  by  Madvig  is  as  likely  as  any. 

§  8.  prsBtoriam.  Note  the  use  of  the  adj.  as  in  prcBtorium 
for  general's  tent,  and  prator.  cohors,  though  the  consul  was 
higher  in  military  rank.  But  *  consul '  was  later  in  Italian 
usage,  and  pointed  in  its  form  to  the  dual  office,  rather  than  to 
the  high  rank. 

§  10.  quibusdam  volentibus.  Livy  here  seems  to  copy  a 
familiar  Greek  idiom,  and  to  make  volentibus  a  sort  of  dativus 
comm.  with  fore.  'Some  would  be  Well  pleased  with  a  revo- 
lution.' Cf.  Sail.  Jug.  84.  3,  neque  plebei  militia  volenti 
putabatur,  Tac.  Ann.  i.  59,  ut  quibusque  bellum  invitis  aut 
cupientibiis  erat.  Yet  the  constr.  is  not  found  elsewhere  in 
Livy,  and  it  is  possible  to  take  volentibus  as  an  abl.  abs.,  and 
the  position  of  the  words  agrees  best  with  this  view. 

c.  LI.  §  1.  Melitam.  Malta,  88  miles  from  the  Sicilian 
Pachynus.  Strabo  speaks  only  of  the  Maltese  dogs  in  con- 
nection with  it.  It  was  an  early  Phoenician  settlement,  and 
the  little  island  Gaulus  close  by  has  some  remarkable  remains 
of  Phoenician  art.  On  the  question  whether  it  was  the  same 
as  the  MeUta  of  Acts  xxviii.  see  J.  Smith  on  the  Voyage  and 
Shipwreck  of  St  Paul,  p.  160. 

P.  56,  §  2.  sub  corona  venierunt.  '  Were  sold  by  auction.' 
Aul.  'Oell.  VII.  4  explains  the  phrase  as  derived  from  the 
garland  put  on  the  head  of  the  slave  offered  for  sale,  or  from 
the  circle  of  soldiers  or  bystanders  {vulgi  stante  corona)  gathered 
round  the  captives.  He  prefers  the  former  explanation.  A 
like  phrase  is  'sub  hasta  ven.'  from  the  spear,  as  a  symbol  of 
the  force  on  which  the  slavery  rested.  This  has  lasted  on  in 
the  Subasta  =  auction  in  modern  Italian. 


222       NOTES.     XXI.  a  li.  §  3— c.  lii.  §  2. 

§  3.  Insulas  Vulcanl.  Here  used  as  a  general  expression 
for  the  whole  group  of  the  Liparae,  of  which  Thermessa  was 
specially  im.  Vulc. 

§  4.  nam  forte  is  a  probable  correction  of  Madvig  for  jam 
forte^  which  is  abrupt  and  unusual. 

Vibonienal  agro.  In  the  west  of  Bruttium.  The  Locrian 
colony  of  Hipponium  was  taken  by  Kome  and  called  Vibo 
Valentia.     Strabo  vi.  1.  5. 

§  6.  marl  supero.  The  terms  superum  and  infenim  are 
commonly  used  of  the  Adriatic  and  Tyrrhenian  seas  respec- 
tively. Polybius  says,  in.  61,  that  the  legionaries  were  told  to 
make  their  way  as  they  could  to  Arimiuum  at  a  fixed  date, 
probably  because  the  transports  were  not  suflBcient  for  so  large 
a  force.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  R.  generals  did  not  spare  the 
marching  powers  of  the  soldiers,  if,  as  Polyb.  states,  they 
reached  Ariminum  in  40  days  from  Lilybaeum,  iii.  68. 

§  7.  Oram  legena.  So  litora  legens,  xxxv.  27.  6.  The 
shorter  road  across  the  Apennines  from  Genoa  was  avoided, 
as  the  Ligurians  could  not  be  depended  on  to  allow  the  army 
a  safe  passage,  while  on  the  great  road,  which  was  afterwards 
the  Via  -Emilia,  they  were  nearer  to  the  colonies  and  magazines 
on  the  Po. 

profectuB  ad  Treblam.  Nothing  is  said  of  the  route  of 
Semprouius,  or  of  any  attempt  of  Hannibal  to  prevent  a 
junction  of  the  two  consular  armies,  yet  we  should  expect  to 
hear  of  this,  if  H.  had  been  between  the  two,  as  most  critics 
have  believed. 

c.  LII.  §  1.  The  subject  to  declarahat  is  the  sentence  amho 
cons,  et  q.,  which  in  English  we  should  make  an  independent 
clause,  'as  both  consuls,  &c.  ...it  was  clear.'...  This  is  a  feature 
of  Livy's  involved  style,  as  is  also  the  use  of  the  past  part. 

oppositum,  for  an  abstract  subst.  oppositio. 

spem  nullam  al.  This  is  absurd,  for  Italy  could  raise 
many  armies,  as  was  proved  by  the  muster-rolls  given  by 
Polyb.  just  before  in  the  Gallic  war. 

§  2.  The  et  minutug  of  the  MSS.  is  no  doubt  corrupt ;  even 
if  some  word  has  dropped  out  minutw,  though  not  impossible, 
is  harsh  for  'dispirited,'  for  the  Homeric  fuv^deiv  quoted  in 
illustration  does  little  to  support  the  reading.  Madv.  doubt- 
fully suggests  admonitiis  instead. 

tralil  rom.  Used  also  ii.  til.  5,  like  the  colloquial  'drag 
along,'  so  trahere  helium,  comitia,  Ac,   and  extrahere,  pro- 

traltcre. 


NOTES.     XXI.  o.  Lii.  §S  2-11. 


223 


recentis  animl.  A  common  form  in  Livy.  Cf.  iii.  38.  8, 
pmferocis  animi,  xxii.  29.  8,  injimi  ingenii. 

§  8.  inter  Treblam.  These  were  most  likely  to  the  east 
of  the  Trebia,  for  on  the  west  lay  the  Ligures,  and  the  Gallic 
allies  of  H.,  as  the  Insubres.  §  9  implies  that  some  at  least 
were  to  the  west,  if  the  R.  were  on  the  east  of  the  T. 

per  ambiguum,  i.e.  maintaining  friendly  attitude  to  both 
sides,  and  so  doubtless  intending  to  gain  the  good  will  of  the 
conqueror. 

P.  57,  §  4.  modo  ne  quid.  *  Provided  only  that  they  did 
not.'    Cf.  tantum  ne,  19.  5. 

§  6.     ad  Id  dublos.    •  Up  to  that  time  undecided.' 

ab  auct.  To  be  taken  with  declinant.  •  Tuna  from  the 
authors  of  the  outrage  to  those  who  they  hoped  would 
avenge  it.  * 

§  7.  liiflda...perfidla.  The  Komans  used  these  epithets 
very  freely  of  any  races  who  made  a  bold  stand  for  their  in- 
dependence. 

ut  alia  V.  '  If  other  memories  of  the  past  could  be  for- 
gotten.' Cf.  II.  38.  2,  tit  omnia  ohliviscamini  alia^  lianc  con- 
tumeliam  quo  tandem  animo  fertis. 

§  8.  '  S.  urged  that  the  best  ties  to  strengthen  the  loyalty 
of  their  allies  (dat.  of  the  aim  of  the  action)  would  be  found 
in  the  defence  of  the  first  who  claimed  their  help. '  The  use 
of  defensos  for  an  abstract  substantive  is  a  bold  construction, 
like  oppositum  in  §  1. 

§  9.  CJoll.  cunctante  is  Madvig's  correction  for  the  reading 
cuvi  coUegam  cunctantem^  with  no  verb  to  complete  it.  Corssen 
derives  collega,  not  from  legere,  but  from  the  same  root  as 
Ux,  legatus,  ligare,  privilegium,  in  the  sense  of  '  bound  to- 
gether with,*  like  conjuges. 

§  10.  ad  hoc.  Often  used  by  Livy  like  Greek  irpbs  tovtois. 
Ct  54.  8,  55.  6. 

Inoplnato.  Madvig's  coiTection  for  inopinatos^  which  is 
not  used  for  inopinantes. 

§  11.  The  MSS.  gave  sequentesque  cunque,  which  was 
probably  corrected  by  Gronovius  to  the  present  text.  The 
words  cades  penes  in  italics  are  a  suggestion  of  Madvig  to  com- 
plete what  would  he  else  a  hopeless  passage.  W.  has  done 
well  to  withdraw  his  earlier  conjecture  of  RoHiano,  under- 
standing famd  Vict,  with  hostium. 


224      A^OTMS.     XXI.  c.  liii.  §  1— c.  liv.  §  1. 

c.  Lni.  §  1.    malor,  i.e.  victoria,  from  the  last  line. 

^  P.  58j  §  3.    acnescendimi.     This  is  a  favourite  metaphor 
with  Livy.    •Dotage/  cf.  i.  22.  3,  ieneseere  Hvitatem  otio  ratm 
V.  21.  7,  senescit  jmgna. 

Quid.     *  To  what  purpose.' 

aut.  *0r  rather.*  Cf.  7.  62.  6,  quid  alia...cui  ohlivioni 
aut  negligentia  damm. 

§  4.  Sidllam  S.  Referring  probably  to  the  Carthaginian 
ieet  sent  to  ravage  the  coast  of  Sicily,  Ac,  c.  51. 

§  6^  Ingemiscant.  The  pres.  subj.  implies  that  the  shades 
of  their  ancestors  were  actually  conscious  of  the  disgrace. 

bellare  solitl.  A  rhetorical  extravagance  in  generalizing 
from  the  campaign  of  Regulus,  itself  disastrous. 

§  6.  contlonabundus.  'As  if  haranguing  the  soldiery.' 
The  form  in  -bundus  h  a  favourite  one  with  Livy.  Cf.  iii.  47. 
2,  hac  prope  contionabundus  circumibat  homines,  ii.  38.  2,  ili  in 
contimiis  modum  orationem  exorsns. 

comltlorum.  Here  put  for  '  elections/  though  the  Comitia 
met  for  legislative  as  well  as  elective  ends. 

ne  in  novos  cons.  'To  another  year.*  For  the  common 
idiom  of  putting  the  consuls  for  the  year,  cf.  xli.  8,  legati  ad 
novos  magistratm  dilati.  They  took  office  on  the  Ides  of 
March,  and  it  was  now  winter.  This  jealousy  of  successor- 
in  office  had  often  a  sinister  influence  on  Roman  poUvy. 
Campaigns  were  rashly  undertaken  to  gain  speedy  victories, 
and  important  measures  neglected  because  they  would  not 
produce  their  results  until  a  rival's  turn  came  to  profit  by 
them. 

§  8.  baud  dllBdebat  Livy*8  use  of  hand  instead  of  von 
18  commonly  confined  to  those  verbs  which  imply  some  sort  of 
negative  meaning  like  dubito,  panitet,  aspernor,  dispUcet, 
ahnuo,  &c.    Cf.  Fabri. 

P.  59,  §  11.  facere.  si  c«m.  *  To  force  an  engagement,  if 
hesitation  were  shown.' 

c.  LIV.  §  1.  rlTiu.  An  unknown  streamlet,  W.  of  the 
Trebia,  possibly  one  that  flows  by  Casaleggio. 

Obfltiis.  Cf.  1.  16.  8,  partem  militum  locis  circa  densa  oh- 
tita  virgulta  obscuris  subsidere  in  insidiisjussit. 

teftmdo.  The  earlier  editors  all  read  ad  equites  tegejidns, 
a  more  u.sual  constr.  than  the  dative  gerund  which  most  MSS. 


N^OTES.     XXI.  c.  LIV.  §§  1—6. 


have.  Madvig  remarks,  nullum  prosce  orationis  cerium  ex- 
emplnm  novi  ubi  dativus  gerundii  accusativum  regat.  He 
thinks  that  perhaps  we  ought  to  read  equiti  which  is  found  in 
an  inferior  MS. 

§  2.  centenos.  The  distributive  is  used  because  there 
were  the  same  number  both  of  horse  and  foot. 

corpora  curare.  Frequent  in  Livy.  Cf.  cutem  curare.  In 
English  we  do  not  particularize,  but  say  *  refresh  themselves.' 

§  3.  prffltorlum.  The  staff,  or  council  of  war,  consisting 
of  legati,  trihuni,  centuriones  primi  pill,  and  prcefecti,  so  called 
from  meeting  in  the  general's  tent.  On  the  use  of  missum  for 
'dismissed,'  cf.  the  origin  of  the  term  mass,  from  the  last 
words  of  the  service  missa  est. 

Robora  vlrorum.     Abstr.   for  concrete.     Cf.  34.  5,  robore 

pcditum. 

tunnis.  Troops  of  30  horsemen,  ten  of  which  formed  the 
cavaliy  of  each  legion.  Varro,  Ling.  Lat.  v.  91,  explains  the 
word  turma  terima  {e  in  u  ahiit)  quod  ter  deni  equitcs  ex  tribus 
tribiibus  fiebant. 

manlpulls.  Each  legion  had  30  maniples  of  100  infantry 
each.  Afterwards  each  uumipulus  was  divided  into  two  cen- 
tiiriee.  They  were  called  from  the  bundle  of  hay,  which  in 
rude  days  was  the  sign  of  each,  perticas  manipulis  fosni  varie 
formatis  in  sninnto  junctas.     Aur.  Vict.  Orig.  R.  22.  4. 

§  4.  mille  eq.  miUe  ped.  Livy  is  fond  of  this  sort  of 
repetition  without  a  conjunction.     Cf.  i.  25.  12,  fcssum  vulnere 

fe.-<sniii  cnri^u. 

Magone.  The  MSS.  have  Mngoni  and  no  cum,  which,  or 
some  equivalent,  seems  required. 

Inlecto  cert.     Cf.  xxxiv.  4.  15,  iniicere  certamen  uxoribus. 

§  6.     The    MSS.    have    destinatnm consilio,    'to    the 

struggle  which  he  had  long  been  planning,'  possibly  under- 
standing certamen  or  id  quod,  but  the  constr.  is  harsh,  and  is 
therefore  corrected  by  Madvig.  Semproiiiua  neglected  in  this 
battle  the  most  elementary  rules  of  war.  He  fought  with  ft 
river  in  his  rear,  where  defeat  was  ruin.  He  exposed  his  army 
to  attack  while  crossing  in  full  view  of  the  enemy,  and  he 
ignored  the  most  obvious  precautions  as  to  food  and  cold.  On 
the  other  hand,  Hannibal's  confidence  in  his  own  genius  is 
shown  in  letting  the  Roman  aimy  cross  the  river  and  form 
upon  tlie  bank  without  taking  advantage  of  their  confusion. 
Etis  policy  was  not  to  defeat  merely,  but  to  annihilate  the 
enemy,  and  to  prove  to  the  world  that  he  was  more  than  a 
match  for  tho  Romans  on  a  fair  field. 


V^.    Ij. 


15 


226      NOTES,     XX I.  c.  liv.  §  8— c.  lv.  §  4. 

P.  60,  §  8.  quicquid.  *  The  nearer  they  came  to  the  cur- 
rents of  ftir  about  the  river,  the  more  piercing  was  the  frcsty 
breeze.'  Cf.  tii.  32.  4,  quicquid  ah  urbe  Umgius  profcrrent 
arma,  viii  39.  3,  quicquid  progrediehantur ,  where  quicquid  is 
used  adverbially  far  quanto  magis. 

§  9.  pectorlbtis  tenua  aacta.  '  Swollen  so  as  to  be  breast 
high.'    Proleptically. 

attque  egresais.    '  The  more  so  as  they  stepped  out  of  the 

water. 

c.  LV,  §  2.  octo  f.  millia.  This  number  is  too  large  for  the 
B.  only,  and  Madvig  therefore  inserts  ac  before  levem.  Polyb. 
111.  72  says  toj>s  Xoyxo<P^povs  Kal  BaXeapiis. 

viriiun...roboris.  Cf.  the  same  combination  xxi.  1.  2. 
Fiohiir  emphasizes  the  power  of  endurance.  Cf.  Tac.  Plist.  ii. 
4.  6,  quantum  illis  rohoris  disciimina  et  labor,  tanluin  his 
vigork  addiderat  integra  quies. 

§  3.  receptul.  The  dative  is  one  of  a  class  of  verbal  mh. 
stantives  and  gerundival  expressions,  which  may  be  explaineil 
as  the  d.ative  of  the  contemi)lated  end,  as  decemvin  legibus 
$eribendis,  ohm  mui  optime  condi,  &c.  The  aiffn-jim  receptui 
becomes  a  compound  subject  in  the  nomin.,  as  in.  22.  10,  ai 
receptui  cecinisut.    Cf.  Boby  Lat.  Gr.  ii.  xxxii. 

§4.  Baodevigtntl,  i.e.  five  legions,  after  deducting  losses 
in  Gaul  and  garrisons  in  Sicily.  But  Polyb.  reckons  onlv 
16,000,  and  specifies  that  as  the  strength  of  the  four  legions 
which  both  consuls  combined  on  great  occasion.s.  He  re- 
peatedly says  that  the  socii  furnished  about  as  many  infantry, 
and  three  times  as  many  cavalry  as  the  Komanfl.  The  muster- 
roUs  contained  325,000  B.  with  443,000  socii  in  Italy  tit  for  ser- 
vice at  this  time.  The  auxilia  were  now  Italian ;  Cisalpine 
Gaul  waa  not  yet  considered  as  Italy. 

nomlnls  Lat.  This  term  originally  applied  to  the  towns  in 
Latium  only,  who  stood  in  definite  relation  to  the  Boman 
state.  Gradually  however  some  of  these  were  drawn  closer  to 
the  mistress  city,  and  their  inhabitants  admitted  to  the  full 
franchise,  while  their  place  was  taken  by  fresh  colonies  that 
w©r©  sent  out,  and  by  communities  of  central  Italy,  which  were 
raised  to  the  same  status.  In  course  of  time  therefore  the 
nomen  Latinum  became  more  political  and  less  ethnic  in  its 
•Bsociations.  It  now  included  a  few  towns  in  Latium,  tht 
Latin  colonies,  and  most  of  the  tribes  in  the  centre. 

Cenomanorum.  These,  with  the  Veneti,  had  been  the  only 
Gauls  faithful  to  Bome  in  the  recent  Gallic  war,  and  even  their 
fidelity  had  been  mistrusted,  cf.  Polyb.  ii.  23.  They  held  the 
country  between  the  Adda  and  the  Adige,  where  they  had 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  LV.  §  4— c.  lvi.  §  2.       227 

settled  after  their  migration  from  Gaul  (Livy  v.  34).     Brixia 
(Brescia)  was  their  capital. 

§  5.  dlducta  is  a  correction  of  Drakenb.  for  deducta ;  for 
the  leves  armatarm  sunt  of  the  MSS.  Madvig  replaces  levis 
anmtura,  as  the  plural  is  quite  unnecessary, 

P.  61  §  8-  q^^  recentes...  "We  require  in  English  a  less 
involved  constr.  '  for  the  Carth.  had  come  in  the  freshness  of 
their  strength.' 

Restitlssent...    *  Their  courage  would  have  held  out.' 

§  10.  Tamen.  For  the  position  and  context  of  t.  Fabri 
compares  i.  24.  1,  tamai  in  re  tarn  clara  nominum  error  manet. 

§  11.  velites.  Livy  uses  this  term  proleptically,  for  xxvi. 
4.  5  he  describes  the  formation  of  a  class  of  light  troops  so 
called,  to  be  carried  behind  the  horsemen,  and  to  dismount 
when  it  came  to  close  quarters.  They  were  incorporated  with 
the  legions  (institutuvi  ut  velites  in  leriionihus  essent)  as  they 
were  better  armed  with  panna  and  gladius  than  the  rorarii 
ferentarii  accensi  velati  of  early  times,  who  now  disappear 
from  sight.  The  velites  themselves  were  abolished  by  Marius. 
For  their  use  against  elephants,  cf.  Vegetius  in.  24,  pracipue 
velites  antiqui  adversum  elephantos  ordinarunt. 

ad  id  Ipsum.  The  MS3.  omit  the  id,  as  they  do  eos  in  v. 
43.  4,  per  ipsos  dies,  contrary  to  the  ordinary  usage.  On  the 
need  of  supplying  the  demonstrative,  cf.  Madvig  on  Cic.  de 
tin.  III.  27. 

verutls.  Livy  had  mentioned  this  dart  as  one  of  the 
weapons  of  the  4th  class  of  the  Servian  centuries,  i.  43.  6. 

c.  LVI.  §  1.  adversuB  6.  The  Gauls  had  less  experience 
of  elephants  than  the  Bomans,  who  had  learnt  their  habits  in 
the  1st  war. 

Hannibal.  The  position  of  the  subject  at  the  end  of  the 
sentence  is  characteristic  of  the  difference  between  the  order 
of  ancient  and  modern  languages,  which  is  here  pushed  to  an 
extreme. 

§  2.  in  orbem  pugn.  The  form  implies  two  ideas,  the 
being  forced  in  orbem,  and  the  fighting  in  that  order.  Sallust 
Jug.  97  thus  explains  it,  Romani  veteres  et  oh  id  scientes  belli, 
si  quos  locus  aut  casus  conjunxerat,  orbes  facere,  atque  ita  ah 
omnibus  partibus  simul  tecti  et  instructi  simul  vim  sustentahant. 
It  thus  resembles  our  'forming  square.'  Cf,  ii.  60.  5^  orbem 
collujere,  iv.  28.  3,  orbem  volventes  suos,  Caesar  B.  G.  v.  33.  3,  in 
orbem  consisterent. 

15—2 


228     NOTES.     XXI.  c.  lvi.  §  2~a  lvii.  J^  3. 

qua  GalUds  is  a  correction  of  Madvig  for  quaB  G.  of  the 
MSS.  The  centre  was  formed  of  all  the  infantry,  not  of  Gauls 
and  Africans  alone. 

P.  62,  §  3.  Placentlam  recto  It.  Livy  and  Polyb.  both 
mention  the  retreat  of  this  body  to  P.  without  adding  that 
they  crossed  over  a  bridge.  If  we  hold  to  the  view  that  the 
battle  was  fought  on  the  west  of  the  Trebia,  we  must  assume 
that  they  crossed  by  a  permanent  bridge  held  by  tlie  gfirrison 
of  P.,  or  in  boats  which  they  may  have  found,  as  in  §  8. 

§  5.  andaclam  ingr.  Perhaps  to  balance  the  cunctath 
ingrediendi  just  above.  In  itself  it  is  an  unusual  expression, 
audacia  being  commonly  used  by  itself. 

§  8.  aauciorum  is  added  to  make  sense  of  the  passage 
which  is  very  harsh  without  some  such  epithet,  even  if  magna 
ex  jpar^ir  be  taken,  as  Fabri  suggests,  with  trajicerent.  Beside 
m.  ex  parte  Livy  uses  niaxima  parte,  magna  parte,  and  partem 
nmgnavi  much  in  the  same  sense  of  •  mainly.* 

ratlbus  T.  This  seems  decisive  as  to  Livy's  view  tliat  the 
battle  was  fought  on  the  Eastern  bank,  while  the  camp  was 
on  the  W.  of  the  Trebia,  improbable  as  it  is  on  all  £iccounts. 
Polyb.  has  no  corresponding  passage,  and  Livy's  authority  in 
matters  of  geography  is  very  slight. 

0.  LVII.  §  1.  urbem  Romanam.  Heerwagen  notes  that 
L.  uses  this  expression  at  times  with  a  certain  rhetorical 
empliasis,  cf.  iii.  7.  1. 

§  2.  alteram.  This  is  a  correction  of  Madvig  for  the 
alteTO...revocato  of  the  MSS.,  which  mars  the  antithesis,  and 
involves  an  awkward  series  of  phrases. 

quae  alias  leg.  There  were  many  legions  yet  to  be  called 
out,  as  subsequent  events  proved.  Polyb.  instead  of  such  ex- 
aggerations speaks  of  the  reinforcements  sent  to  Sicily  and 
elsewhere,  and  remarks  that  Ihe  Bomans  were  most  formidable 
in  times  of  crisis,  in.  75. 

§  3.  inge&tl  perlculo.  A  very  unnecessary  exposure,  as  a 
dictator  or  interrex  might  have  conducted  the  elections. 
Polyb.  says  that  Sempr.  concealed  his  losses  in  the  despatches 
to  Bome,  and  does  not  mention  the  journey.  As  he  passed 
through  Bome  on  his  way  to  Trebia  (Polyb.  in.  68)  he  might 
easily  have  held  the  elections  there. 

P.  63.  fkllezLdl.  'Of  escaping  notice,' cf  for  this  absolute 
use  48.  5.    xxu.  3a.  1. 


N'OTES.     XXI.  c.  Lvii.  §  4— c.  lviii.  §  3.    229 

§  4.  C.  namtnius.  Fabri  remarks  that  as  Flam,  was 
consul  in  B.C.  222,  the  word  iterum  must  have  slipped  out,  for 
Livy  seldom  omitted  it  after  the  4th  book.  It  is  left  out  how- 
ever in  XXII.  15.  6,  after  M.  AtiUus  Begulus. 

§  5.  ut  quseque.  *  Where  the  ground  was  too  rough  for 
them,'  i.e.  marshes  or  hills. 

Celtiberls  L.     Cf.  xxii.  18.  3. 

§  C.  Emporium.  The  Greek  ^/A7ro/3«oj/  =  trading  place  or 
magazine  (cf.  Cheap-side,  Chipping  Norton,  Copenhagen)  gave 
a  name  to  many  places,  as  to  the  Emporia  of  60.  2. 

plurimum  In  eel.  •  His  hopes  of  success  depended  chiefly 
on  keeping  his  plan  secret.'     ad  effectum  to  be  taken  after  spei. 

Hannibal  could  bring  no  siege  train  with  him  over  the 
Alps,  and  could  not  risk  long  delay  in  besieging  the  Boman 
fortresses,  with  tlieir  large  garrisons  of  colonists,  while  the 
fickle  Gauls  were  waiting  for  the  issue. 

§  7.  consul.  Sempronius  had  gone  to  Bome,  §  3,  and 
Scipio  to  Cremona,  56.  9.  Livy  either  forgot  this  statement, 
or  neglected  to  mention  the  return  of  Scipio  to  Plucentia. 

§  9.  Victumvias.  Like  Victumulce  or  Ictumuli  in  form, 
and  probably  to  be  ideutihed  with  it.     Cf.  note  on  45.  3. 

§  10.  finitlmis  pop.  This  may  refer  to  the  Ligures  as  well 
as  the  different  tribes  of  Gauls. 

§  12.  Magis  a^mina...'  more  of  a  crowd  than  an  army,'  a 
phrase  repeated  in  xxv.  34.  9  and  elsewhere. 

P.  64,  §  14.  scribentlbus.  Equivalent  to  jjcrip^orifeus = his- 
torians. 

omuls... editum  exemplum.  An  elliptical  expression  for 
'  acts  were  done... to  stand  out  as  a  precedent  for.'  Cf.  xxv.  31. 
9,  quum  multa  ira  multa  avaritice  faeda  exempla  ederentur. 

hibem»  exped.  None  of  these  winter  operations  are  men- 
tioned by  Polyb. 

c.  LVIII.  §  2.  Llgujes.  Cf.  59.  10.  This  may  account  for 
the  roundabout  journey  of  Sempronius  from  Sicily. 

§  3.  Transeuntem  Ap.  This  expedition  into  Etruria  is 
not  noticed  by  Polybius.  The  Etrurians  had  before  combined 
with  the  Gauls  against  Bome,  and  there  seemed  hope  that  they 
might  rise  again,  especially  as  they  were  so  distinct  in  race 
from  the  other  peoples  of  central  Italy.     H.  wished  doubtless 


230     NOTES.     XXL  c.  lviii.  §  3-c.  lix.  S  ♦• 

to  relieve  the  Gauls  o!  the  burden  of  maintaining  his  army, 
but  it  is  most  likely  that  he  wanted  to  open  communications 
with  the  Carthaginian  fleet,  which  had  orders  to  cruise  off 
Pisffl  (Pol.  111.  96).  He  probably  moved  by  a  shorter  pass 
towards  the  coast,  rather  than  that  which  he  traversed  later 
in  the  spring.  This  movement  may  account  for  the  fact  that 
Sempronius  took  up  his  winter  quarters  at  Luca,  to  watch  the 
outlets  of  the  maritime  Alps,  and  to  protect  the  coast  road  to 
Borne. 

▼ertice  Intorti  affligebantur.  •  Were  dashed  to  the  ground 
by  the  wLirlwind.*  The  use  of  a  participle  in  Latm  for  a 
prepos.  as  in  ira,  mhericonUa  motus,  Ac.  is  very  common  :  the 
use  of  intorii  seems  an  extension  of  the  same  idiom,  the  dis- 
tinctive meaning  of  the  word  being  really  part  of  the  idea  of 
the  vertex,  ef.  Na-elsbaeh  330.  Yet  the  phrase  is  used  else- 
where as  in  XXVIII.  30.  13.  navem  videre  vertice  retro  intorfam. 
For  the  meaning  of  vertex  see  Quintil.  viii.  2.  7,  vertex  eat  con- 
tarta  in  se  aqua  vel  qiiiequid  aliud  iimiliter  vertitar.  For  (ijjlige- 
bantur,  cf.  the  old  reading  in  35.  12. 

§  6.  capll  atuibua.  Cf.  ii.  36.  11,  captus  omnilms  membrix, 
or  'having  lost  the  use  of/  so pedibm,  animo  captm. 

§  7.     ezpUcare,  of  the  canvas,  gtatuere,  of  the  tent  poles. 

P.  65  §  9*  extoUere.levare.  Most  of  the  MSS.  have 
attolitre,  W  which  lleerwagen  compares  Verg.  .En.  iv.  690, 
ter  sese  attollens  cubitoque  annixa  leravit.  But  extoll.,  a  more 
graphic  term,  expressive  of  the  effort  to  rise  from  the  strages, 

§  10.    movere  is  used  after  ccepere  under.stood  in  est  captm, 

opem...liiopB.  Cf.  Hor.  Carm.  m.  16.  28,  magnm  inter 
opes  inop», 

§  11.  elephant!.  Polyb.  says  that  only  one  survived  the 
cold  and  storms  at  Trebiii,  but  probably  he  ia  anticipating  tlie 
result  of  the  year's  campaign. 

c.  Lix.  §  1.  There  is  something  rather  meaningless  in  the 
movements  of  H.  towards  Placentia  and  in  general  too  much 
seems  to  be  compressed  into  the  short  winter,  as  the  battle  of 
Trebia  could  not  have  been  fought  before  December.  Polyb. 
ignores  all  these  operations. 

§  3.     vlncereDt,  I.e.  Romuni  understood  in  res  Romana. 

§  4.  In  media  c.  Into  the  centre  of  the  camp,  where  they 
would  be  unseen  by  the  enemy  and  be  ready  to  issue  in  any 
direction. 


yOTES.     XXT.  c.  Lix.  §  5— c.  lx.  §  3.      231 

§  6.    Romanus,  for  the  R.  general  as  Poenus  for  H. 
§  6.     1flT<**-»"*  P«     Cf.  lax.  custodias,  32.  12. 

P.  66  §  7'  The  MSS.  reading  is  pugna  raro  magis  ullaeaut 
utrimque\..ioT  which  W.  suggests  rnagis  ulla  sceva  auf.. .which 
is  a  very  awkward  collocation.  It  is  better  to  leave  a  blank  as 
no  adjective  would  come  in  happily,  and  the  passage  is  corrupt. 
Madvig  thinks  *  magis  dubia  aut*  probable. 

§  8.  plus,  with  two  constr.,  with  abl.  sexcentis  and  nom. 
dimidium.     Ejus  *  that  number.' 

§  9.  equestrls  ord.  al.  In  early  days  at  Rome  the  equites 
had  been  drawn  exclusively  from  the  nobler  and  wealthier 
classes,  but  after  a  time  an  increasing  number  of  volunteers 
were  allowed  to  serve  on  horseback,  while  the  equites  equo 
publico  were  relieved  of  the  obligation  of  service.  The  latter 
were  often  sons  of  senators,  or  men  of  high  position,  but  the 
cavalry  did  not  long  rank  high  in  the  army,  and  was  drawn 
largely  from  the  allies.  Strictly  the  phrase  equest.  or  do  is  an 
anachronism,  as  no  such  distinction  was  made  before  the 
Gracchi. 

The  term  'prafecti'  was  especially  used  for  the  officers  of 
the  allied  contingents,  as  well  as  of  the  navy,  cf.  61.  4.  In 
the  Roman  army  it  was  little  used  till  the  time  of  the  Emitire. 

§  10.  Luca  was  on  the  Ausar  (Serchio)  and  made  a  colony 
B.C.  178,  having  been  gained  from  the  Ligures  soon  after  the 
1st  Punic  war.  It  was  often  made  the  head-quarters  of 
J.  CsBsar.  This  movement  of  Sempronius  is  quite  unexplained 
by  Livy,  and  is  ignored  by  Polybius.  It  was  probably  to  guard 
the  coast  road  to  Rome,  and  passes  of  the  mountains  by  which 
Hannibal  might  open  his  communications  with  the  fleets  of 
Carthage,  see  note  on  58.  3.  But  it  was  hazardous  to  leave 
the  road  by  Ariminum  unguarded. 

0.  LX.  §  2.  Emporl»,  now  Arapurias  on  tlie  coast  of  Cata- 
lonia, had  been  one  of  the  early  Phoka^an  colonies,  most  of 
which,  with  the  exception  of  Massilia,  fell  before  the  Phoj- 
nicians.  It  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  African  Emporia 
round  the  Syrtis  Minor. 

§  3.  Lseetanis.  So  read  by  Madvig  instead  of  Lacetanis 
(cf.  23.  2),  who  were  further  inland.  Strabo  says,  in.  47,  that 
from  the  Pillars  to  Tarraco  there  was  no  good  harbour  ex- 
cept Nova  Carthago  ivrevBtv  8'  rjdri  ra  i^TJs  evXifJieva  kuI  x^pa 

iyad')i  rwr  re  Acirramdv  Kui fiexpl  'EfiTOplov.     Pliny  too  while 

describing  the  populations  on  the  coast  mentions  the  Cessetani 


232     NOTES.     XXT    c.  i.x.  §  3— c.  lxi.  §  2. 

Bear  Tarraco,  the  Ilergetes  on  the  river  Eubricatus,  a  quo 
Lcectani  et  Indigeteg,  Ptolemy  locates  them  near  the  Eubri- 
catus and  Barcino.    Gf.  Hiibner,  Hermes,  i.  340. 

§  4.  mm  ad  maxitimo&  We  may  explain  the  ad  either  as 
taken  with  Jama  conciliata,  like  i.  26.  4,  ingrati  ad  vulgm 
judiciif  or  more  probably  as  the  local  extension  of  valuit, 
*  spread  to.' 

auxiliorum.  Used  of  non-Italian  allies,  Fest.  Epit.  17, 
aiLxUiareM  dicuntur  in  bello  mcii  Jiomanonun  exterarum  nati' 
onum, 

COhortes.  The  usual  term  for  the  divisions  of  the  contin- 
gents of  the  Italian  gociif  as  distinct  from  the  legions.  Each 
cohort  had  from  400  to  600  men,  and  there  were  10  of  them  iu 
an  ala,  which  answered  to  the  legion. 

P.  67,  §  7.  Nee  magnl  oert.  '  Nor  was  the  battle  vigor- 
ously disputed;  a  gen.  of  quality  as  pr^da  parvi  pretii  mane. 
8  8. 

capiuntur.  A  constr.  ad  iynesim,  the  suhject  being  the 
plural  understood  in  diix  cum  militihns.  Cf.  xxii.  21.  4,  tribu- 
nus  cum...miMi,  according  to  the  MS.  reading.  This  constr. 
is  rare  except  when  the  subject  is  separated  from  the  predicate 
by  intermediate  clauses  as  Sallust.  Cat.  43,  Lentulus  cum 
ceteris comtittierant,  or  Jug.  101 . 

CliBls  seems  to  represent  the  capital  of  the  tribe  Cessotani, 
who  appear  in  Pliny  iii.  3.  21,  and  Ptolemy,  ii.  0.  17,  in  close 
connection  with  Tarraco,  where  numerous  coins  have  been 
discovered  with  inscriptions,  kesse,  kese^  kse  in  characters 
common  on  Iberian  coins. 

§  8.  parvl  pret.  and  vilium  mane,  both  genitives  of  qual. 
after  pradti,  though  the  constr.  is  broken  by  supellex  barb. 
which  is  in  apposition  with  prada. 

0.  Lxi,  §  1.    acdderet.    Cf.  10.  12,  nomen  famaque  ejua 

accideret. 

mllle  equltttm.  An  unusual  constr.,  the  genitive  bein^ 
put  for  the  abl.  owing  to  its  close  connection  with  pedituvi, 
which  properly  follows  the  substantival  millibus.  Cf.  xxiii. 
44.  10,  mills  pasiuum  inter  urbeni  erant  castraque. 

1 2.  Tarraco  was  planted  on  a  high  limestone  rock,  which 
overlooked  the  sea  and  the  simuy  plain,  whose  wines  wero 
praised  by  Martial  as  rivalling  the  Falernian.  There  are  still 
remains  of  the  walls,  whose  huge  polygonal  masonry  points  to 
tlie  work  of  the  Iberian  tribes,  before  the  fortress  was  chosen 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  LXI.  §  2— c.  Lxii.  §  1.     233 

w  fTifl  Komans  as  a  convenient  centre  for  their  operations 
^/r^a  the  w^  with  Hannibal.  As  such  they  strengthened  it 
Jill  Tt\eca^^  their  great  stronghold.  Scipionum  opm  sicut 
till  It  became  tumx  e  j^    ^^  roadstead  how- 

Garthago  P^V^^'^^Jl^^^^^^  Hvlt  which  became  the  capital 
Tt'hrnea  er  ProvS^^^^  though  in  'later  days  Strabo,  in.  4.  7, 
:Iil  thatTrrac^^^^^^  become  as  populous.  See  also  note  on 
livy  xxiL  22.  2. 

,  I  «„  m4HtPR  'Marines.'  The  allied  towns  on  the 
eoarrn%.^triurnYrrcontingent.o^  these.  In  later 
Latin  classici  stands  absolutely  without  mihtes. 

§4.    animadvertisset.     'Inflicted  punishment.' 

P.  68,  §  5.  nergetum.  Cf.  23.  2.  as  also  for  the  Ause- 
tani. 

\^  :Joet::  ou7z.  l  tlpKoft  l^  attacked  the 
A  ,L^^i  first  ^d  then  the  Lffietani,  who  lay  along  the  coast 
arte",  C'ceTona  and  finally  the  powerful  Ilergetes,  whom 
Ptotan^descrlbes  as  reaching  to  Herda.  If  Livy  is  right  Sc  pio 
.;TJ,«  niished  on  to  attack  first  the  chief  trihe  that  had 
SterwZutVa?t4  to  chastise  the  rest  till  his  return. 
Cf.  Hubner,  Hermes,  i.  93. 

8  10.  mlnua  quattuor.  For  the  omission  of  Quam  ct 
Lucr.iv.415,  digitumnonampUorunum,  and  Verg.  Eel.  iii.  105, 
tres  pateat  cadi  spatium  non  amplius  ulnas. 

pluteos.  The  pi.  was  a  sort  of  semicircular  hurdle  coYered 
with  skSfi  and  moved  on  three  castors,  as  a  screen  to  the  be- 
^(win.  en^rneerT  Veget.  iv.  15,  plutei  qui  ad  similitudinem 

ternisque  rotulis,  quarum  ana  in  medio,  dii<e  m  capitibiu.  appo 
nuntur,...admoventur. 

tutamentum.     A  very  rare  word. 

c  Lxii  For  general  information  on  the  subject  of  this 
chanter  and  explanation  of  the  technical  terms,  see  the  Ex- 
tts'in  t»m^^  Religion.  The  Ust  of  po^ents  reco-  ed 
here  and  in  the  next  book  of  Livy,  are  doubtless  extractea 
M  or  through  the  Annalists  from  the  records  ^^^.^^ 
collegium  pontijicum.  They  may  seem  l^^^^/X.  bee^l^^^^^^^ 
reader,  but  it  would  be  rash  to  assunie,  ^^  ^f.^/^^^^^^.^^^^^^^ 
suggested,  that  they  were  intended  by  Livy  to  stir  ^ny  feeling 
of  ridicule  or  disbelief.     It  was  enough  for  his  purpose  to 


( 


Morm,    XXI.  c.  Lxii.  ss  1^-5. 


li 
"I 


234 


|K>urtray  the  boding  fears,  and  the  readiness  to  listen  to  such 
stones ;  elsewhere  he  speaks  of  the  negligentia  qua  nihil  deal 

of  historians,  mserta  hke  lists  centuries  later. 

§2.  foro  oUtorlo.  The  herb  market  was  between  the 
Capitoline  hill  and  the  Tiber ;  the  temi-le  of  Spes  jus"  b7 
yond  the  porta  Cannentalis  was  twice  burnt  down  and  restored! 

trtTunpmim  clam.  The  common  cry  was  lo  triumphe,  pro- 
bably  here  referred  to.   Cf.  xxiv.  10.  4.  in/antem  in  utcro  mains 

Latmized  form  of  Bpiafi^os. 

*u    m*  u^'  ^  ^'    I  }^^^o.     Between  the  Circus  Maximus  and 
tue  liber,  one  of  the  most  crowded  thoroughfares  in  Home. 

§  4.     Lanuvli.   Amlternlno...    Only  those  portents  were  re- 
garded as  of  state  concern,  the  scene  of  which  was  ager  li,,- 
manm     The  spaces  specitied  in  this  chapter,  and  xxii.  l 
ranked  by  this  time  as  lioman  territory. 

in  aedem  lunonls,  i.e.  of  Juno  Sospita  xxii.  1.  17,  who^e 
^eat  temple  is  often  mentioned,  and  was  restored  as  late  as 
the  Antouines. 

§  6.  hominum  specie.  A  modal  abl.  with  visos,  though  in 
sense  it  forms  the  subject,  and  visas  is  the  predicate.  We 
feel  in  sentences  like  these  the  want  of  a  Latin  partic.  like  the 
Greek  dirres  to  define  the  subject.  Cf.  iii.  57.  9,  non  juniores 
modo  sed  etiam  (oi)  emeritis  stipendiis  (elites). 

C»r«,  now  Cervetri  {C<Ere  vctus),  often  mentioned  as  the 
scene  of  prodigies.  Its  religious  associations  with  Home  were 
of  early  date,  and  are  connected  with  the  story  of  the  Vestal 
Virgins  taking  refuge  there  from  the  Gauls.  Festus'  deriva- 
tion of  caremonia  from  it,  fanciful  as  it  is,  points  in  the  same 
direction. 

Bortes  extenuatas.  The  sortes  which  thus  'shrunk'  were 
shps  of  wood,  on  wliich  proverbial  phrases  were  written  in 
archaic  letters,  and  from  which  one  or  more  were  drawn  at 
random  when  advice  or  guidance  might  be  needed;  cf.  Cic.  de 
divm.  II.  41.  69.  The  most  famous  were  at  Praeneste,  m  the 
temple  of  Fortuna,  but  in  the  Ist  Punic  war  a  consul,  who 
wished  to  consult  them,  was  sternly  forbidden  by  the  senate. 
In  the  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  i.  267  are  copies  of  a  number 
which  came  probably  from  Patavium  (Padua).  Tiiey  are 
oblong  plates  of  bronze,  with  a  httle  hook  by  which  they  were 
Strang  together,   whence   their  derivation,  sortes   a  snie  et 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  Lxii.  §§5—9. 


235 


«^o  i,t  for<i  a  ferendo,  mans  ah  eminendo,  fons  a  findendo, 
^erendo.utfor^  ajer        .  ,xdrZ/.s-.e,  xxii.  1.  U. 

r^'/^hrstinS   cf    tlfe  story  in  Pliny,  34.   38,  of  the 

ff   V       f«rthh?e  in  the  family  of  the  Servilii,  which  grew 

^t^InfsmXTo  porte^^^  good  and  ill  luck.     Cf.  also  the 

larger  .^^^  srn^e^^^  |         portentous  loaves  of  the 

pg^Ss  whSi  used  to  grofv  to  double  the  natural 
size. 

s  6  decemviri,  i.  e.  sacHs  faciundu  These  since  367  b  c 
l,ad  taken  the  place  of  the  iiviri  who  had  special  charge  of  the 
itJ^iZlZi  In  later  days  these  books  were  under  the  care 
of'  Le  XV.  r  CrHor  Carm.  S^e.Q9,quindecim  Diana  preces 
v!l!m  I  rumt  Vergil  makes  iEneas  promise  the  Cumjuan 
SM  to  havTher  oraSes  thus  cared  for,  ^n.  vi.  72  Hie  ego 
^mV'  tuas  sortes  arcanaque  fata  \  dicta  mea^  gcnti  ponam, 
Icctofque  sacrabo  \  alma  viros. 

8  7  Qulbus  editum  est.  '  To  whom  they  were  enjoined 
(by  th^  s^red  books)  to  offer  them.'  Edere  is  the  usual  term 
for  such  oracular  warnings. 

8  8  pondo  The  old  abl.  was  added  to  the  amount  speci- 
lied  as  libra  pondo,  uncia  pondo,  a  pound  or  ounce  by  weight, 
and  afterwards  used  absolutely  as  here,  the  libns  being  omitted. 
Bv  a  further  license  auri  pondo  becomes  a  nomm.  for  a  quan- 
tity of  gold.'  Cf.  XXVI.  14.  8,  auri  pondo  duo  millia  septuaginta 
fait. 

lunonl  in  Avent.  The  temple  of  Juno  Regina  of  Veii  was 
dedicated  by  CamiUus,  v.  22.  When  her  t.  was  struck  with 
lightning  the  matrons,  as  here,  made  a  collection  to  present 
an  offering,  and  virgins  sang  a  processional  hymn,  xxvii. 
37.  7. 

8  9.  lectistemium  iuventuti.  The  common  reading  is 
luventati,  ♦  for  the  genius  of  youth,'  but  as  Madvig  pomts  out 
the  words  deinde  universo  pop.  imply  that  some  charge  on  a 
special  order  has  been  already  mentioned.  Yet  he  doubtfully 
accepts  the  change,  as  a  lectisterninin  was  a  priestly  ceremony 
though  xxii.  1.  20  senatores  straverunt.  Lectisterma  were  hrst 
introduced  B.C.  399,  cf.  Servius  ad  Verg.  G.  m.  533,  pulvinaria 
pro  templis  ponimns,  cum  sint  proprie  lectuh,  qui  sterni  in 
templis  consuerunt.  Ilor.  Carm.  i.  37.  2,  num:  SaUanbus  \  or- 
nare  pulvinar  deorum  \  tempus  erat  dapibus,  Sodales. 

ad  »dem  Herculis.     This,  with  the  Ara  3/<ixiwta,  was  pro- 
bably  at  the  W.  corner  of  the  Circus  Maximus  and  was  con- 


Illli 


I 


336     NOTES.     XXT.  c.  lxii.  §  9-~c.  lxiii.  §  3. 

nected  with  the  story  of  Hercules  and  Caciis  as  given  by 
Vergil.  The  statue  of  Here,  in  bronze  now  in  the  Capitol  was 
found  there. 

Genlo,  i.e.  pojmli  Romani,  or  the  guardian  Spirit  of  tlie 
city,  mentioned  here  for  the  first  time.  It  was  however  one  of 
the  oldest  beliefs  in  Italy  that  every  family  or  guild  or  social 
union  had  its  divine  patron,  to  whom  honour  must  be  paid. 
The  Lares,  Manes,  Penates,  belonging  to  the  worship  of  an- 
cestral spirits,  correspond  to  various  sides  of  the  same 
thought.  The  first  beginning  of  the  Caesar  worship  of  the 
Empire  may  be  traced  to  the  time  when  Augustus  placed  the 
bust  of  his  own  Genius  beside  those  of  the  Lares  in  the  nurae- 
rous  chapels  of  the  city. 

§  10.  si.  '  In  the  event  that.*  Cf.  xxx.  27.  7,  voverat  si 
per  quinquenniwn  res  publica  eodem  Htatu  fuisset. 

0.  Lxiii.  §  1.  deslgrnatorum.  So  called  between  the  elec- 
tions and  the  ides  of  xMureh  when  they  formally  took  office. 

legiones  ..sorte.  This  was  unusual.  The  senate  usually 
disposed  of  the  legions ;  the  consuls  drew  lots  for  their  pro- 
vincite. 

edictum.  The  proper  term  for  a  proclamation  formally 
put  out  by  a  magistrate  on  his  own  authority,  as  distinguished 
from  a  lex,  or  plebiscitmn,  of  the  Comitia,  or  a  senatua  am- 
tultum. 

edlctnm  et  lit.  is  a  hendiadys  for  edictum  per  literas. 

P.  70,  §  2.  quffl  tribunus  plebia.  Specially  referring  to 
the  agrarian  law  of  232  b.c.  assigning  land  in  Picenum  to 
Boman  colonists,  which  provoked  the  rising  of  the  Gauls,  and 
was  called  by  Polyb.,  ii.  21,  'the  beginning  of  the  decline  of 
the  Roman  constitution,'  probably  because  of  the  high-lianded 
way  in  which  the  sentiments  of  the  senate  were  ignored. 
0.  Flaminiua  was  consul  223,  and  led  the  legions  across  the 
Po  to  attack  the  Insubres.  Polyb.  ii.  32  accuses  him  of  bad 
strategy,  though  the  Gauls  were  routed.  Meantime  the  senate 
mistrusting  his  rashness,  or  alarmed  by  omens,  sent  to  recall 
him,  on  the  ground  of  the  sentence  of  the  augurs  coitsulcs 
vitio  creatos.  Fl.  would  not  open  the  despatches  till  the  battle 
was  over,  and  refused  to  abdicate.  On  his  return  the  senate 
would  not  allow  him  a  puWic  triumph,  but  he  entered  the  city 
in  triumphal  procession  despite  their  refusal, 

abrogabatur.    CI.  note  on  xxii.  26.  10, 
§  3.    nOTam  1.    '  Unprecedented.* 


NOTES.     XXT.  c.  LXiiT.  g§  3—7. 


237 


adverse  sen.  'In  the  teeth  of  the  senate;'  though  the 
aaiictiou  of  the  senate  was  not  constitutionaUy  necessary,  it 
was  scarcely  ever  ignored. 

8  4  ad  fi-uctus,  i.e.  for  the  stowage  of  the  produce  of 
their  own  estates  as  distinct  from  speculative  ventures  m 
furei.'u  trade.  Cf.  Cic.  Hose.  Am.  §  88,  quantum  nosset  nullum, 
frucfum  autem  eum  solinn,  qucm  labore  pepcrh^set. 

indecoruB  visus.  Patribus  to  be  taken  with  ind.  not  visus. 
This  law  may  have  been  popular  {v.  favorem  apud  plebem) 
with  the  people  generally,  from  the  barbarous  prejudice 
against  trade  which  had  been  so  largely  shared  by  the  old 
races  of  the  West,  and  which  made  it  seem  discreditable  to  the 
governing  classes.  The  immediate  cause  may  have  been  to 
prevent  the  ruling  families  from  abusing  their  power  in  the 
provinces  to  enrich  themselves  and  their  friends  by  com- 
mercial  speculations,  supported  by  all  the  powers  of  the 
government.  The  prohibition  therefore  extended  to  the  sons 
of  the  senators,  or  to  the  class  as  a  whole.  But  it  was  also 
popular  with  the  middle  class,  which  thus  escaped  the  com- 
petition  of  the  wealthiest  families  in  speculation.  The  law 
was  at  once  a  cause,  and  an  effect  of  the  growmg  power  of  a 
moneyed  aristocracy,  which  was  afterwards  known  as  the 
ordo  equester.  Cicero  afterwards  speaks  of  this  regulation  as 
obsolete,  Verr.  v.  18.  45,  antiqum  sunt  istce  h'yes  et  mortua  qu<e 
vi'fant  {(gdijicare  navem  senatorem). 

§  5.  auspicUs  ement.  Cf.  x.  40. 4,  Pullarius  auspicium  men- 
tiri  ausus.  The  whole  system  of  auspicia  had  been  so  grossly 
abused  for  political  objects,  that  statesmen  ceased  to  regard  it 
as  anything  but  an  engine  of  statecraft. 

Latin,  ferianun.  This  ancient  festival  dated  from  the  days 
when  Rome  was  a  member  of  the  Latin  league,  and  the  highest 
magistrates  of  the  various  towns  {diraaa  rj  avvapx^a>^}^^^^)  went 
in  solemn  procession  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Latians  on  the 
Alban  mount.  This  was  kept  up  for  ages,  and  more  days 
were  added  to  commemorate  the  reconcihation  of  Plebs  and 
Patres.  The  consuls  were  expected  to  offer  the  sacrifices,  and 
one  of  their  first  duties  was  concipere  fer.  Lat.,  or  to  fix  a  time 
for  the  great  festival. 

consularibus  Impedim.  'Hindrances  thrown  in  the  con- 
sul's way,'  like  dictatoria  invidia,  xxii.  26.  4. 

§  7.  Inauspicato.  It  was  held  to  be  the  duty  of  the  general 
on  the  day  of  his  baVing  Rome  for  the  wars  to  go  up  to  the 
Cupitol  to  take  the  auspices  at  daybreak.  After  the  votorum 
nuncupatio  he  put  on  the  short  purple  paludamentum  (other- 
wise sagum  or  chlamys),  and  was  escorted  by  his  friends  be- 
yond the  gates.     Ad  bellum  cum  exit  imperator  ac  lictores 


238 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  Lxiri.  5iS  7 —14 


mutarunt  Vistem  et  siffna  incinuerunt  paludatm  dicitnr  pro 
Jicisci,  Varro,  1.  1.  7.  37. 

cons.  Bpretorum  (sc.    Deorum  a.  horn.).     The  readinf^  of 
Groiioviiis  for  camcientias  pr(rtornm  of  MSS.  ° 

votonun  nunc.  One  of  the  first  ceremonies  on  the  day  of 
taking  office  {die  initi  mag.)  was  to  go  to  the  Capitol  with 
kinsmen  and  friends,  to  sit  upon  the  curule  chair,  and  thank 
Jupiter  opt.  max.  for  the  mercies  of  the  past  year,  ofiferiii^ 
the  victims  promised  by  the  out-going  consuls,  and  vowin^ 
others  for  the  year  to  follow  {vot.  nuncupatio).  They  then 
presided  over  a  meeting  of  the  senate  on  the  Capitol,  treating 
chiefly  de  solemni  religione.  Polyb.  says  nothing  of  this  con'^ 
duct  of  Flamiuius,  nor  does  Appian.  It  reads  like  an  after- 
thought, coloured  by  patrician  prejudices,  to  account  for  the 
disaster  which  followed. 

§  9.  clam  furtim.  A  pleonasm,  like  forte  temere,  and 
other  repetitions  used  by  Livy. 

P.  71.  exUU  causa.  Our  word  'exile'  calls  up  different 
associations.  At  Rome  a  citizen  could  give  up  the  rights  and 
duties  of  citizenship  and  take  up  his  residence  in  an  allied 
community  wliich  had  the  relation  of  howoXiTiia  with  Rome 
like  the  Latin  states.  This  privilege,  called  exiliam,  might 
he  used  even  during  prosecution  for  political  offences,  and  the 
accused  might  thus  anticipate  the  issue  of  his  trial. 

§  10.    Romas  mag.  Inlt.    Though  irregular,  this  was  not 
invalid,     Augustus,  careful  as  he  was  of  constitutional  forms, 
^id  not  observe  the  rule.     Sueton.  2C,  nee  omnes  {comulatm) 
Eoma  aed  quartum  comulatum  in  Asia,  quintum  insula  Samo 
octatmm  et  nonitm  Tarracone  iniit.  ' 

§  12.  nlhllo  magls...  The  constitution  gave  the  senate  uo 
power  to  dictate  to  the  consuls,  though  the  executive  ofHcials 
rarely  ventured  to  set  at  nought  the  authority  of  so  august  a 
body.  Flaminius  was  anticipating  the  poHcy  of  the  Gracchi 
m  trying  to  humble  the  senate,  and  depend  on  popular  sup- 
port. 

moverunt...moverant  The  Latin  ear  seems  to  have  liked 
Buch  repetitions  o!  the  same  word,  as  they  frequently  -occur. 

§  18.  Immolantl  el,  &c.  A  frequent  omen  of  ill-luck. 
Lf.  a  like  case  of  J.  Caasar,  Sueton.  59.  licet  immolanti  aufii- 
ffissethostiaprofectiom'm...nondistulerit. 

§14.  In  omen  aoc.  For  the  use  of  the  preposition,  cf. 
^ic.  ad  Att.  XV.  11,  henejicium  accepisse  in  contumeliam. 


NOTES.     XXI.  c.  Lxiii.  §  15. 


239 


R  15  a  Sempronio.  He  had  wintered  at  Luca,  c.  59.  The 
ledons'had  probably  remained  at  Placentia,  and  were  then 
n  obedience  to  the  edict,  §  1,  marched  to  Ariminum,  to  be 
immediately  led  through  a  little  frequented  pass  of  the  Apen- 
"iies  («ram/«..)  into  Etruria.  Had  they  been  with  Sempronius 
at  Luca  it  would  have  been  a  strangely  roundabout  course. 
But  the'  whole  is  confused.  Livy  seems  to  have  forgotten 
that  Sempronius  was  not  at  Placentia. 

C  Atilius  was  at  Tannetum,  26.  2,  and  at  Rome,  62.  10. 
He  may  have  gone  to  the  Fo  to  take  command  of  Scipio's 
legions.  Appian,  i.  8.  3,  represents  Servilius  in  command  on 
th'e  To. 

exercitus  is  not  the  proper  subject  to  wliich  the  abl.  abs. 
acceptiH  refers.  Probably  the  sentence  points  to  a  close,  bke 
exeicitum  dticere  cap  it. 


240 


NOTES.     XXII.     c.  I.  ^  2-  5. 


N'OTES.     XXII.  c.  T.  S§  5—10. 


241 


* 

It 


BOOK    XXIL 


c.  I.  §  '2.  pro  eo,  nt...  A  clumsy  equivalent  for  tlie  Greek 
oVti  Tov...<f)4p€ii'.  Fabri  compares  viii.  14.  2,  cum  eo,  ut  adej 
...lucmque..  communis  esiet,  iv.  56.  1,  in  eo  ut,  &G. 

raperent  agerentque.  A  common  phrase  for  '  pluuderinp,' 
to  inclade  furniture  and  cattle,  otherwise  expressed  by  ferre 
agere,  portare  agere,  Greek  <f>ip€iv  koI  dyuv.  Hence  used  meta- 
phorically in.  37.  6,  ferre  agere  plehem  plebisque  res. 

§  3.  Ipsorum  Inter  se.  '  Was  saved  by  their  mutual 
treachery,  as  they  disclosed  their  conspiracy,  Arc.'  On  tliis 
use  of  inter  se,  cf.  xxi.  39.  9,  auxerant  inter  se  opinionem. 

tegiimenta  cap.  Polyb.  gives  a  more  minute  account  of  the 
false  wigs  which  lie  wore  to  disguise  his  age  and  features. 
Hannibal  may  have  remembered  the  death  of  his  brother-in- 
law  Hasdrubal,  xxi.  2.  5,  or  have  wished  to  explore  the  temper 
of  his  army. 

errore.  '  Uncertainty.'  Cf.  i.  24.  2,  nominum  error,  n.  21. 
5,  error es  temporum. 

§  5.  quod  llli  iU8tum  Imperlum.  This  probably  refers 
especially  to  the  neglect  of  Flaminius  to  apply  in  person  for 
the  lex  curiata,  commonly  called  de  imperio,  by  which  the 
people  as  represented  by  the  curies,  or  then:  lictors,  bound 
themselves  to  obey  the  already  elected  magistrate.  It  was 
something  like  the  oath  of  obedience  {sacramentum)  which  the 
soldiers  took  to  their  general,  or  the  form  of  'doing 
homage '  in  later  days.  It  conferred  no  new  powers,  but  was 
thought  constitutionally  necessary,  especially  for  military 
duties,  holding  the  Comitia  Centuriata,  or  for  judicial  func 
tions.  Cic.  de  leg.  agr.  ii.  12.  30,  consuli,  si  legem  curiatam 
non  habet,  attingere  rem  militarem  non  licet.  It  does  not  seem 
as  if  any  other  than  the  head  of  the  executive  concerned 
could  bring  forward  the  lex  curiata,  though  in  that  case 
Camillus  must  have  dispensed  with  it  when  Eome  was  oc- 
cupied by  the  Gauls,  like  Flaminius  in  the  present  case.  In 
later  days  it  seems  to  have  been  argued  that  a  law  of  Sulla 
allowed  the  consuls  to  dispense  with  the  fonnahty  in  certain 
cases,  Cic.  ad  fara.  i.  9.  26,  legem  curiatam  comuli  ferri  opus 


esse  necesse  non  esse  :  se  quoniam  ex  senatus  consulto  provin- 
ciam  haheret,  lege  Cornelia  imperlum  habiturum. 

§  6.  Id.  i.e.  auspicium,  or  sanction  of  heaven.  The  idea 
was  that  the  will  of  the  Gods  should  be  consulted  in  every 
important  detail  of  national  life,  and  that  it  was  declared  by 
signs,  ex  calo,  ex  avibus,  ex  tripudiis,  ex  animalibus,  or  ex 
diris. 

P.  73  §  7-  extemo  solo.  For  national  auspices  the  place 
of  observation,  or  templum,  must  be  on  national  soil. 

conclpere.  On  this  use  cf.  v.  17-  2,  Latinas  sacrumque 
in  monte  Albano  non  rite  concepisse,  hence  the  ferice  con- 
ceptivfp. 

Of  the  prodigies  mentioned  here,  and  in  xxi.  62,  many  were 
entirely  the  creations  of  a  morbid  imagination,  others  were 
only  distorted  versions  of  natural  phenomena  misunderstood, 
as  in  the  fall  of  meteoric  stones,  or  in  red  water  tinged  by  the 
soil  through  which  it  flowed.  Some  were  monstrosities  of 
nature,  as  in  the  cases  of  strange  births.  Some  like  thunder- 
storms, with  the  accompaniments  of  danger,  were  only  noted 
when  men's  minds  were  ill  at  rest. 

§  8.  scipionem.  Connected  with  ffK-fjirTpou.  It  is  curious 
to  note  the  contrast  between  the  derivations  of  the  Greek 
names,  with  their  associations  of  'honour,'  'glory,'  'demus,' 
&o.,  and  the  humbler  origin  of  the  Roman  family  names,  such 
as  Scipio  (stick),  Kaeso  (the  hard  hitter),  Fabius  (bean),  Len- 
tulus  (pulse),  Naso  (nose),  Piso  (pea),  Cicero  (vetch).  In 
reference  to  the  Scipiades  belli  fulmen  used  by  Lucretius  and 
Vergil,  as  also  to  the  phrase  duo  fulrnina  applied  by  Cicero 
(pro  Balbo,  34),  to  the  two  Cn.  and  P.  who  met  a  disastrous 
end  in  Spain,  Mr  Munro  observes,  '  When  we  think  of  Scipio, 
scapus,  shaft,  ffKLirujv,  ffKTJTTTpov,  and  then  aKijirTo^,  (tk^ittoj,  we 
might  be  tempted  to  think  that  the  Scipios  loved  to  refer  their 
name  to  it  rather  than  to  the  more  homely  staff.'  (Note  on 
Lucr.  III.  1034). 

§  10.  Interdlu.  Plautus  has  the  form  interdius,  as  he 
has  dius  for  diu  in  qiuim  dius  vivo.  Corssen  i.  290  connects 
interdius  and  diumus,  like  dies  hodiemus  with  the  Sanscr. 
divas,  and  regards  interdiu,  not  as  an  ablative,  but  as  a  neuter 
accusative  form,  the  s  having  dropped  off,  in  this  respect 
Uke  postea,  antea,  interea,  all  of  which  he  regards  as  ace. 
forms.     Cf.  II.  455. 

Caretea.  Cf.  Drakenb.  Utrumque  Ccerites  et  Cceretcs  apud 
ipsttm  Livium  legitur. 


0.  L. 


16 


Ii' 


I 


242      NOTES.     XXII.  c.  i.  §  11— c.  ii.  §  1. 

§  11.  Mayors.  The  Italian  Mars  was  the  god  of  Sprinir, 
which  began  in  the  month  of  March,  and  with  it  the  hopes  of 
husbandly.  His  name  connected  with  mannor^  mare,  Maro, 
Marim,  is  thought  to  mean  '  bright/  and  the  12  Salii  witli 
their  orb- shaped  ancilia  to  represent  the  months  and  raoous. 
Only  secondarily  was  this  Mars  connected  with  War,  as  in 
npring^  time  the  men  mustered  in  the  Campus  Martins  and 
sallied  out  on  tlieir  campaigns,  but  under  Hellenic  influence 
the  attributes  of  ApT^s  were  transferred  to  Mars.  Mavors  se» ms 
to  be  a  distinct  name,  more  warlike  in  its  sense,  and  Corsseii 
connects  the  first  syllable  with  fidx'}  fidxoupa  magmentum,  and 
the  second  with  vortere,  Vortumnus^  &c.,  i.  410. 

§  12.  slgnum  Haxtis.  The  temple  of  Mars  was,  with  the 
Clivns  Martis,  on  the  Appian  way,  just  outside  the  Porta  S. 
Sebastiano.  The  sacred  spears  of  Mars  were  kept  however  in 
the  Begia. 

■ 

P.  74,  §  18.  FeronlSB.  The  ades  or  Imciw  FeronitB,  in  Agro 
Capenate,  near  Mount  Soracte,  is  often  spoken  of  by  Livy,  and 
was  distinct  from  the  temple  of  Ferouia,  which  Horace  passed 
on  his  way  to  Tarracina.  It  was  famous  for  its  great  fair  (i. 
30,  4,  mercatu  frequenti,  and  slaves  when  freed  took  the  cap  of 
liberty  at  its  altars.  Servius  ap.  Verg.  Mn.  vii.  800,  vm.  5('.4. 
Dionysius  iii.  32  says  the  Greeks  translate*!  the  name  by  di'dr}- 
<p6pos  <fn\offTi<payos.  Feronia  was  a  goddess  of  spring  and 
flowers  and  love.     Preller,  IU)m.  Myth.  376. 

§  19.  8Bdem  Batumi.  This  was  at  the  foot  of  the  Cliviis 
Capitolinus,  and  tlie  hill  above  went  in  old  days  by  the  nain'^ 
of  Saturnius,  from  the  god  of  ItaUan  husbandry.  Tlie  temple 
was  long  used  as  the  State  treasury  and  record  office.  Of.  n. 
21.  2,  Saturnalia  institutus  J'estm  dies, 

0.  n.  §  1.  dllectu.  Note  the  form  of  the  dative,  as  11.  '>, 
exercitu.  Fabri  compares  vii.  2.  6,  Fescetinino  versu  similein, 
IV.  12.  8,  quod  mu  menstruo  miperesset. 

ox  hibemls.  In  Liguria,  xxi.  59. 10.  The  movements  of  the 
Boman  troops  since  the  battle  of  the  Trebia  are  not  clear.  Some 
legions  had  wintered  at  Plaoentia,  others  with  Sonipronius 
at  Luca,  though  we  are  not  told  why  H.  allowed  them  to 
divide  their  forces  unmolested.  The  former  division  was 
ordered  by  Flaminius  to  meet  at  Arimiuum,  and  he  is  also  said 
to  have  taken  the  command  at  the  same  place,  inde,  xxi.  0:1 
15,  of  the  iorce  of  Sempronius  which  had  wintered  at  Luca,  and 
with  both  to  have  marched  into  Etruria  to  cover  Arretium.  Bnt 
when  the  campaign  opens  On.  Servilius  is  posted  near  Arimi- 
num,  XXII.  9,  and  is  not  in  time  to  join  his  colleague  before 
the  battle  of  Trasimeue. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  II.  §§  1—8. 


243 


Arretium.  A  position  of  great  importance  as  commanding 
the  valley  of  the  Amo  and  the  passes  of  the  Apennines,  and 
thus  covering  Bome  from  attack  on  either  side.  But  the  scouts 
should  have  ascertained  the  route  of  H.  in  time  for  Servilius 
to  have  marched  to  join  his  colleague,  and  then  the  K.  lines 
should  have  been  extended  from  Cortona  to  Clusium. 

§  2.  aliud  longluB.  Several  other  routes  were  possible 
and  longer,  but  most  of  the  passes  across  the  Western  moun- 
tains converged  on  Luna  (the  gulf  of  Spezzia),  or  on  Luca, 
both  of  which  had  been  probably  fortified  and  garrisoned  by 
Sempronius,  and  behind  them  on  the  coast  road  to  Rome  lay 
the  strongly  intrenched  town  of  Pisae.  H.  seems  therefore  to 
have  chosen  the  shorter  pass  by  Pistoria  and  the  valley  of  the 
Aruo,  by  what  was  afterwards  the  Via  Cassia  from  Florentia  to 
Arretium.  The  easier  course  by  the  JEmilian  and  Flamiiiian 
ways  was  avoided  from  the  proximity  of.  the  Roman  armies, 
or  from  the  wish  to  relieve  at  once  the  country  of  ^the  Gauls. 
Possibly  tiie  marshes  of  the  Amo  were  then  more  widely  ex- 
tended,' or  the  inundations  of  the  Arno  greater,  as  the  time 
spent  seems  strangely  long;  but  the  fall  in  the  valley  is  very 
slight,  and  the  inundations  caused  by  the  overflow  of  the 
Arno  and  its  tributaries  are  still  formidable. 

§  3.  admixtis  Imped.  H.  was  not  concerned  usually, 
says  Pulyb.  iii.  79,  about  his  baggage,  except  in  so  far  as  the 
commissariate  of  the  army  was  concerned.  He  made  war 
support  war. 

necubi,  lor  ne-cubi  (as  in  uhi-cuhi^  ali-cuhi,  uun-cuhiy  si- 
cuhi)  like  necunde  in  23.  10,  for  ne-cunde.  The  cu  is  from 
the  pronominal  root  ka=quo.  In  other  words  j/rc^=woM,  as  in 
nee  opinatua,  negletjere,  negotium  {itec-  otiinn). 

§  4.    mollis  ad  talla.    Cf.  note  on  xxi.  25.  6. 
cohl\)Bii.iem=cohibendi    cmisa,  an  imitation  of   a    Greek 
idiom,  cf.  use  of  circumspectans  23.  10. 

§  5.  qua  mode.  'Wherever '...to  the  luodo  answers  the 
tanwn,  implying  their  readiness  to  go  anywhere,  if  only  the 
guides  would  lead  the  way.  Cf.  xxvii.  11.  10,  pro  se  quisque 
miles,  qui  mode  a£8equi...poterat. 

profuudas.  *  Almost  bottomless,'  because  they  found  only 
mud  below. 

Immergentesque.     '  Taking  to  swimming.  * 

P.  75,  §  8-  in  Bicco.  For  this  local  use  of  abl.  neut.  abs. 
cf.  in  aperto,  in  arto,  in  summo,  in  Hemicn,  ex  propinqvo^ 
which  with  others  are  used  by  Livy. 

Tlie  insertion  of  aut  seems  necessary  to  distinguish  two 
distinct  classes.     (Madvig.) 

16—2 


244      NOTES,    XXII.  c.  ii.  §  9— c.  iii.  §  7. 

§  9.  lantmn,  quod.  *  Furnished  a  bare  resting-place  for 
those  who  sooght  only  some  dry  spot  above  the  water.' 

§  10.    prlxnum.    The  apodosis  comes  in  et  quia, 

§  11.    alt.  oculo. 

0  qimlU  facies  et  quali  digiia  tahella  j  quum  Gatula  ducem 
fortaaret  belltia  Imcum.    Juv.  x.  157. 

c.  m.  §  1.  drca  Arretll  moenia.  This  position  was  excel- 
lently chosen  to  watch  the  movements  of  Hannibal  whose  easiest 
road  to  Rome  lay  through  Umbria  by  the  Via  Flaminia,  which 
had  been  made  a  few  years  before  by  C.  Flaminius.  If  com- 
munications were  kept  up  between  the  two  consuls  at  Arretium 
and  Ariminum  they  might  hope  to  combine  the  forces  when  the 
route  of  the  invaders  was  discovered.  Precisely  the  same  ar- 
rangements had  been  made  to  cover  Rome  in  the  Gallic  war  of 
226  B.C.  But  like  the  Gauls,  H.  took  a  Western  pass,  and 
marched  by  the  Roman  forces  at  Arretium,  which  tlieu  fol- 
lowed in  pursuit,  and  were  routed  before  the  other  army  could 
arrive  upon  the  scene. 

§2.    In  rem.     *  To  his  purpose.*    Cf.  29.  8. 

§  3.  Inter.  Fabri  remarks  that  it  is  in  Tacitus  that  we 
find  most  examples  of  this  position  of  inter  between  its  twj 

oaBOS. 

§  4.  non  modo  legiim...  Livy  reproduces  here  without 
misgiving  the  patrician  prejudices  of  his  authorities,  and 
Polyb..  aUen  as  he  was,  does  the  same,  enlarging  upon  the 
duty  of  the  general  to  ascertain  the  bias  of  his  rival,  as  H.  did 
in  this  case. 

P.  76.  metuens  has  the  constr.  of  an  adj.  not  of  a  partic. 
So  metuem  fnturiy  Hor.,  tnetuem  virgm,  Juv. 

1  6.  l«9va  is  here  inexplicable.  If  H.  moved  towards 
FiBsulffl,  he  must  have  had  the  R.  at  Arretium  on  his  right. 
Hence  it  would  be  better  to  read  o  Fasulis  petens  medios  Etr. 
agro$  (W.).  But  it  is  quite  possible  that  it  was  a  blunder  of 
Livy  himself,  and  not  of  hie  editors.  Hannibal  was  moving 
southwards,  and  swept  round  the  Trasimene  lake  to  entrap 
Flaminius,  who  was  marching  after  him. 

I  7.  Flaminius,  qui...  It  is  hazardous  to  impute  misstate- 
ments to  ancient  writers  in  cases  where  we  have  no  other 
evidence  at  hand,  but  it  seems  most  probable  that  this  part  of 
the  history  is  disfigured  by  the  aristocratic  prejudices  of  the 
Annalists  who  threw  the  blame  of  the  disaster  of  Lake 
Trasimene  on  the  rashness  of  Flaminius.  Yet  b©  must  have 
heard  some  days  before  of  the  march  of  Hannibal,  and  sent 


NOTES.     XXTI.  c.  III.  §  7^0.  iv.  §  1.      245 

news  to  his  colleague  who  was  hurrying  up  to  bar  the  way  to 
Rome  Had  he  wished  to  force  a  battle  sooner,  he  could  cer- 
tyLuilv*  have  done  so  iu  the  valley  of  the  Arno.  When  H. 
marched  towards  Rome,  he  could  hardly  fail  to  follow,  as  the 
course  of  Servilius  naturally  lay  through  Umbria,  ajid  he 
was  not  strong  enough  to  face  the  invader  single-handed  on 
the  Flaminian  way.  The  distance  between  Arretium  and  the 
Lake  Trasimene  is  not  great,  and  Flaminius  may  i^erhaps 
have  moved  first  towards  Clusium  to  strengthen  the  defences 
on  the  Via  Cassia,  and  then  pushed  eastward  in  the  track  of 
H  to  keep  his  communications  open  with  his  colleague.  He 
naturally  hoped  to  effect  a  speedy  junction,  and  to  crush  H. 
with  their  united  forces,  as  the  Gauls  had  been  iu  like  case 
defeated  a  few  years  before  at  Telamon.  No  fault  in  strategy 
can  be  proved  up  to  the  eve  of  the  battle,  when  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  ensnared.  Cf.  Append,  on  the  Character  of 
Flaminius. 

§  8.  ceteris.  The  officers  of  the  staf!  assembled  in  the 
council  of  war. 

§  9.  slgnum.  This  was  given  with  the  tuba  for  the 
march. 

pugnaque  only  implies  that  the  signal  to  march  was  taken 
as  a  determination  to  fight.  The  actual  sign  in  the  latter  case 
was  a  red  flag  on  the  frmtorium. 

§  10.  Camillum  ah  Veils.  Cf.  v.  4G.  Rome  was  then  in 
the  hands  of  the  Gauls. 

§  11.    eflfudit.     •  Threw.'     So  x.  11.  1,  equo  e.ffusm. 

§  12.  Bignum  is  the  general  term,  including  the  vexillum^ 
or  small  flag  with  a  cross  pole,  as  well  as  the  image  or  insigne 
carried  on  a  staff. 

P.  77  §  13.  Num  litteras  q.  Referrmg  not  only  to  the 
legatio  of'xxi.  63.  12,  but  to  the  experience  of  his  former  con- 
sulship. 

§  14.  primorlbus.  An  unusual  term  for  officers.  Here 
probably  it  refers  more  to  civil  than  military  eminence. 

la  vulgus.    •  Commonly. ' 

c.  IV.  §  1.  Trasumennus.  Connected  by  Corssen  i.  246 
with  trans,  terminus,  T^pfiuv,  as  'that  on  the  other  side.' 
Polyb.  calls  it  Tap<xifjt4vri  \i^vrj,  and  it  is  often  spelt  Trammenus, 
as  we  read  Porsena  and  Porsenna.  The  Etruscan  names 
Vibenna,  Sisenna,  Ac,  support  the  double  n  of  the  best  MSS., 
and  Quintilian  Inst.  i.  6.  13  says  Tharaomenum  pro  Trammemio 
multi  auctores . .  .vindicaveriint. 


246 


iVOTMS,     XXII.  c.  IV.  S  2-6. 


It 


§  2.     nata  Inaldlie.     Cf.  44.  4,  locU  natu  ad  equestrevi  png. 
nam,  ix.  i!.  5,  ita  natm  locus  est. 

maxime  subit.     *  Comes  very  close  under.' 

Via  perangusta.  The  road  from  Cortona  to  I'enigia,  as  it 
passes  through  the  Northern  side  of  the  Trasimene  lake,  rises 
at  the  Western  end  over  M.  Gnalandro,  and  then  enters  a,  pass 
from  J  to  1*  miles  in  breadth,  bounded  by  mountains  ou  the 
North,  and  the  sea  on  the  South,  till  it  emerges  after  some  miles 
at  Passignano.  About  half  way,  the  mountain  ground  presses 
forward  to  the  lake,  whore  the  village  at  Tuoro  stands  {inde 
colles  insurgunt),  and  liere  was  the  camp  of  Hannibal.  Poly- 
bius,  III.  83,  describes  the  scene  more  fully  than  Livy,  but  his 
account  corresponds  to  the  position  of  the  Roman  vanrjuard 
as  it  faced  the  enemy  posted  in  front  at  Tuoro  on  KarA.  ttjv 
hniKpv  \6<tiov  iriKcififvov  ipvfjwbv  Kal  bva^arov^  and  had  the 
lake  in  its  rear,  while  there  was  a  continuous  range  of  hills  ou 
either  side,  wapb,  rdt  tit  /lijKot  vXevpdf,  hke  the  two  halves  of  a 
crescent  divided  in  the  middle  by  the  projecting  headland. 
Probably  both  historians  consulted  the  same  authority,  which 
was  based  on  the  acck»unt  of  an  eye-witness  contemplating 
from  a  Boman  point  of  view  tlie  central  position  of  Hauni))al, 
and  seeing  his  cavalry  charging  on  the  left  on  the  reaiguard, 
and  forcing  the  whole  column  forward  into  the  pass. 

induitria.    From  indo,  old  form  of  tn,  and  struere,  so  con 
nected  with  imttniere.    Corssen,  ii.  190. 

§  4.  pridie.  Seems  a  pleonasm  witli  pustero  die  in  the 
next  line. 

Inexplorato.  Notice  the  many  abl.  constr.  in  this  passage. 
They  are  especially  frequent  in  Livy. 

pandi.     *Deptoy.* 

decepta  Ins.  *The  trap  was  closed,'  so  the  MSS.  read. 
But  there  is  no  authority  for  this  use  of  the  word,  nor  is  there 
much  for  the  suggestion  of  Lipsius,  decepere,  for  dcciperek 
not  =  Xaj'^aVai',  to  escape  notice,  though  we  may  quote  Hor. 
Sat.  I.  3.  39,  aniatorem  quod  arnicas  \  turpia  decipiunt  cacum 
vitia.  Madvig  suggests  aeceptee,  and  the  more  probable  receptee, 
(= withdrawn),  but  does  not  venture  to  change  the  text.  We 
may  note  here  again,  as  xii.  62.  5,  the  want  in  Latin  of  article, 
and  partic.  of  subst.  verb  to  connect  ab  tergo  (al...ovaai)  with 
itisidia. 

§  5.    clausum  habuit.     Cf.  xxi.  5.  3,  fessum  liabebat,  &c. 

P.  78,  §  6.    C0Mp«cta.     •  Visible.'    The  past  partic.  for  a 
g€frundTve  or  verbal  adj.     Cf.  ii.  55.  3,  nihil  coiitemtius  lictori 
bm,  H  sint  qui  contaimant.     Sail.  Jug.   7H  1,  rex  nihil  iam 


NOTES.     XXll.  c.  IV.  §  6— c.  vi.  §  3.      247 

infectum  Metello  credens.  Livy  xxix.  18.  8,  sacrihgas  aJmovere 
imnus  intactis  Hits  thesauris.  So  inaccessus,  iiworruptus,  &c., 
Nagelsbach  72.  6. 

c.  V.  §  1.  satis,  ut.  A  somewhat  grudging  recognition  of 
the  bravery  of  Fbiminius. 

In  re  trepida.  *  A  state  of  panic'  Cf.  i.  27.  10,  Tullvs  in  re 
trcpida  duodecim  vovit  Salios. 

6  -i.  strepentium  pav.  This  use  of  the  gen.  plur.  of  the 
i)artie.i  where  we  should  put  abstract  substantives  *  triumph 
and  panic,'  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Livy.  Cf.  17.  o, 
Jlarnimsspirantummiraculo,  xxiii.  22.  7,  fremitus  indignantium. 
Nagelsbach  §  29.  2. 

§  6.  Impetum  capere  is  a  frequent  phrase  in  Livy.  Cf.  ii. 
C5.  8,  VIII.  30.  4. 

P  79  §  7.  per  principes.  In  the  old  form  of  organizing 
the  legion  the  hastati  formed  the  1st  line,  the  principes  the 
2ud,  as  Livy  describes  at  length,  viii.  8.  The  order  is  here 
confused,  as  Livy  is  here  writing  probably  from  memory,  with- 
out documents,  of  a  state  of  things  which  had  passed  away. 

antesignani.  Men  of  the  front  line,  whose  aiyna  mani- 
pulorum  were  carried  in  the  rear  in  battle,  though  in  the  van 
when  on  the  march.  Thus  Livy  viii.  11.  4,  stragnn  et  ante 
sigua  et  post  siyna  factam. 

cohorte.  This  is  an  unusual  expression.  After  the  time 
of  Marius  probably  the  old  formation  of  the  legion  was  super- 
seded by  that  into  10  cohorts,  but  at  thi^  time  the  term  was 
only  employed  of  the  prcetoria  cohors,  or  body-guard  of  the 
general,  and  of  the  contingents  of  the  allies.  It  is  probal)ly 
used  by  Livy  carelessly. 

§  8.  motum  terrse.  The  authority  of  Cajlius  is  specially 
referred  to  for  this  by  Cicero,  div.  i.  35,  and  it  was  probably 
from  him  that  Livy  copied  it. 

c.  VI.  §  2.  Bum  et  seems  to  require  another  sentence  of 
like  form  to  follow,  but  the  constr.  suddenly  changes. 

robora  vlr.     Cf.  xxi.  54.  3. 

§  3.  noscitans.  One  of  the  frequentatives  often  used  by 
our  author,  though  in  this  case  seemingly  less  appropriate. 

leglones.  Livy  commonly  applies  to  other  people  the 
distinctive  terms  of  the  lloman  civil  and  military  systems. 
For  the  facts  of  the  war  referred  to  cf.  Polyb.  ii.  32,  and  note 
on  Livy  xxi.  02.  2. 


248      NOTES.     XXIl.  c.  vi.  §  4— c.  vii.  g  4. 

§  4.  Infesto  venlentl.  These  words  are  perhaps  introduced, 
as  Nagelsbach  suggests,  to  avoid  the  dative  fonn  imjpetui  wbicb 
is  scarcely  to  be  found  in  use. 

trlaill.  The  3rd  line  of  the  legion  consisting  of  tlie 
Ftoutest  veterans.  Cf.  Livy's  explanation  of  res  ad  triarios 
redity  viii.  8.  11. 

P.  80,  §  7.    immensa  ac  s.    *  Ohjectless  and  hopeless.' 

§>8.  emptloiie  1.  f.  The  further  end  of  the  pass  was  only 
beset  by  the  slingera  and  hght-armed  troops,  4.  3,  and  it  was 
here  easier  for  the  head  of  the  column  to  break  out. 

callglne.  Connected  with  callim  (the  old  form  of  cUim. 
Fostus)  KaXuFTw,  superciliwrn^  eelare,  occulto^  from  root  kal 
'  cover.'    Corssen  i.  460. 

§  9.    Inclin&ta  d.  r.    *  When  the  battle  was  decided.' 

S  11.    cetera  extrema.    Gf.  confragosa  omnia,  xxi.  32.  9. 

§  12.  Punlca  reUjg.  Cf.  xxi.  4.  9.  H.  decided  that  Ma- 
liarbal  had  no  authority  to  grant  such  terms,  as  the  Romjuis 
had  done  in  the  case  of  Lutatius.    Polyb.  iii.  85. 

omnes.  Polyb.  tells  us  that  the  Italian  allies  were  treated 
with  marked  courtesy,  in  the  hope  that  they  would  revolt  from 
Bome.    Cf.  7.  5. 

c.  VII.  §  1.  memorata.  Probably  in  the  sense  of  memora- 
bilu,  as  XXIII.  44.  ^^pugiuz memorabilis inter paucas, i.e.  'memor- 
able as  few  have  been.*    Cf.  note  on  4.  6. 

§  2.  Qulndedm  mllUa...  The  local  names  of  Ossaia  [ossa] 
and  Sanguinetto  have  been  thought  to  point  to  traditions  of 
this  slaughter,  but  they  are  most  likely  of  later  origin,  and  if 
derived  from  incidents  of  battle,  date  from  the  middle  ages. 

§  3.  Multiplex.  'Many  times  as  large.'  So  often  in 
Livy. 

§  4.  auctum  ex  vano.  •  Idle  exaggeration.'  The  suggestion 
of  Madvig  makes  better  sense  than  the  reading  of  the  MSS. 
hoMtium  ex  v.,  which  is  not  a  natural  expression,  nor  applicable 
to  the  evidence  of  earlier  writers.  For  ex  vano  cf.  xxvii.  26.  1, 
nee  spem  nee  metum  ex  vano  habet.  So  xxi.  32.  10,  ex  aperto, 
V.  33. 8,  ex  antiquo,  i.  43.  10,  ex  publico. 

Fabium.  See  Introduction  on  the  Authorities  of  the  2nd 
P.  war.    Livy  need  not  have  consulted  Fabius  at  first  hand. 


NOTES.     XXIL  c.  vii.  §  7— c.  viii.  g  3.     249 

P.  81  §  7-  repens  qualifies  allata,  as  in  8.  1  it  does  nun- 
tiatur.     Cf.  12.  7,  occultus  subsistebat. 

frequentts  contlonls.  *  A  crowded  assembly,'  such  as  could 
be  convened  only  by  a  magistrate  who  had  the  jus  agere  cum 
populo. 

comltium  et  c.  i.  e.  they  flocked  to  the  Curia  Hostilia  where 
the  senate  was  deUberating,  caUing  for  a  magistrate  to  come 
out  to  address  them  from  the  comitium,  where  the  higlier 
officials  usually  harangued  them. 

M.  Pomponlus  was  Prator  peregrimis,  for  M.  .ffimilius 
was  Prcetor  Urb.  Cf.  33.  8.  It  is  strange  that  the  latter  did 
not  come  forward  as  he  was  present.     Cf.  §  14. 

§10.    Quot  casus,    i.e.  the  alternatives  just  referred  to. 

P  82  c.  viii.  §  1.  quattuor  mlllia  eq.  Polyb.  iii.  86  de- 
scribes more  fully  the  despatch  of  the  cavaky  under  Centenius, 
while  Servilius  was  on  the  march  with  the  legions.  H.  Rearing 
of  their  approach  sent  Maharbal  to  attack  them,  and  he  first 
routed  the  body,  and  then  after  a  hot  pursuit  captured  the 
survivors.  Probably  the  horses  were  exhausted  by  the  forced 
march,  and  the  light  troops  of  the  enemy  had  cut  off  their 
retreat  by  moving  along  the  cross  roads.  Appian  speaks  of 
the  disaster  as  happening  els  tt]v  UXcKTTlvrjv  XI/jmtjv,  which  like 
some  others  in  Italy  has  since  wholly  disappeared,  but  several 
traces  of  the  name,  such  as  Val  di  Pistia,  may  be  found  in 
the  pass  from  Camerino  to  Ancona,  and  an  old  inscription 
testifies  to  a  town  caUed  Plestia.  Cf.  Nissen  m  Ehem. 
Mus.  1865,  p.  224.  The  large  force  under  Centenius  points 
to  an  increase  of  the  cavalry,  probably  to  compete  with  that 
of  Hannibal. 

C.  Centenio  proprsetore.  The  full  title  was  legatus  propra- 
tore,  for  the  delegate  of  a  consul  was  not  caUed  pro  consule 
but  p.  p.  Appian  speaks  of  him  as  riva  tQu  irKpavup  Idiurujv, 
and  as  sent  from  Bome. 

In  Umbrla.  i.e.  on  their  way  from  Ariminum,  where  Ser- 
villus  had  been  watching  the  Gauls. 

§3.  causa.  For  this  sense  of  'malady' Fabii  compares 
XXX.  44.  6,  pravalida  corpora  ab  extemis  causis  tuta  videntur. 

magis  gravlor.  The  repetition  of  the  comparative  is  a 
pleonasm  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  balance  of  levts  and 
gravlor,  as  well  as  affecto  and  valido. 


I'll 


260 


NOTES,     XXII.  c.  viii.  S  4—6. 


§  4.  extenuatis.  A  substantive,  like  *  exhaustion,'  is  im- 
plied  in  this  word  to  balance  magnitudine.  CI.  xxi.  1.  6,  Sid 
lia  S.  amusa. 

§  5.    ad  remediom.    Of.  note  on  9.  7. 

dlctatorem  die.  The  dictator  was  appointed  probably  jit 
fiiBt  in  times  of  urgent  danger,  when  a  general-iu-chief  was 
needed  who  would  not  be  controlled  by  the  rivalry  of  a  col- 
league, or  the  veto  of  a  tribune.  To  this  we  may  refer  the 
limit  of  the  six  months'  tenure  of  office,  the  early  name  of 
tmgister  populi,  or  leader  of  the  army  (cf.  Herzog,*  populari,) 
with  the  subordinate  magister  equitum,  and  the  fact  that  the 
appointment  in  times  of  civil  struggle  was  regarded  as  a  pro- 
clamation of  state  of  siege,  or  martial  law,  though  in  later 
days  dictators,  no  longer  optimo  jure^  were  sub^ject  to  the  veto 
of  the  tribune.  The  eomitia  had  commonly  no  power  of 
election ;  the  senate  by  virtue  of  their  general  authority 
commonly  decided  on  the  step,  but  the  appointment  {dicere) 
formally  rested  with  a  consul,  who  by  lot  or  arrangement  with 
his  colleague  rose  at  the  dead  of  night,  within  the  boundaries 
of  Boman  ager,  and  named  the  temporary  head  of  the  exe- 
cutive. The  latter  name  was  probably,  as  Mommsen  thinks, 
borrowed  by  analogy  from  the  dictators  of  the  Latin  towns, 
who  had  succeeded  to  the  position  of  the  King. 

nee  diet,  populo  (non  consulto  senatus).  The  Puteanus 
has  populo  only,  otlier  MSS.  populm.  An  early  critic  changed 
this  toprat&r,  as  inconsistent  with  what  immediately  follows. 
Madvig  prefers  to  think  tliat  words  have  dropped  out  as  in 
other  places  in  this  book,  but  the  correction  seems  a  bold  oue. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  however  that  he  is  right  in  rejecting 
prodictatorem,  which  some  editors  read  on  the  ground  that 
Livy  adopts  the  view  that  Fabius  was  only  predict.  (31.  8),  for 
(1)  the  form  prodictatore  would  have  been  used,  as  tlie  pnrase 
was  too  uncommon  to  become  a  substantive  like  proconsul,  (2) 
the  later  passage  looks  like  an  after-tliought  of  criticism,  quite 
consistent  with  a  different  view  in  this  passage.  It  is  probable 
that  a  prator  must  have  presided  at  the  Comitia,  and  declared 
the  dictator  elected,  and  J.  Ciesar  acted  on  this  precedent  in 
B.  c.  48,  though  it  was  regarded  as  irregular.  Cf.  Cic.  ad,  Att. 
9. 15.  3,  volet  comules  n>get  prator  vel  dlctatorem  dicat,  quorum 
neutrumjus  at,  sed  ai  Sulki  potuit  efficere  ab  interrege  ut  dicta- 
tor diceretur^  cur  hie  non  posnit.  Mommsen  arbitrarily  decides 
to  strike  this  clause  out  of  the  text.    Cf.  C.  I.  L.  i.  p.  288. 

§  6.    quod  nuinquam. . .     Kefors  to  the  clause  that  follows. 

Q.  FaMtim  Maximum.  Polyb.  iii.  87  says  that  descendants 
of  hig  bouse  ttill  bore  the  cognomen  3ia  rd.s  ixebov  rdfOpis  im- 


NOTt]S.     XXII.  c.  VIII.  §  6— c.  IX.  §  5.     251 

Twx'oj  KoX  Tpd^eii.  But  Perizonius  suggested  that  this  may 
only  have  meant  that  a  later  age  connected  the  ei)ithet  with 
this  Fabius,  though  it  had  been  homo  by  his  ancestors,  as 
Polybius  must  have  known.  Livy  ix.  46.  7  accounts  for  the 
origin  of  the  name  by  the  statesmanship  of  one  who  quod 
tot  victoriis  7wn  pepererat,  hac  ordinum  temperatione  parerct. 

The  Magister  equitum  was  subordinate,  both  as  magistrate 
and  officer,  to  the  dictator,  who  commonly  appointed  him, 
without  any  formal  restriction  on  his  choice.  The  office 
was  anomalous,  as  there  was  no  single  commander  of  the 
cavalry,  but  a  variety  of  prccfecti,  and  in  historical  days  the 
vvagiffter  equitum.  served  at  the  head  of  the  legions  under  the 
dictator,  or  replaced  him  in  his  absence.  But  the  name  pro- 
bably points  to  the  early  days  when  the  two  consuls  led  the 
foot  and  horse  alternately,  and  the  chief  change  in  appointing 
a  magister  populi  was  to  make  him  tower  above  the  colleague 
whom  he  himself  nominated. 

P.  83,  §  7.  dlmlcandum  esse.  The  infin.  expresses  the 
conviction  which  was  the  ground  of  the  preceding  measures. 

c.  IX.  §  1.  Spoletlum.  A  Latin  colony  (b.c.  241,  Veil. 
Puterc.  I.  14)  covering  the  Via  Flaminia  and  Umbria,  to 
which  H.  turned  from  the  Trasimene  lake.  He  is  not  likely 
to  have  thought  of  an  attack  on  Rome  itself,  the  population 
of  which  largely  outnumbered  his  army,  and  Polybius  says 
nothing  of  the  attack  upon  Spoletium. 

§  2.  cum  magna  csBde  repulsus.  One  of  the  gates  of 
Spoleto  still  bears  the  name  of  Porta  di  Anuibale,  or  Porta 
Fuga,  in  memory  of  this  frallant  resistance,  and  on  it  are  the 
words  Annihal  Spoleto  \  Magna  siiorum  ccede  repuhsus  \  imigni 
fuga  porta  nomen  fecit.  Tliese  are  of  modern  date,  but  in  the 
Guildhall  is  a  mutilated  inscription,  of  which  the  following 

words    remain.     Populus   signa   vovit torihusque   dedicavit 

quum  Annibal  L.  CarsuUo... 

baud  maxlmsB  minime  p.  Most  editors  read  haud  nimis 
prospere,  for  the  h,  minime  p.  of  the  MSS.  Madvig  rejects  this 
as  a  frigid  litotes,  and  suggests  that  maxima  had  dropped  out, 
after  which  ^minime  prospere  will  follow  well  enough. 

moles.  Referring  not  merely  to  the  size  of  the  city,  but  to 
the  effort  of  taking  it.  Cf.  xxi.  22.  9.  Verg.  Mn.  1.  33,  tantcs 
molis  erat,  &c. 

§  4.    affectus.     Cf.  8.  3,  affecto  corpore,  and  xxi.  11.  13. 

§  6.  Prsetutlanum  Ha.  South  of  Picenum,  and  near  the 
Roman  colony  of  Adria,  from  which  the  Porto  d'  Atri  takes  its 
name.    It  is  said  that  Pratutia  was  corrupted  in  the  middle 


vi 


252 


NOTES.     XXII.  a  ix.  §§5—11. 


ages  into  Aprutium,  and  tliat  into  Abmzzo,  the  later  name  of 
tho  district.  (Cramer'B  Anc.  It.  i.  289.)  The  Marsi,  and 
other  tril)e8  mentioned,  dwelt  further  South,  and  to  the  East 
of  the  Sabine  territory;  they  belonged  to  the  Osco-Sabtjllian 
population  of  Central  Italy. 

Ami,  in  Apulia,  was  anciently  named  ATg3mpa,  and  con 
nected  with  traditions  of  Diomede  and  Argos,  Verg.  Mn.  xi. 
24S.    Twelve  miles  to  the  W.  was  the  K.  colony  of  Luceria 
(B.C.  813),  which  was  long  an  object  of  contention  with  the 
Samnites. 

§  6.  ad  nrbOTa...  This  march  was  probably  begun  as  soon 
as  he  heard  of  H.  in  Etruria,  and  the  4000  horse  under  Ci;u- 
tenius  was  only  the  van  of  his  army,  but  hiry  had  neglected 
to  mention  this  at  the  right  point  of  his  narrative. 

§  7.  dictator  iterum.  Yalerius  Max.,  I.  1,  says  that 
Flaminius  was  his  mag.  equitum^  and  this  must  refer  to  a 
former  dictatorship.  There  had  been  several  dictators  of  late 
years  comitionim  habendorum  causa.  The  words  of  Livy,  8.  5, 
refer  only  to  the  dictator  of  earlier  usage  rei  gerenda  cavsa. 

ab  dlls  orsus.  Matters  of  religion  were  tlie  first  discussed 
in  the  senate.  Cf.  Gell.  xiv.  7,  de  rebm  divim's  prim  (juam 
hiimanix  ad  i^enatum  referendum  esse, 

cffirlmonla  is  hardly  to  be  derived  from  Ceere  ('*  the  Deiplii 
of  Italy").  Corssen  i.  376  refers  it  to  the  root  of  sinccrus 
(«Mra=  sunder,  or  choose).  The  long  ae  is  a  difliculty  in  the 
way  of  Curtius'  derivation  from  -kar,  kri^  creare,  and  the 
inscriptions  and  best  MSS.  spell  it  c<srem(mia.  For  the  ter- 
mination, cf.  parsimonia^  mnctinwnia,  agrimonia^  and  the  men 
of  jipfcimf n,  or  mentum  of  di}cumcntum.     u.  315. 

Inscltla.    *  Bad  generalship.' 

piacula.    Cf.  Excursus  on  Boman  Beligion. 

§  6.  Ubros  SlbylL  The  Sibylline  literature  was  brought  to 
Borne,  according  to  tiadition,  as  early  as  the  perioil  of  the 
Tarquins,  and  seems  to  have  come  from  the  Greek  towns  of 
Asia  Minor  through  their  connections  in  Campania  at  the  time 
when  Hellenic  art  first  made  its  way  to  Bome  to  any  great 
extent.  As  an  early  seat  of  this  Sibylline  influence  was  at 
Gergia  in  the  Troad,  we  may  thus  account  for  the  early  spread 
of  the  legends  which  connected  the  Trojan  story  with  the 
tradition  of  the  foundation  of  Eome. 

§  11.    For  derivation  oi  pontifex  cf.  note  on  59.  3. 

c.  x.  Livy  seldom  gives  any  specimens  of  antique  style 
except  in  the  formularies  kept  in  the  custody  of  the  priestly 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  X.  g  2—6. 


253 


colleges  Tliis  is  almost  the  only  form  of  monumental  evi- 
dence which  he  cared  to  consult,  or  at  any  rate  to  copy.  For 
the  meaning  of  the  ver  sacrum  and  other  terms,  see  the 
Excursus. 

8  2  duellis.  An  archaic  form  for  bellis  retained  in  per- 
diJlul  as  bea  stands  for  dues,  and  bonus  for  duonus.  The 
Ztum  donum  of  the  MSS.  would  be  an  awkward  pleonasm, 
and  is  well  corrected  by  Madvig  to  turn  dmt  the  old  sub].  Of. 
X  19  12  the  prayer  si  hodie  victoriam  duis.  Cf.  also  adduit, 
vennm  duit,  from  root  da,  another  form  of  -da,  like  the  forms, 
creduis,  creduit  in  Plautus.  Corssen.  ii  402.  The  transposi- 
tion  of  quod  duellum,  to  make  it  follow  immediately  /w«ce 
duellis  is  due  to  Lipsius,  and  makes  good  sense  of  what  is 
hopelessly  involved  in  the  common  readmg  of  the  Mbb.  re- 
tained by  W. 

§  3.  ver.  Reckoned  by  the  pontifices  as  lasting  through 
the  months  of  March  and  April. 

profana.  Fanum  or  (fasnum  fr.  fas)  is  the  general  term 
for  any  holy  thing  or  place,  and  profanum  is  the  contrasted 
term. 

fieri     *  To  be  sacrificed  to.' 

ex  qua  die.  The  vow  though  made  was  not  to  take  effect 
until  the  time  was  specified,  and  this  did  not  actually  take 
place  till  the  year  195  b.c. 

§  4.    probe.     'Duly.' 

§  5.  rumpet.  Cf.  Digest,  ix.  2.  27,  rupisse  verhm  fere 
omnes  veteres  sic  intellexerunt,  corruperit.     Stroth.  ap.  Fabri. 

ne  fraua  esto.     '  The  owner  shall  not  be  guilty. ' 

depsit.    An  old  perf.  subj.  from  clepo  as  fa.rit  from  facio. 

§  6.  SI  atro  die  f.  The  atri  dies  were  those  associated  in 
memory  with  some  gi-eat  national  disaster  as  that  at  Allia  or 
on  the  Cremera  or  at  Cannae.  On  them  temples  were  all 
closed  and  no  sacrifices  could  be  offered,  and  land  and  busi- 
ness  were  at  a  standstill.  Yet  even  here  the  pontiffs  claimed 
disi)ensinp  power,  and  when  Ti.  Coruncanius  fixed  by  an  over- 
sight a  holiday  upon  a  dies  ater,  the  College  ratified  his  act, 
eollegium  decrevit  nan  habendum  religioni  quin  eo  die  Jena 
essent  (A.  Gell.  iv.  6.  10). 

faxit.  The  characteristic  vowel  is  dropped  frequently  in 
the  perf.  subj.  and  ii.  fut.  ind.  of  this  word,  esi>eoiaUy  m 
Plautus,  Terence,  and  occasionally  in  later  poets  as  Ver^.  A'.n. 
IX.  151,  XII.  316.    In  Livy  we  find  in  old  formularies  defextt  i. 


254  NOTES.     XXTT.  c.  x.  §§6-10. 

24.  9,  /£m«i«  Ti.  41.  6;  so  occuit  xii.  tab.,  rapsit  Cic.  Let?,  n  9 
22,  wwrt,  for  conj.  plusqu.,  Verg.  Mn.  xi.  118,  extbixem  /En' 
Z'  6f»6. ';7/««<'<  Lucr.  I.  '.KS?,  «urr«x«  Hor.  Sat.  i.  9.  73,  traM 
Mn.  Y.  786.  So  also  such  forms  as  acdarassis  Liv.  i  18  7 
hahemt  Cic.  Leg.  ii.  8.  19,  and  many  like  forms  in  Plautu^' 
It  seems  probable  that  conj.  and  ii.  fut.  forms  like  faxim 
Jam  are  derived  from  an  old  perfect  form  in  -n  rather  than 
from  a  reduphcated  form  in  -t. 

faHtur  is  a  still  more  curious  form  of  2nd.  fut.  passive  for 
factum  ent,  hke  jtmitur  iot  jmsum  ent  Cato  B.  R.  14,  turhm. 
ntur  for  turbatm  erit  Cic,  Leg  m.  4.  11,  mercassitur  for  mer- 
eatm  ent  Lex  Agrar.  C.  200.  71.    Cf.  Corsson,  ii.  565, 

aatidea.  an  old  form  for  antea,  like  poHidea  for  postea 
anhd  beiDK  the  early  form  of  ante.     Of.  the  ablative  fu.in^ 
murid,  navalid,  dictatored,  Ac.  found  in  early  inscriptions  as 
also  med,  ted,  sed,  red,  found  singly  or  in  composition. 

P.  85,  §  7.  ludi  ma^nl.  This  term  was  afterwards  re- 
served for  the  extraordinary  ludi  in  distinction  to  the  reralar 
which  were  called  ludi  Romani.  The  sums  were  voted  by  tLt> 
senate,  but  as  they  were  often  inadequate,  great  expense  was 
constantly  incurred  by  the  cediles  on  whom  the  arrangements 
fell,  and  at  the  end  of  the  Bepublio  the  outlay  was  often 
rmnous. 

awls.  This  was  probably  the  tes  grave  or  lihral  as,  which 
had  been  successively  reduced  in  weight  to  that  of  a  trini^  in 
the  Ist  Punic  war,  and  to  the  nucia  in  this  year  (Q.  Fabh 
dictatore  omcs  uneiales  facti,  Pliny  33.  3.  45),  but  in  laws  and 
state  concerns  the  old  monetary  system  was  for  a  long  time 
retained,  and  the  nummus  sestertius  was  employed  as  its  equi- 
valent in  silver.  Cf.  Mommseu  Muuzw.  292  and  Weissenborn's 
note. 

trecenUa  t.     It  was  a  lioman  fancv  that  the  odd  num- 
bers found  favour  with  the  gods  of  the  upper  air,  wliile  the 
Manes  or  the  powers  of  the  lower  world  liked  the  even  best 
Thus  the  fixed  holidays,  feria  stativa:,  were  neaiiy  aU  on  the 
odd  days  of  the  Calendar. 

§  10.  Venerl  Bryclnaa.  This  deity  was  probably  the  Phce- 
nif'ian  Astarte,  whose  worship  may  be  traced  (under  the 
name  of  Aphrodite)  in  many  places  where  an  earlier  influence 
was  adopted  by  the  Greeks.  Eryx,  as  we  know,  was  one 
of  the  pomts  of  Sicily  to  which  the  Carthaginians  clung  most 
obstmately.  Its  traditions  were  in  course  of  time  worked 
into  the  legends  of  tlie  Trojan  war,  its  deity  confnsed  with 
tiie  goddess  mother  of  iEneas,  whose  wanderings  are  made 


NOTES.     XXIL  c.  X.  §  10.— c.  xi.  §  6.       255 

by  Vergfl  to  include  a  visit  to  the  spot,  v.  769,  and  Rome 
recognised  an  appeal  based  on  this  supposed  connection. 

fatalibus.    Prophetic  of  doom  (fatum),  i.e.  Sibylline. 

Mentl.  Fabri  quotes  Cic.  Leg.  11.  8,  colunto  et  olios,  quos 
endo  calo  merita  locaverunt...ast  olla  propter  qua  datur  ho- 
mini  adscensus  in  calum,  Mentem,  Virtutem,  Pietatem,  Fidem. 
Cf.  Excursus. 

c.  XI.  §  2.    e  re  publica.    'For  the  interest  of  the  state.' 

§  3.  IlB  the  dat.  after  edixit  which  also  takes  the  ace. 
diem  of  the  obj.  Tibur  is  the  local  ace.  after  ad  conveniendum 
edieere.  Cf.  22.  1,  quo  diem  ad  conveniendum  edixerat  novis 
militibus  and  xxviii.  5.  8,  concilium  jEtolis  Heracleam  indicium. 

§  4.  ut...uti.  This  repetition  of  ut  when  the  conjunction 
does  not  follow  closely  on  the  principal  verb  is  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  Livy.     Cf.  v.  21.  9. 

castella.  Any  strong  places  in  the  country,  such  as  there 
are  traces  of  on  so  many  of  the  hill-tops  in  Central  Italy.  Cf. 
the  enumeration  in  the  Lex  Rubria  xxi.  quo  oppidu  municipio 
colonia  prcefectura  foro  vico  cnnciliabulo  castcUo  trrritoriove. 

P.  86  §  5.  The  Via  Flaminia,  which  led  through  Etruria 
and  UmlJria  to  Ariminum,  is  attributed  by  Strabo,  v.  1.  1,  to 
the  Flaminius  who  was  consul  b.c.  197,  but  by  Livy,  Epit.  xx., 
to  his  father  who  fell  at  Lake  Trasimene,  while  the  son  con- 
structed the  road  from  Ariminum  to  Bononia  (xxxix.  4). 

exercltu.    Cf.  for  this  form  of  the  dat.  dilectu,  2.  1. 

Ocriculum.  The  first  city  of  Umbria  which  submitted  to 
Rome,  Livy  ix.  41.  14. 

viator  was  a  general  term  for  the  attendant  or  apparitor  of 
a  Roman  magistrate,  and  the  form  of  the  word  probably  re- 
ferred to  the  duty  of  travelling  through  the  ager  round  Rome 
to  summon  the  senators  or  others  to  public  meetings.  The 
lictor  was  a  more  specialized  name  is  qui  ex  collcgio  viatorum 
ojicium  ligandi  haberet  lictor  sit  appellandus,  Aul.  Gell.  12.  13. 
1.  Only  dictators,  consuls,  and  praetors  commonly  were  thus 
attended,  and  the  fasces  borne  by  these  Uctors  was  a  symbol  of 
the  jws  vita  necisque. 

§  6.  Tetustate.  Cf.  8.  5.  It  was  32  years  since  there  had 
been  a  diet,  rei  gerenda. 

Oatia.  Otherwise  declined  in  the  2nd  decl.  Cf.  37.  1  and 
mitte  Ostia  Casar,  Juv.  viii.  171. 

p.  Cosanum.  Now  the  porto  d'  Ercole.  It  was  a  Roman 
colony,  and  one  of  the  chief  naval  stations  on  the  lower  sea. 


! 


25C     NOTES.     XXII.  o.  xi.  §  7— c.  xii.  §  4. 

§  7.  ad  nrbem  B.  Probably  as  W.  snggests  in  the  dock- 
yards or  in  course  of  building. 

§  8.  Ubertliil.  The  slares  of  a  Roman,  when  freed,  were 
called  his  iifcerti,  and  passed  into  the  class  of  lihertini.  These 
were  by  Q.  Fabius  in  303  b.c.  all  enrolled  in  the  4  urhana  trihus, 
where  their  votes  counted  for  little,  but  in  later  days  repeated 
efforts  were  made  by  the  popular  leaders  to  spread  them  over 
the  rusticte  tribm  where  they  might  own  land.  They  could 
not  serve  regularly  in  the  legions,  for  military  service  was 
regarded  at  Borne  as  the  privilege  and  duty  of  the  free  lainl- 
owners,  and  it  was  not  until  the  time  of  Marius  that  this  senti- 
ment disappeared. 

qulbtu  llberl.  This  condition  recurs  in  other  cases,  as  in 
the  privilege  allowed  to  Latini  to  migrate  to  Kome  and  become 
R.  citizens  if  they  left  children  behind  them,  and  in  usages  of 
precedence  among  magistrates. 

aetaa  mllltarls.  i.e.  commonly  from  the  17th  to  the  4Gth 
year  of  &i;e. 

§  9.  urbane  ex.  Referring  to  the  lower  estimate  of  the 
urbana:  tribm  who  formed  what  was  called  contemptuously 
forensis  /actio. 

0.  XII.  §  1.  quo  diem.  Nearly  all  the  MSS.  read  quodie,  a 
mistake  which  probably  pew  out  of  a  failure  to  see  that  quo 
follows  conveniendum,  as  Tibur  does  in  II.  4. 

§  2.  Prssneste  is  explained  by  Corssen  ii.  216,  as  beiug  an 
old  superlative  form,  as  magister  or  minuter  are  comparatives 
like  \a\lffTepos,  thus  Franeste  =  '  that  which  stands  forth  most 
prominently,'  for  pra  cf.  note  below  on  pristinus.  Festus 
says  it  was  so  named  quia  montihut  pretfitat,  and  in  fact  it 
commands  a  splendid  view  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome. 

transversls  lim.  'Cross-roads,'  as  in  ii.  39  trarisvcrsis  tra- 
mitibus  and  t.  16.  4  obliquis  tramitibm  in  the  same  sense.  It 
would  seem  as  if  trames  {tram,  meare)  were  nearly  the  same 
as  transversm,  while  limes  (for  lic-mes,  connected  with  Umm, 
X^X/^of,  limen,  a  cross-beam  for  lintel)  comes  from  the  same 
root  as  obliqum.    Corssen,  i.  499. 

egresBUS.  W.  aptly  remarks  that  the  via  were  raised  as 
causeways  higher  than  the  cross-roads. 

exploratls.  Corssen  connects  plorare  with  pluere  pluvia  as 
*to  make  to  flow'  and  hence  explorare  *to  cause  to  flow  out' 
or  'bring  to  light,'  i.  361. 

P.  87,  §  4.  quoit  appears  in  most  MSS.,  but  it  is  obviously 
corrupt,  W.  suggests  aliquando,  Heerwageu  antiquu.s.  It  seem?^ 
better  to  strike  it  out. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XII.  §  6— c.  XTiT.  g  1.     257 

§  6.  novl.  This  suggestion  of  Madvig  for  non  vim  com- 
mends itself  as  a  very  slight  change  with  much  better  sense. 

hauddum.  Vocabulum  hauddum  non  apud  ahum  invent 
scriptorem  nisi  aliqvoties  apiid  TAvinm,  i.  e.  septem  locis. 
Stiirenberg  ap.  Fabri.  It  is  formed  like  vlxdum,  necdum  also 
found  in  our  author. 

§  7.  si  posset.  *In  the  hope  that  he  might,'  'to  see  if  he 
would,'  a  sense  in  which  Livy  often  uses  si. 

excipere.  As  of  the  hunter  latitantem  fruticeto  excipere 
nprum,  Hor.  Carm.  iii.  12.  11, 

§9.    static,    'pickets.' 

uuiverso.  *  Staked  upon  the  hazard  of  a  general  engage- 
ment.'   Cf.  casum  universa  dimicationis  32.  2. 

§10.  parva  momenta...' petty  skirmishes  of  little  mo- 
ment which  might  be  safely  risked  as  there  was  shelter  near  at 
hand.' 

pristinis.  This  word  like  prisons  comes  from  a  longer 
form  of  the  pri  or  prce  wheace  primiia,  privus,  &c.  Corssen,  i. 
780. 

§  11.  Sed  non  H....the  subordinate  phrase  sanis  consiliis 
would  as  NJigelsbach  suggests  be  naturally  the  subject  in  trans- 
lation, 'his  sound  judgment  found  an  adversary,'  &c. 

nihil... morse.     Cf.  for  this  idiom  xxi.  45.  9. 

P.  88,  §  12.    pro  cunctatore.    Cf.  39.  20. 

premendo.  Cf.  59.  10,  nee  premendo  alium  me  extuli^-fe 
velim. 

pessima  ars.    '  pernicious  practice.' 

c.  XIII.  §  1.  The  Hirpini  (called  'Iprti/ot  in  Strabo,  though 
some  Latin  inscriptions  and  MSS.  drop  the  aspirate)  were  a 
highland  race  in  the  east  of  Samniimi,  whose  name  was  said  to 
be  derived  from  the  Samnite  word  hirpus —  yfolt^  9erv.  Verg. 
iEn,  XI.  785.  Several  of  their  towns  revolted  from  Rome  after 
the  battle  of  Canna;,  Liv.  xxiii.  1,  and  37,  and  owing  to  the 
obstinate  wars  of  the  Samnites  in  old  times  Hannibal  may 
have  looked  here  for  most  support. 

Beneventum.  The  old  form  of  this  was  Maleventum 
Liv.  IX.  27.  7,  and  the  change  was  probably  due  to  the  super- 
stitious feeling  which  may  be  traced  in  the  history  of  names 
like  the  Eumeuides,  the  Euxipe,  and  €u<pp6v>/)  for  nighty  Com- 
pare also  the  custom  of  tlie  Romans  to  call  first  a  citizen  of 
aus|»icious  name  in  the  centuries  and  tribes. 


C.  L. 


17 


358 


NOTES,     XXIL  c.  xni.  §§  1—9. 


Talesi&m.  This  was  a  little  north  of  Beneventum  aud 
should  probably  be  read  in  Pol.  iii.  90  instead  of  Venusia, 
whioh  was  quite  off  the  line  of  march. 

I  3.  tm  mat  q.  &.  Note  the  compression  of  this  phrase 
Hhe  enterprise  was  greater  than  its  authors,'  i.e.  Hoo critical 
to  be  undertaken  on  their  authority  alone:' it  qualifies  duhium. 

§  4.  otiam  atque  etiam.  Connected  by  Madvig  with  mo- 
niton^  tliougli  the  MSS.  put  the  ut  between.  It  is  possible 
however  to  take  them  with  promissa  elliptically.  Lucretius 
uses  the  phrase  still  more  independently  as  i.  296  Quar<'  t'tiam 
atque  etiam  sunt  venti  corpora  ceeca. 

allquibus.  Fabri  remarks  that  aliquis  is  the  more  usual 
form  of  the  nbl  ia  Livy,  though  this  form  is  here  well  attested. 

§  5.  Agrom  Casluatem.  This  is  the  point  at  which  the 
ma  Latina  issued  from  Latium  into  Campania,  and  the  old 
name  remains  in  the  famous  Benedictine  cloister  of  the  Monte 
Cassino.  As  the  Appian  Way  was  open  to  the  Romans  with 
the  otlier  roads  Hannibal  could  not  have  barred  their  way  to 
Capua  except  by  forcing  a  battle. 

§  6.     abhorrens.     Cf.  xxi.  32.  10. 

Caallinnm  was  on  the  Volturuus  not  far  from  Capua,  and 
the  Campus  8tellatis  lay  along  the  ri^^ht  bank  of  the  river  to 
the  sea.  It  was  one  of  the  last  districts  of  the  ager  pnhlicus  to 
be  divided. 

Polyb.  says  nothing  of  this  mistake  of  the  guide,  but  makes 
H.  move  towards  Campania  in  the  hope  of  plunder  in  the  rich 
Falernian  plain,  and  of  revolt  among  the  towns;  and  there 
could  be  little  meaning  in  a  movement  towards  Casinum,  if  tlio 
plain  of  Capua  was  the  real  object  of  the  march. 

Corssen  ii.  355  connects  both  Casinum  and  CasiUnnm  with 
casOf  casuln  as  originally  'a  place  of  huts'  like  the  German 
termination  'hmuen  as  in  Frankhausen. 

§  7.    montlbUB.     The  Callioula  and  Massicus. 

tmnlnlbufl.     The  Savo  and  Voltumus. 

§8.  mansTiruin.  *re8t,"pa8s  the  night.'  Cf.  Hor.  Cann.  i. 
1.  25,  manet  sub  Jove  frigido  \  venator,  bo  also  mansiones  were 

*  night  quarters'  for  travellers  or  soldiers,  before  they  became 

*  mansions  *  in  our  sense. 

P.  89,  §  9.  The  ager  Falemm,  which  was  famous  for  the 
best  wine  in  Italy,  lay  to  the  North  of  the  Campm  Stdlatis^ 
between  Sinuessa  and  Casilinum. 


mTES.     XXTT.  c.  XIII.  §  10_c.  xiv.  §  13.     259 

§  10.  aquas  Sin.  now  called  BagnL  Cf.  Tac.  Ann.  xii.  66, 
refovendis  viribus  mollitia  cceli  et  salubritate  aquarum  Sinucs- 
gam  pergit. 

§  11.  iusto  et  mod.  The  grievances  which  led  to  the  out- 
break  of  the  Social  War  were  hardly  felt  as  yet,  aud  the 
statement  of  the  text  is  fairly  justified. 

c.  XIV.  §  1.  prope  seems  to  qualify,  not  seditio  as  Fabri 
thinks,  but  de  integrOy  as  explained  by  quieverant  which 
follows. 

§  2.  celerius  s.  The  real  object  was  to  hold  the  passes 
into  Latium,  and  so  to  enclose  Hannibal. 

§4.  colonos.  Sent  in  297  b.c.  when  the  Greek  Sinope 
was  changed  to  Sinuessa.     Livy  x.  21.  4. 

§  6.  pro.  This  interjection  is  more  frequently  used  with 
a  vocative  or  accus.,  &apro  sancte  Jupiter,  pro  deum  fidem,  <fec., 
but  at  times  as  here  absolutely. 

Punlcas,  &c.  It  was  a  popular  fancy  in  later  days  that 
the  Carthaginians  were  bound  by  treaty  not  to  sail  along  Italy, 
and  the  Eomans  were  also  shut  out  from  Sicily.  Pol.  iii.  26 
disproves  these  errors  by  the  terms  of  the  old  treaties. 

p.  90.  vldeamus.  '  Look  on  calmly.'  For  this  use  Fabri 
compares  vi.  14.  3,  si  civem...in  vhicula...duci  videanif  cf.  use 
of  repiopoM. 

§  7.  lentl.  Cf.  Hor.  S.  i.  9.  64,  vellere  capi  \  et  pressure 
manu  lentissima  braclda. 

§  8.  nstlvos  8.  It  was  a  regular  custom  to  send  the  cattle 
from  the  lowlands  to  the  highlands  in  the  heat  of  summer ; 
the  early  agrarian  laws  recognised  tliis  by  leaving  a  wide 
margin  along  the  highways  for  their  transit  and  pasturage. 

§  9.  M.  Furius,  sc.  Camilhis.  As  to  the  details  cf.  Livy  v. 
48,  as  also  for  the  busta  Gallica  below. 

§  12.  Furculas  C.  The  valley,  probably  that  of  Arpaia,  in 
which  the  Eomans  advancing  from  Calatia  were  surrounded 
by  the  Samnites  under  C.  Pontius  and  forced  to  ignominious 
submission.     Livy  ix.  5. 

perlustrando.  Lustrare,  from  the  processional  ceremonies 
of  the  lustrum,  akin  to  the  '  beating  the  bounds '  of  modern 
usage.  Lustrum  is  the  purifying  offering  from  the  root  In,  /«r, 
whence  luere,  illuvies,  Lautulte,  aud  the  like.    Corssen  i.  361. 

§  13.  Modo.  A  stronger  word  tlian  nuper.  Heerwageu 
compares  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  3.  6,  quid  dicu  nuper,  immo  vera  modo 
ac  plane  paulo  ante  vidimus. 

17—2 


i 


•J60    NOTES,     XXTl.  a  xiv.  §  l3-a  xv.  §  11. 

0.  Latatlo.  Bef erring  to  th«  great  victory  at  the  Mgatu, 
whioh  ended  the  let  Pimio  war. 

J  14.    Anna  eai»la8...de8cendaj.    The  elegant  correction  of 
vig  for  the  MSS.  reading  armari  copias...deducendas... 

P.  91,  §  15«  ^  dnWt  t.  *  They  declared  unmistakeably.' 
for  ferelMmt  of.  xxi.  41.  7. 

0.  XT.  §  1.  paTlter...b.  mliiUB.  This  seems  so  pleonastic 
lliat  we  may  be  tempted  to  translate  pariter  *at  tlie  same 
time/  Itut  pariter  qualifies  intentm^  and  inter  miott  h.  m.  q.  in 
hmtea  is  epexegotio*  i.e.  'watching  both  sidus  alike,  his  uwii 
men  no  less  than  the  enemy.' 

al>  lUls  Invlotum.   '  A  rest^lntion  unshaken  by  the  former.' 

§  2.  ■ai]Uii&  op«.  Often  used  by  Livy  in  the  sense  of  the 
familiar  summopere. 

arbUBta,  &c.  These  nomin.  are  in  appos.  with  regio, 
though  we  should  expect  a  dependent  clause  explanatory  of  the 
prai.  copim, 

§  4.  Caallinum  was  strongly  placed  on  both  banks  of  the 
river  (eo  dividitur  amni,  Liv.  xxiii.  17.  10).  One  part  of  it 
waf  stoutly  defended  by  the  garrison  after  the  battle  of 
Cannie. 

dlrempta  expresses  strongly  the  separation  of  the  two 
parts  of  the  town. 

dlvldit.  It  would  be  more  natural  to  say  that  the  river 
parted  the  two  diKtricts,  not  the  town. 

Campanum  is  here  used  in  its  most  restricte«l  senHe  of  the 
neighbourhood  of  Capua,  as  distinct  from  the  Falernm  and 
Calenus  ager.   Cf.  25.  7. 

P.  92i  §  8.  ad  coa.  tell.  As  we  say  *a  stone's  throw.' 
So  also  2^.  4. 

§  9.  In  proellum  redilt  *  Turned  and  offered  battle.' 
Used  elsewhere  in  Livy  in  the  same  sense. 

§  10.  Cales.  Ktill  within  the  great  wine  district.  Pnelo 
dmmitam  Caleno  |  fa  hihen  uvam,  Hor.  OJ.  i,  20.  9. 

§  U.  saltum,  q.  s.  T.  The  pass  of  Lautulre  on  the  Appian 
road  which  ran  along  the  coast  was  often  mentioned  iu  th(« 
early  campaigns  of  Borne  as  an  important  strategic  point.  A^^ 
the  Latin  road  by  Teanum  and  Venafrura  lay  open,  it  ia  hard 
to  see  ihe  im|>ortanoe  of  this  step. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XV.  §  11— c.  xvii.  §  4.      261 

The  ager  R.  was  the  district  immediately  round  Rome, 
including  also  the  lands  of  many  of  the  towns  of  Latium 
which  had  received  the  full  civitas. 

g  12.    In  viam.    Through  the  range  of  Callicula.    Cf.  §  3. 

c.  XVI.  §  1.  blna  castxa.  As  in  xxi.  59.  2  the  distributive 
is  used  with  the  plural  castra^  as  the  word  bears  a  different 
sense  iu  the  singular. 

§  2.  »qulore  probably  refers  to  a  plateau  on  higher 
ground,  but  the  secondary  sense  of  '  favourable,'  as  opposed  to 
iniquus,  is  also  suggested. 

P.  93,  §  4'  Inclusus.  The  account  in  Polybius  contains 
no  such  plan  of  seizing  all  the  outlets  through  which  H.  might 
have  marched.  It  represents  only  an  attempt  to  surprise  him 
by  an  ambuscade  as  he  was  passing  through  the  mountains. 
It  speaks  also  of  three  passes  through  the  Eastern  highlands, 
besides  the  coast  roads.  It  seems  indeed  most  improbable 
that  the  Romans  should  have  ventured  to  divide  their  forces, 
and  attempt  so  bold  a  policy  against  an  enemy  whom  they 
dared  not  meet  in  open  country.  Livy's  description  is  ill 
suited  to  the  actual  scene,  and  to  the  formidable  strength  of 
the  invader. 

via  ad  Cas.  *  As  his  way  (southward)  was  intercepted  by 
the  garrison  at  Cas.' 

tant.  SCO.     A  bold  phrase  for  tot  socii. 

Litemum  was  afterwards  famous  as  the  place  of  the  volun- 
tary exile  of  Scipio  Africanus.  Its  stagna  were  formed  by  the 
river  Clanius  uear  its  entry  into  the  sea,  now  known  as  Lago 
di  Patria. 

§  6.    ludibrium  oculorum.     *  An  ocular  delusion.' 

§7.  quos  ..multos.  Not  quorum,  as  there  is  no  relation 
here  of  part  to  whole.  Cf.  i.  55.  3,  sacella  qua  aliquot  ibi  a 
Tatio  rege  consecrata  fuerant. 

c.  XVII.  §  3.  repente.  To  be  taken  with  disc,  circa  with 
virgulta,  as  omnem  deinceps  agrum  xxi.  62.  5,  and  often  else- 
where adverbs  are  used  as  adj.  by  L. 

visa  is  inserted  by  Madvig  after  Perizonius,  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  be  absurd  to  say  h.  s.  q....  accensis  if  the  under- 
wood was  actually  on  fire. 

§  4.  Qui  ad  tranaitum.  Polybius  clearly  describes  the 
whole  scene.  4000  men  were  placed  in  ambush  at  the  outlet 
of  a  defile,  while  the  main  body  were  drawn  up  by  Fabius  on 
a  hill  commanding  the  approach.     But  at  the  sight  of  the 


262    NOTES.     XXII.  a  xvn.  §  4~-c.  xviu.  §8. 

lights  npon  the  monntain-sides  the  Bomans  in  the  pass,  thiuk- 
lug  that  the  enemy  was  encapiug  along  the  higher  ground,  left 
their  station  in  piureuit,  and  the  main  body  of  H.  passed 
through  unmolested.    Livy's  account  is  vague  in  the  extreme. 

P.  94.  Qi»  rnlnlme...  *They  made  for  the  top  of  the 
mountain-ridges,  thinking  that  their  safest  course  lay  in  the 
direction  where  the  lights  were  flashing  least.' 

§  6.  In  ffugam.  According  to  Polyb.,  after  collision  with 
the  light  troops  of  H.,  they  remained  upon  the  heights  waiting 
for  the  dawn. 

armatimB  incurrere.  A  rare  constr.  Livy  commonly  sajs 
incurrere  in  aliquid, 

neutros...  This  const,  is  awkwardly  involved;  though 
neutrots  is  governed  by  tenuit,  the  negative  which  it  contains 
belongs  properly  to  a  distinct  sentence  which  states  a  furthei 
result  that  neither  side  was  ready  to  begin  fighting. 

c.  xviii.  §  1.    abhorrens.    '  Shrinking.* 

§  2.  Intercl.  ab  suls.  *  Cut  off  from  the  main  body.'  Livy 
uses  suis  freely,  as  §  7  and  17.  4,  without  reference  to  the 
principal  subject  of  the  sentence. 

§  3.  aflsuetlor.  We  notice  here  the  want  of  a  Latin 
partic,  like  ovaa,  the  place  of  which  might  be  supplied  by 
utpote  or  quippc. 

campestrem.     '  Lowlander.* 

■tataxiom.  Cf.  iz.  19.  5,  when  speaking  of  the  soldiers  to 
the  phalanx  and  the  legion  he  says  statarius  uterque  miles  or- 
dines  servam. 

§  5.  super  AUifas.  To  be  taken  with  comcdit,  not  tram- 
greuus.    Cf.  17.  7. 

§  6.  Pellg:no8.  This  was  a  Sabine  tribe  N.E.  of  Lake 
Fuciuus,  whose  chief  city,  Cortiuium,  was  chosen  as  the  seat 
of  empire  by  the  Italians  in  the  Social  War.  Its  country  was 
too  rugged  to  offer  much  plunder  to  H. 

P.  95,  §  7.  Oereonlum  {castellum  Apulia  inopn,  39.  16) 
was  25  miles  from  Luceria  (Pol.  iii.  100),  and  selected  by  H. 
for  liis  winter  quarters,  23.  9. 

§  8.  sacrorum  c.  Plut.  Fab.  178,  tGjv  Up4tav  koKovvtojv  iwl 
Tims  Ovclas.  So  we  read  occasionally  of  special  appointments 
of  a  dictator  for  ceremonial  purposes,  clavi  Jigendi  causa, 
J  Ay.  VII.  3,  feriarum  cama  vii.  28,  and  ludorum  causa  xxvii. 
33. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  xviu.  §  8— c.  xix.  §  8.     263 

linperlo...con8ilio  are  less  properly  connected  with  agens 
than  precibus,  but  the  same  construction  is  repeated  xxiv.  32. 5. 

s  9  It  might  perhaps  be  better  to  put  a  comma  after 
hostis  and  to  assume  an  ellipse  of  'he  should  remember'  before 
medicos,  Cf.  Cic.  Tusc.  i.  17.  41,  horum  igitur  aliquid  animus 
est,  ne  tam  vegeta  mens  aut  in  corde  cerebrovcjaceat. 

quiete.  '  By  doing  nothing.'  Cf.  xxi.  10.  3,  nee  unquam 
quietura  Romana  foedera. 

8  10  li»c  n.  pram.  These  words  sum  up  the  foregoing 
advice  of  Fabius,  and  Unk  together  the  earlier  clauses  with  the 
final  profectus. 

c.  XIX.  §  3.     Carthag.     Nova  C.  or  Cartagena. 

naves.  The  reading  of  Madvig  makes  the  construct, 
simpler  than  the  navibus  of  the  MSS.,  which  is  awkward  if 
taken  with  pro/.,  and  would  require  ducebat  to  bear  the  mean- 
ing 'had  the. ..marched.'  Polyb.  has  rats  /h^p  vaval  irapa  ttjp 
Xhoov  ivoiciTO  Tbv  Tr\ovv,  rots  5^  ire^ois  ttjv  iropdav  irapa  rbv 
alyiaXbv,  III.  95.  Navibu^  probably  grew  out  of  navis  {naves), 
as  in  XXI.  43.  4  habentibus  from  habentis. 

§  4.    idem  consUii,  i.e.  conjUgcre  as  above. 

Ingentem...  Taken  by  hypallagc  with  /.,  not  with  auxi- 
liorum. 

§  6.  MassUiensium.  Polyb.  notes  the  general  zealousness 
of  Massiha  in  the  Koman  cause  throughout  the  war. 

speculatoriae.  Non  sunt  triremes  scd  naves  minores  sine 
rostris  ut  constat  ex  Liv.  xxxvi.  42,  Drakenb.  ap.  Fabri. 

P.  96  §  G.    universe  terrore.    *  General  panic' 

eflfuso.  Livy  more  often  uses  ofusus  with  terror.  Cf. 
xxvni.  29.  7. 

§  7.  nondum...aperlentibU8.  A  bold  constr.,  in  which  the 
negative  sense  is  transferred  from  the  verb  to  the  adverb  = 
'still  hiding.'  Cf.  also  xxu.  6.  9,  quum...dispulsa  nebula  ape- 
ruisset  diem.  There  is  nothing  in  Polyb.  to  answer  to  this 
rhetorical  description  of  the  confusion,  though  the  accounts 
otherwise  agree. 

§8.  dassem  esse... follows  a  verb  'announce,'  understood 
injttftet. 

mhn  minus  quam.exspect.  A  very  favourite  phrase  of 
Livy  which  often  occurs. 


264     NOTES.     XXII.  a  xix.  §  10— a  xx.  §  10. 

§10.  resolutis  o....  •Unfasten  the  cal)IoR  (whicb  l)onnd 
the  stern  of  the  ship  to  the  shore),  and  drift  towards  the 
anchors '  (which  were  let  down  from  the  prow  facing  the  sea 
by  aneoralia).  The  MSS.  read  evehereniur,  which  is  ill 
balanced  by  incidunt.  W.  reads  evicti  tenentur,  which  lias 
httle  to  recommend  it,  but  is  suggested  by  the  teneat  which 
follows. 

P.  97,  c.  XX.  The  [in]  probably,  as  Madvig  suggests,  was 
a  copyist's  error  which  grew  out  of  the  m  in  pretentam. 

§  2.  quae  non  aut...  The  one  set  was  not  seaworthy,  the 
otlier  had  ran  aground  and  could  not  be  towed  away. 

§  4.    Onusam.     V.  xxi.  22.  5. 

§  5.  Inluncta  m.  'Which  abutted  on  the  walls.'  In  forti- 
fied  towns  a  clear  space  was  commonly  left.  For  use  of  iniuncUr 
cf.  ?.  7.  1,  quum  vinea:  tantum  non  iam  iniitncttc  manihm  essent. 

§  6.  Longruntlca  must  have  been  near  Nova  C,  according,'  tu 
a  passage  from   Fliiiy  19.  2.  30,  astimare  quanto  git  in  mn 

{spartum}...navium  armamentis  machinii  tedijieationum ad 

lummmeg  mm  qua  ttujfficiant  minus  tnginta  millia  passuum  in 
latitudinem  a  litore  Carthaginis  nova:  minusque  C  in  longitiidi. 
nem  esse  reperientui'. 

spartt  Sp.  esparto.  A  natural  gras«  which  Pliny  calls 
(uncus  proprie  aridi  son...hinc  strata  ruaticis  eorum,  hinc 
ignes  facesque,  hinc  calceamina,  et  pastorum  vestes.  It  was  es- 
pecially used  for  cordage  on  Hhipboard,  in  sicco  prcrferunt  e 
cannabi  funes.  Hence  the  name  Spartarius  Campus  for  the 
neighbourhood  of  Carthago  Nova. 

§  7.  praelecta  est  era.  The  MSS.  reading  is  certainly  cor- 
rapt,  proiectan  oras  or  periectas.  W.  corrects  it  to  pncvecta 
est  Oram  (classis),  but  the  change  to  the  neut.  pass,  trans. 
missum  ia  much  more  awkward  after  a  verb  like  pravccta  used 
actively,  and  therefore  Madvig's  reading  is  to  be  prefened. 

Ebuiram.  The  largest  of  the  Pityusae  islands  which  lie 
between  the  Baleares  and  the  coast  of  Spain,  now  Iviza.  Ibu- 
nim  =  •  pine  islands,'  Schroder,  p.  99. 

§  9.    Baliaribus.    Cf.  xxi.  21.  12. 

§  10.  provlnda.  Spain  was  not  yet  regarded  as  a  pro- 
vincia,  though  steps  had  been  taken  in  that  direction  by  the 
commission  given  to  Scipio,  but'as  W.  remarks  Livy  is  think- 
ing of  the  later  distinction  of  Ilisp.  citerior  ct  ulterior. 


NOTES.     XXll.  c.  XX.  §  10— c.  xxii.  i^  1.    265 

accolunt,  a  correction  of  the  incolunt  of  the  MSS.  which 
seems  too  bold  with  Hiberum,  yet  Fabri  compares  Polyb.  iii. 
42,  ro^  KaroiKovyras  rbv  Trora/xov  and  Eurip.  Phoen.  126,  Aep- 
vaia  8'  olxei  ud/JiaO^  'Ivirofxidcov  dva^. 

§  11.  popull.  As  in  Gaul  tribal  names  appear  chiefly  in 
Spain  in  early  times,  and  the  towns  known  are  few.  The  pei- 
manence  of  these  tribal  names  in  Gaul  is  shown  by  their  out- 
Uving  the  Koman  designations  of  the  towns,  and  lasting  on  in 
so  many  of  the  present  names. 

P.  98  §  12.  Castulonensem.  This  was  afterwards  the 
boundary  between  Tanacouensis  and  Boetica.  Its  city  Castulo, 
now  Cazlona,  which  Livy  calls  urhcm  validam  ac  nobilevi, 
gained  its  importance  from  its  silver  mines,  and  was  so  Car- 
thaginian in  its  sympathies  that  Hannibal  took  from  it  a  wife, 
XXIV.  41.  6.  Castulo  in  PhoBnician  =  •  god's  bow,'  Schroder, 
p.  127. 

c.  XXI.  §  1.  fulsset  per.  *So  far  as.'  'If  the  C.  only  had 
beeu  concerned.'  Cf.  Cic.  Fin.  ii.  28,  consequatur  summas 
voluptaies  non  nwdo  parvo  sed  per  me  nihilo. 

§  2.  praterquara...  The  Sp.  were  stirred  to  war  not  only 
by  their  natural  restlessness  but  by  the  influence  of  their 
chieftains. 

MandoniOB  was  the  brother-in-law  of  Indibilis,  Liv.  xxvi. 
49.  9. 

nergetum.  Cf.  xxi.  22.  3,  reduced  by  Cn.  Scipio  xxi.  61, 
bcuce  antca. 

4.  trlbuni.  W.  follows  the  MSS.  in  the  reading  tribunm, 
in  which  case  missi  would  be  a  constr.  ad  syncsim,  agi'eeing 
with  the  ])lural  of  trih.  cum.  aux.     Cf.  note  on  xxi.  60.  7. 

§  5.  els  Hito.  'To  his  own  side  of,'  from  the  point  of  view 
of  agent  not  writer. 

§  6.  nergavonensium.  Two  of  the  best  MSS.  read  Lergnv. 
According  to  Ukert  ii.  1,  p.  418,  some  coins  have  Dercavonia. 
It  is  otherwise  unknown. 

Novam  cl.  Supposed  to  be  a  local  name,  possibly  to  be 
identified  with  Ad  Novas  mentioned  in  the  Itinerar.  Anton, 
between  Ilerda  and  Tarraco. 

c.  xxu.  §  1.  prorogato.  The  tenure  of  ofhce  was  strictly 
hmited  to  fixed  periods  at  Rome,  and  it  was  contrary  to  con- 
stitutional usage  to  extend  it  in  ordinary  cases.  But  in  the 
yeai  326  b.c.  Q.  Publilius  Philo  the  consul  was  allowed  by  a 
vote  of  the  commons  ut  pro  consule  rem  gererct  quoad  debel- 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XXII.  §§  1—7. 


latum  cum  Grcccis  euet,  Liv.  viii.  23.  7.  But  to  mark  the  dis- 
tinctive character  of  this  prorogatio  in  this  and  other  cases  the 
official  was  always  spoken  of  not  as  magistraiug  but  pro  magi$. 
Imtit,  and  for  a  long  time  a  vote  of  the  people  as  well  as  a 
resolution  of  the  senate  was  needed.  It  was  at  first  resorted  to 
only  in  the  case  of  imperium  militia;,  or  the  highest  command 
away  from  Borne,  and  never  to  the  imp.  domi,  in  which  a 
prafectus  iuri  dicundo  or  an  interrex  stepped  into  the  place  of 
an  absent  or  deceased  official.  It  was,  however,  sparingly 
adopted  in  case  of  lower  oflSces  at  Kome.  With  the  institution 
of  provincia  the  prorogation  became  a  regular  procedure,  and  a 
proconsul  or  proprietor  was  appointed  for  each,  but  towards  the 
end  of  the  Bepublic  an  interval  of  at  least  5  years  was  required 
between  the  oflBce  of  consul  and  proconsul,  praetor  and  pro- 
prietor. 

P.  99,  §  2.  portum  T.  Hiibner  remarks  that  Strabo  calls 
T.  dXlfifvot  in.  4.  7,  and  that  it  is  still  one  of  the  worst  roads 
on  the  Spanish  coast,  though  Eratosthenes  spoke  of  a  vavffrae- 
fAov  there.  Yet  8  years  later  C.  Claudius  Nero  sailed  direct 
from  Puteoli  to  Tarraco,  xxvi.  17.  2,  though  the  troops  more 
commonly  disembarked  at  Empcflri®  and  marched  to  T.,  until 
the  fall  of  Carthago  Nova  changed  the  centre  of  operations. 

§  4.  nee  uUo  vlso,  for  et  nullo,  as  the  negative  belongs  not 
to  the  main  sentence,  but  to  the  secondary  clause.  This  con- 
fusion is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Livy,  cf.  vii.  9.  1,  quum... 
exercitum  diixitfsaU  neque  inventis  in  agro  hostibus  Ferentimm 
,..cepii8ent. 

txudltoa,  i.e.  to  the  governor  of  the  garrison.  They  were 
left  there,  says  Poly  bins,  because  of  the  strength  of  the  place 
and  the  supposed  fidelity  of  the  guard,  iii.  98. 

I  6.  Uberum.  The  contrttcted  form  of  this  gen.  plur.  is 
▼eiy  nsnal  in  Livy  m  in  duum  and  «ocium. 

§  7,  imum,  *  a  single,'  as  §  8,  earn  unam  rem  'that  single 
exploit.* 

Id  ai^ebat,  'his  object  was.' 

emoliunentum.  The  abstract  for  the  concrete,  as  semiiKi 
discordiarum  tribuni  in.  VJ.  6,  uno  equo  per  urbem  veriim  tri- 
umphum  vehi  xxvin.  9.  8,  ludibrium  verius  quam  comes  i. 
66.  9.  The  object  of  Abelux  was  not  merely  that  the  *  gain 
might  be  as  great  as  possible'  taking  emolumentum  as  the 
iubject,  but  that  he  might  'himself  profit  his  new  allies.' 
For  this  the  natural  construction  would  be  emolumento  esset, 
thongh  in  Cic.  de  tin.  ii.  18  tlic  best  MSS.  have  cuius  mors  tibi 
itnolumsfUum  futura  sit. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  xxn.  §  9-c.  xxni.  §  5. 


267 


§9.  BoatarlB.  The  meaning  of  the  name  is  'servant  of 
Astarte.*  Schroder,  p.  93. 

P  100  ^  12  subitum  is  used  for  the  resnlts  of  donum, 
'what  gift  there  could  be  which  would  speedily  work  such 
marvels.' 

s  13.  momentum,  a  change  of  Madvig  for  'nomen'  Tepu- 
tation  '  which  is  however  quite  a  natural  reading  though  less 
forcible.  Cf.  xxv.  39.  16,  apud  omnes  magnum  nomen  Marcn 
ducis  est. 

8  15  ad  cetera,  'up  to  the  level  of.'...Fabri  compares  ad 
sic  (ut  'comparatioiiem  significet)  poni  non  solctmsiin  signifi- 
canda  dissimilitudine  et  differentia.    Madvig,  Cic.  Fm.  iii.  lb. 

§  16.    fide  accepta  d.     Like  the  Greek  Se^idv  dovvai  Kal 

8  18  per  eundem  ordinem  is  an  unusual  expression  in 
Livy  who  prefers  the  abl.  Polyb.  tells  us  that  Abelux  himself 
took  the  hostages  to  their  homes,  and  there  is  therefore  some 
sUght  probability  in  the  suggested  reading  of  Heerwagon,  per 
eundem  eodem  ordijie,  awkward  as  it  reads  and  minficum  as 
Madvig  calls  it. 

§  19.  Illos.  As  Fabri  remarks,  the  Carthaginians  though 
the  last  mentioned  are  the  more  remote  object  in  the  mind  of 
the  writer,  and  hence  illos. 

P.  101  §  21.  spectare,  'prepare  for,'  but  xxiii.  6.  4,  plebes 
ad  dcfectionem  spectare. 

c.  XXIII.  §  1.  quoque,  though  not  expunged  in  the  text, 
seems  out  of  place,  but  it  may  be  explained  to  refer  to  a  more 
general  comparison  in  the  writer's  mind  between  the  war  m 
Spain  and  Italy. 

§  3.    Ita  balances  the  ut  in  3.  2. 

armatOB...togat08que.  Fabri  quotes  Cic.  in  Pis.  30, 
Nondixi  hanc  togam...sed  quod  pacis  utique  est  imtgne  et  otii 
toga,  contra  autem  arma  tumultus  atque  belli,  poetarum  nwre 
locutus. 

utique.    This  clause  anticipates  the  contents  of  c.  24. 

§  4,  a«er  diet.  Cf.  in  like  case  the  action  of  Pericles  who 
made  over  to  the  state  his  lands  which  he  thought  might  be 
spared  on  personal  grounds  by  the  enemy.     Thuc.  ii.  13. 

§  5.  quia  non  exsp.  He  had  not  waited  for  the  sanction  of 
the  senate,  which  was  regarded  as  constitutionally  needful  m 
all  financial  questions. 


268    XOTES.     XXII.  c.  xxiii. 


§6- 


C.   XXIV. 


§ 


10. 


NOTES.     XX  n.  c  XXIV. 


S  1 1  — a  XXV. 


S3.    269 


is 


I 


§  6.  pondo  blna  et  sellbras,  cf.  xxi.  62.  8,  and  Varro  dr 
Liiig.  Lat.  IV.  40,  Se  valet  dimldium  ut  in  sclibra,  semodio. 

§  7.    UB]M  iaetata,  'after  frequent  debate.' 

I  8.    quoniam,  dc,  explains  the  following  tar  dim  er, 

erogaretur.    The  technical  term  for  a  vote  of  the  sapplies. 

P.  102,  §  10.  prasldio.  A  participle  like  futurm  is  here 
needed  to  balance  circurmpectans, 

necundo,  cf.  note  on  2.  3. 

c.  XXIV.  §  4.  quod,  minlme...  Polybiiis  explains  more 
fully  the  policy  of  H.  who  was  anxious  to' winter  at  Gereoniinn. 
and  to  gather  in  supplies  from  all  the  country  round  before 
the  Komans  could  interfere.  This  accounts  for  the  larpo 
numbers  {dxuu  exercitus  parte*  23.  10)  sent  out  to  forage.  He 
recalled  indeed  part  of  them  at  first,  when  the  two  camps  were 
pitched  80  near  each  other,  but  ventured  at  last  to  send  thera 
out  again,  as  he  was  anxious  to  gain  large  resei-ves  of  fodder 
for  the  horses,  in  which  his  strength  lay.  The  scene  and  the 
details  are  much  better  described  by  the  Greek  writer. 

§  5.    conspectum.    See  note  on  4.  6. 

§  6.  Ffoprlor.  To  be  taken  with  Eomanorum  castra,  un- 
derstood in  what  follows,  ei  with  apparuit. 

§  7.    paudtate,  i.  e.  2000  Polyb. 

§  8.  [Turn  ut].  If  these  are  expunged,  the  rest  makes 
good  sense.  W.  reads  tvm  utiqve,  which  is  harsh,  though  it 
may  be  supported  by  turn  utique  immodice  of  27.  2. 

P.  103.  per  aversa  a  castrls...  Madvig's  conection  fi)r 
per  av.  castra  e  ca«tris  of  the  M8S.  W.  suggests  per  a,  c.  tw 
conspiei  pouet  e  cmtris  H.,  but  all  this  is  already  implied  in  the 
text,  which  is  much  simpler,  and  aversa  castra  is  an  unnatural 
expression  for  the  •  side  of  the  camp  which  was  remote  from,' 
and  those  who  issued  from  the  camp  would  not  go  per  castra. 
The  phrases  per  aversa  urbis^  v.  29. 1,  or  averxin  coUihus,  xxvii. 
41.  6,  do  not  seem  to  justify  the  use  of  aversa  castra  in  this 
sense. 

§  9.  This  section  has  been  rearranged  by  Madvig,  as  the 
MSS.  seem  here,  as  often  in  this  book,  to  have  lost  some 
words  out  of  their  text. 

§  10.  receperat  suos.  Polyb.  mentions  that  Hasdruhul 
had  covered  the  retreat  of  many  of  the  foragers  to  the  camp 
at  Gereonium,  to  which  H.  afterwards  retii^ed. 


8  11.  lusta  acie  ac  coll.  sig.  Common  expressions  for  a 
regular  engagement,  as  distinct  from  skirmishes. 

8  12  Bovlanum  was  the  chief  town  of  the  Samnites 
Pentri  'ix.  31.  4,  so  important  in  early  times  that  the  Bomans 
made  'repeated  attempts  to  secure  it  as  a  step  towards  the 
conquest  of  Samnium. 

iussu  diet.  The  details  of  the  levies  had  been  left  to  the 
diqcretion  of  the  dictator.  The  regular  dilrctm  was  resorted 
to  for  the  legions.  The  socii  were  required  to  furnish  contm- 
cents  of  a  certain  strength  under  their  native  officers,  over 
wiiom  Roman  prcefecti  were  commonly  appomted. 

aulngentos.  The  MSS.  have  et  equites  adducnitem  without 
a  numeral.  This  may  have  grown  out  of  equites  D  ducmtem. 
Alschefski  nad  wilh,  supposing  that  et  was  a  mistake  for  the 
sign  CO. 

S14.  vanam,  though  not  in  the  MSS.,  seems  needed  to 
explain  the  vanioribus  which  follows.  For  this  use  of  the 
word  Heei  wagen  compares  Verg.  iEn.  ii.  79,  Nee  st  mt.wuwi 
Fortuna  Simoiwin  \  linxit,  vanum  etiam  niendacemqiie  improha 


c.  XXV.  §  1.    contione.     Referring  to  the  speech  of  the 
tribune  below. 

§  2.     ut.     '  Assuming  that.' 

S  3  trlb.  plebls.  The  trihnnes  of  an  earlier  age  had  been 
the  spokesmen  and  leaders  of  the  plebs  in  its  civil  struggles 
Willi  the  privileged  order  of  the  pntres,  and  in  their  speeches, 
as  reported  in  the  annalists,  it  was  a  common  topic  of  com- 
phiint  that  their  rulers  engaged  in  constant  wars  to  distract 
tlie  attention  of  the  people  from  their  grievances  at  home. 
The  legal  inequalities  had  been  long  swept  away,  but  tne 
tribumte  lasted  on,  though  it  had  lost  its  original  value  and 
importance.  The  trilinnes  still  headed  the  opposition  against 
the  senatorian  government,  which  they  rudely  shook  in  the 
period  of  the  Gracchi,  and  helped  in  a  later  age  to  overthrow. 
It  is  a  feature  of  Livy's  rhetorical  style  to  introduce  their 
harangues  into  his  toxt.  The  same  names  and  argument  recur 
in  different  periods. 

enlmvero.  The  MSS.  have  only  enim,  which  is  used  in 
other  places  of  Livy,  as  vii.  32.  13,  elliptically,  to  reply  to  siip- 
posed  objections,  hut  not,  according  to  Madvig,  to  express  in- 
dignation, as  enivivero  is  employed  Cic.  Verr.  i.  26,  Hic  turn 
alius  ex  alia  parte  :  enimvero  fercndum  hoc  non  est. 


270 


NOTES,    XXTI.  c.  XXV.  ^5-17. 


P.  104,  §  5.    specie  classla  ..    Gf.  11.  7. 

1 6.    duos  praBtores.    Cf.  31.  0  for  T.  Otaeilim,  and  xxm. 
21.  4  for  A.  Cornelius  Mammula. 

§  7.     Campanum...     Cf.  15.  4. 

§9.    iit...ut.    *  As  soon  as*... 'as  if.'    The  repetition  in  a 
different  sense  is  awkward. 

§  10.  abrogando.  A  Roman  magistrate  conld  not  be 
constitutionally  deposed  except  by  a  legislative  act,  or  vote  of 
the  comitia.  Early  tradition  cited  such  a  case  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  repvibiiOt  Brutug...colleg(B  suo  imperium  abrogavit 
Cio.  Brut.  14.  63,  but  in  the  best  days  of  Borne  there  was 
scarcely  any  example  known,  for  C.  Flaminius  would  probably 
not  have  been  deposed,  as  Livy  xxi.  63.  2  implies,  but  declared 
illegally  elected,  vitio  creatus.  Cinna  was  deposed,  but  only 
by  a  vote  of  the  senate  according  to  Appian,  and  he  regarded 
the  act  as  null  and  void.  But  though  there  was  no  regular 
precedent  of  a  consul,  we  hear  of  abrogation  in  the  case  of 
pro-consuls  (Liv.  Epit.  67}  and  tribunes  as  in  the  famous  case 
of  M.  Octavius,  132  b.o. 

§  12.  In  actlone...populart  '  In  a  course  of  action  which 
would  have  found  little  favour  with  the  people,' i.e.  in  opposinp 
the  bin  of  the  tribune.  The  MSS.  commonly  read  popular  is 
agreeing  with  dictator,  in  the  sense  ♦  as  he  would  have  cou- 
oiliated  them  little  by  his  bearing  towards  them.*  Actio  is 
often  used  by  Livy  of  the  resolution  proposed  to  the  assembly, 
or  the  speech  in  support  of  it.  Cf.  ii.  66.  3,  huic  actioni  gra- 
tissima  plebi  quum  mmma  vi  resisterent  patres,  and  m.  1.  H, 
tribuniciia  se  iactare  actionibus.  Here  it  is  used  more  gein'- 
rally  for  *  political  action.* 

§  18.  acoeptas  refeiret.  •  Set  them  down  to  the  account 
of,*  literally  *to  the  credit  side.*  So  v.  22.  2,  nee  duci...ncc 
ienatui,  sed  Lieini<Bfamilia...aceeptum  referebant. 

dictum  'order,'  as  ii.  18.  6,  ad  dicto parendum. 

P.  105.  §  14.  bono  imperatore.  We  see  the  need  of  a 
partioip.  of  the  snbst.  verb  with  this  abl.  abs.,  as  in  lata  civitate 
in  §  1. 

§  17.  ooncUlum  is  technically  distinguished  from  the 
comitia,  the  general  assemblies  of  the  whole  people  convened 
iQT  legislative  or  elective  piurposes.  It  is  therefore  applied  to 
tho  meetings  of  foreign  peoples,  or  of  Roman  corporations. 
and  especially  to  the  assemblies  of  the  plebs,  considered  as  a 


J^OTES,    XXTT.  c.  XXV.  S  17— c.  xxvi.  §  2.     271 

part  only  of  the  Roman  unity,  because  exclusive  of  the 
patricians.  These  concilia  plebis  could  only  be  convened  by 
a  tribune,  or  aedile,  and  the  auspices  were  not  taken  before 
they  met,  as  in  the  case  of  the  comitia.  The  resolutions  passed 
in  them,  called  plebiscita,  were  long  regarded  as  informal  de 
clarations  of  the  will  of  a  single  order  of  the  state,  and  as 
Buch  were  never  sanctioned  by  the  patrum  auctoritas,  though 
the  Hortensian  law  of  b.  c.  288  gave  them  binding  force,  and 
thus  raised  them  to  the  level  of  the  leges  passed  in  the  comitia. 
Cf.  Mommsen,  Romische  Forsch.  177. 

magl8....quam.  The  two  sentences  are  awkwardly  balanced 
from  the  compression  of  the  language.  'There  was  more... 
shown...  than  open  courage  on  the  part  of... 

auctontas  =  the  sanction  of  men  of  mark  coming  forward 
as  suasores. 

§  19.  ipsum  Inst.  *  Who  sold  his  own  goods  retail.*  The 
Romans  markedly  distinguished  between  the  capitalist  who 
speculated  wholesale  and  the  retail  chandler,  who  was  usually 
slave-born  {servilia  minixtcria),  or  a  foreigner.  Cf.  Cic.  de 
Off.  I.  42,  ilHhi'rales  et  sordidi  qumstus  mercenarioruiii,  quorum 
opera  non  artes  emuntur :  est  etiim  ilia  vierces  auctoramentum 
servitutis.  Sordidi  etiam  piitandi  qui  mercantur  a  mercato- 
ribns  quod  statim  t^endant.  Opificesque  omnes  sordida  arte 
versantur.  Plautus  reflects  the  okl  Roman  contempt  for  retail 
trade  in  the  lines,  Trinummus  i.  n.  178 :  nihil  est  profecto 
sttdtius,  neque  stolidius  |  neque  mendaciloquius,  neque  argutum 
ijuifjix  I  neque  confide nt i J oquius  neque  perjurins  \  quam  urbani 
adsidui  civeis.  Thus  Horace  speaks  of  the  Tusci  turbi  impia 
vici.  Much  of  this  feeling  was  probably  due  to  the  military 
bias  given  to  the  Roman  mind  in  early  days,  (cf.  the  charge 
against  the  government  of  the  Tarquins  opifices  ac  lapicidas 
pro  bellatoribus  factos,  Liv.  i.  59.  11,)  which  threw  the  handi- 
crafts and  retail  trades  into  the  hands  of  aliens,  and  the  slave- 
bom,  who  could  not  serve  in  the  armies,  but  in  later  days 
the  Btigma  of  slavery  degraded  all  industrial  labour,  except  in 
agriculture. 

c.  XXVI.  §  1.  ut  primum... fecit.  The  MSS.  have*Mtntm... 
adjecit.  The  first  correction  by  Perizonius  is  necessary  to 
make  Bense,  the  second  is  justified  by  the  frequent  usage  of 
Livy,  as  i.  34.  5,  cum  divitia  jam  animos  facerent.  The  phrase 
pecunia  ex  eo  genere  q.  is  abrupt  from  the  want  of  an  article 
or  participle  as  in  Greek. 

§  2.  toga.  The  dress  of  the  middle  class,  distinguished 
from  the  tunicatus  popellus  of  Horace. 


272    iVOTBS.     XXTT.  c.  xxvi.  §  2-c.  xxvn.  §3. 

prodlamando.  A  eontemptnons  term  instead  of  orando. 
Of.  Cio.  de  Orat.  i,  40,  non  enim  causidicum  nescio  qvem  neque 
proclamatorem  aut  tahulam  hoc  sermone  nostra  conquirimus. 

In  ]iotltlain...liouores.  'Attained  to  notorioty,  and  then  to 
public  office, '  These  honours  were  the  lower  offices  afterwards 
included  in  the  comprehensive  term  vigintiviratus,  comprising 
ememL  boards,  the  lowest  rank  in  a  political  career. 

§  3.  duabus  aedll.  Only  three  cases  are  known  of  men 
who  held  both  asdilesldps,  but  one  or  other  was  a  necessary 
step  in  an  official  career,  and  was  heavily  weighted  with  the 
axpenses  of  the  public  shows. 

§  4.  dictatorla  Invldla.  For  this  use  of  an  adjective, 
to  express  the  object  of  the  substantive,  cf.  Cic.  Cluent.  28.  77* 
ex  invidia  aenatona  crescere,  Liv.  in.  42.  6,  posito  dectmiirall 
odio,  XXIX.  18.  10,  divino  hiimanoque  scelere  liherari. 

Bdtl  plebis.  Commonly  in  the  order  phbeiseitum.  Cf. 
Festus,  p,  293,  scita  plebei  appellantur  ea  qua  plebs  mo  nuffni' 
gio  sine  patribus  jmsit,  plebeio  mugistratu  rogante.     Cf.  25.  17. 

§6.  »qul  atque  In.  'Friends  and  foes,'  as  elsewhere  in 
Livy. 

P.  106,  §  7.  aquato  imp.  Polyb.  says  Uo  At/rrctro/jej 
iyey6v€i(Tav,  d  irphrepou  ov8iir<n€  avve^e^TJKei,  iii.  103.  That 
there  wud  no  constitutional  impossibility  in  tliis  is  shown  by 
the  appointment  of  M.  Juiiia  Pera  and  M.  Fabius  Puteo  at  the 
same  time,  and  though  the  latter  is  made  to  say  neque  daun 
dictatores  tempore  uno,  quod  nunquam  antea  factum  esset,  pro- 
bare  se,  Liv.  xxiii.  23.  2,  yet  he  accepted  office  notwithstanding. 
The  frnti  do  not  recognize  Miuucius  as  dictator,  but  an  in- 
scription  gives  him  the  title,  C.  I.  L.  i.  556.  Such  a.  rogatio  as 
that  de  aqnando  imperio  is  quite  unknown  to  constitutional 
procedure. 

c.  XXVII.  §  3.  malorem  minori.  In  technical  language  the 
magi8tratm  maiores  were  those  who  had  the  imperhm,  together 
with  the  censors,  while  all  the  rest  were  minores;  but  the 
terms  are  often  used  relatively,  thus  the  dictator  had  a  maior 
poteiitaB\%  compared  with  all  other  officers,  and  the  consul  re- 
latively to  the  j)r«tor. 

vligmg  ao  secures... trexnere.  Eef erring  probably  to  the  hke 
case  of  Q.  Fabius,  who  as  magister  equitum  disobeyed  the 
instructions  of  the  dictator  Papirius  Cursor,  and  though  he 
gained  a  victory,  nearly  suffered  for  his  want  of  discipline, 
B.  c.  322.  Cf.  Livy  vni.  32.  6,  tunc  Papirius  redintegrata  ir>i 
§pid!ari  nuigktrum  equitant  ac  virgas  et  ucai-ea  expcdiri  iussit. 


NOTES.  XXIL    c.  xxvii.  §  3— c.  xxviii.  §  9.    273 

Fabius  fidem  militum  imploram  lacerantibus  vestem  lictoribus 
ad  triarios  tumuUumjam  in  contioncm  miscentes  sese  recepit. 

§  8.  haudquaquam  placere.  Polybius  makes  Fabius  suggest 
both  alternatives,  and  Minucius  accept  the  division  of  forces. 

coUega.  The  term  is  here  extended  to  the  relation  be- 
tween Fabius  and  Minucius  who  had  now  a  par  potestas,  and 
were  therefore  on  the  footing  of  the  colleagues  in  the  consul- 
ship. The  collegium  was  a  distinctively  Roman  conception  as 
apphed  to  a  board  of  magistrates,  who  could  each  act  with 
the  undivided  power  of  the  whole  office,  without  being  bound 
by  the  votes  of  the  majority.  It  stood  also  for  the  relation 
between  the  members,  by  which  they  were  connected  {con, 
ligare)  as  Liv.  x.  22.  2,  nihil  concordi  collegio  fimiius. 

§  9.  consUlo.  Usetl  adverbially.  'Neglect  the  duty  of 
seemg  that  affairs  were  rationally  conducted.' 

exercitum.     With  ellipse  of  scd  or  tantum. 

P.  107,  §  10.  sicut... esset.  Though  expressing  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  verb  in  the  subjunctive  is  included  in  a  dependent 
clause. 

c.  XXVIII.  §  1.  et  indicantibus  et...explorantem.  The 
combination  of  an  abl.  abs.  and  a  participle  is  awkward,  but 
occurs  elsewhere  in  Livy.  Hecfrwagen  compares  xli.  19.  2, 
victores  circumsidunt  urbem...aut  metu  dedituria  se  hostihus  aut 
vi  expugnaturi. 

jj  2.    Uberam.     Uncontrolled  by  a  superior. 

et...et.  Oratio  obi,  as  the  thought  of  H.  accounting  for 
his  joy. 

sollertlffi.  Conn,  with  the  Oscan  sollus-totus,  and  sollicitus 
soUstimus. 

§  ;>.     quern  qui...     •  the  occupation  of  which  would  put '... 

§  4.  causam  cert,  contr.  An  extension  of  a  common 
phrase  like  artes  belli  conserebant,  xxi.  1.  2. 

procursurum.  Madvig  supposes  that  in  an  early  MS.  an  e 
slipped  m  by  error,  and  per  ocurmrum  was  gradually  changed 
into  per  occnrsurum  and  semper  occurmrum,  which  stand  in 
all  the  later  MSS. 

§  7.  quot  quemque...  The  insertion  of  this  before  the 
main  clause  is  awkwai'd  in  constr.,  though  it  represents  first 
ine  details  of  the  action  before  the  whole  result  is  summed  up. 

§9.  deposcere  peUendos.  'Beg  for  the  task  of  dis- 
lodging.' 


C  L, 


18 


274    NOTMIS.     XXII.  c.  xxviii.  §  U— c.  xxix.  §11. 

P.  108.  et  vanls  minis.  The  earlier  M8S.  Lave  et  vanh 
animfs  et  nimis,  vvliicli  Madvig  explains  as  a  repetition  of  the 
uiiBtakc  iiimis  for  minis,  and  a  later  attempt  to  give  a  sense  to 
the  first  word. 

§  12.  tnccedenteiii.  Madvig  remarks  that  subsequentcm 
would  be  a  more  natural  expression,  as  it  would  give  more 
Tariety  after  succedem,  but  there  is  no  MS.  authority  for  it. 

§  IS.  directa.  'Face  to  face,'  as  distinct  from  an  am- 
buscade. Fabri  compares  xxxv.  4.  7,  postquam  apertai!  esse 
in*idia$  et  recto  ac  iasto  pralio...dimicatidum  vidcnnit. 

§  14.  animus  ad  pugnam  ..ad  fugam  spes.  An  example 
of  Chiasmus,  aa  in  the  next  line,  clamore  audita, ...conspectu... 
acie. 

c.  XXIX.  §  1.  non  celerlus.  As  Duker  explains,  mtix  cde- 
Titer  nee  tamen  celerlus  quam  timueram... 

§  6.    Integram  a.    •  The  unbroken  line  of  the  reserves.' 

P.  109.    pliirts  slmul.    *  In  a  body.' 
volventes  orbem.    Cf.  note  on  Liv.  xxi.  56.  2. 

§  6.  Pcenus.  Used  generally  of  the  army,  not  of  its  leader 
mentioned  in  the  next  clause. 

palam  ferent©.  Often  used  by  L.  for  '  professing.'  Cf. 
XXIV.  32.  I,  Imud  vani  qtiidavi  homines  palam  ferre. 

§  8.  eum  prlmum  esse  ..  This  refers  to  a  gnomic  senteuci' 
in  Hesiod  l/ry.  k.  rtfj^  293,  often  quoted,  as  by  Arist.  Etli.  i.^ 
4.  7,  ovroi  nh  iravdpiffTot  6s  airrbs  wdina  voria-Q  \  iffOXbs  5'  a  J 
KdKeivos  fi$  €v  ilwovTi  wldTfTai  I  ds  d4  K€  fiTiT  ai'ros  voi-Q  firjT  diWov 
aKoijuff  I  CI*  Ovfif^  ^dWyjrat,   6  5*  aiV   (xxpm^>^  dvi^p. 

eztreml.     '  The  meanest.' 

§  10.     cum  F.     For  cum  Fabii  castrii. 

§  11.  patronos.  Because  they  were  indebted  to  them  for 
their  safety,  as  the  libeitus  owed  his  freedom  to  his  jja- 
tronus,  or  as  conquered  people  recognized  like  relation  to  the 
generals  who  had  subdued,  but  spared  them.  Cf.  Cic.  de  Oil. 
I.  11.  36,  ut  ii  qui  civitates  aut  naiiones  devictas  hello  in  fidcui 
recepissent,  eorumpatroni  essent  more  maiorum.  For  a  siiuilai 
incident  cf.  iii.  29.  2,  where  the  dictator  Cincinnatus  saved  the 
army  of  the  consul  L.  Minuciu8...^(  proficiscentem  patrounm 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XXIX.  §  U— c.  xxx.  §  7.    275 

galutaverit.     Patrunm  seems  to  be  another  form  of  pater,  as 
mitrona  of  mater. 

c.  xxx.  §  1.  In  admlr.... convert.,  'arrested  the  wondering 
attention.' 

§  2.  circ.  mllitum  elus,  -  such  of  the  soldiers  of  F.  as  were 
grouped  about  them.* 

§  3.     quo  fando  possum,  •  as  far  as  mj  poor  words  allow.' 

§  4.  plebelscltum.  Cf.  note  on  26.  4,  Plebei  is  the  archaic 
genitive  of  plebs  or  plebU. 

P.  110.  oneratus...lionoratus.  Fabri  compares  Varr.  L. 
L.  V.  73,  onus  est  honos  qui  sustinet  rempublicam,  Ovid  Her. 
IX.  31,  non  honor  est  sed  onus.  This  play  upon  the  form  of  the 
words  contrasted  or  annominatio  is  of  frequent  occurrence 
in  many  writers  as  in  Cic.  Phil.  iii.  §  22,  ex  orators  orator. 
Ov.  Fasti  II.  805,  nee  prece  nee  pretio.  Cf.  Zumpt  ad  Verr. 
p.  661.    QuintiL  ix.  §  65. 

antlquo,  used  technically  for  voting  against  a  new  bill  (lit. 
'prefer  the  old*),  while  abrogare  =  *  repeal  an  old  law.' 

ausplclum.  The  auspices  were  taken  only  in  the  name  of 
the  superior  officer.     Cf.  note  on  xxi.  40.  3. 

§5.  placatus...&c.  The  precedents  of  old  Roman  dis- 
cipline would  have  warranted  more  ignominious  treatment,  as 
when  L.  Minucius  the  consul  who  was  delivered  from  blockade 
at  Corbio  was  addressed  by  the  dictator  L.  Quinctius  carebis 
parte  prada  miles... ct  tu  L.  Mimici...legatus  his  legionibus 
pracris,  Liv.  iii.  29.  1. 

tendere,  for  'encamp,'  i.e.  tentorla  habere,  cf.  Vcrg.  ^n.  ii. 
29,  hie  saws  tendcbat  Achilles. 

§  6.    exsecrabill,  as  W.  remarks,  like  a  dies  ater  of  the 

Calendar. 

§  7.  laudibus  ad  caelum  ferre.  Cf.  Ennius  ap.  Cic.  de 
Senect.  4,  Unus  homo  nobis  cunctando  restituit  rem,  |  non  hie 
ponebat  rumores  ante  salutem.  \  ergo  phtsqu£  magisque  viri  nunc 
ghria  claret.  Hence  the  notable  honour  that  was  paid  him, 
which  few  could  ever  earn.  Hanc  coronam  gramineam  S,  P. 
Q.  R.  Fabio  Maximo  dedit  bello  P.  secundo  quod  urbem  R.  obsi' 
dione  hostium  libcrasset,  A.  Gell.  v.  6. 

18—2 


276    NOTES.    XXII.  c.  xxx.  §  10-c.  xxxi.  §  11. 


§  10.  earn  nubem.  The  figure  is  probably  copied  from 
Homer  II.  5.  622,  vt<p4\i[i<nv  iotKdres,  aiare  Kpovicoy  \  vrjvcfurii 
i<mj<r€v  iw'  dKpoir6\oi<nv  opeaai,  |  drpi/xas  8<Pp  fOd-gat  /livoi  popiao 
Kcd  dXXuy  I  fax/JCtwy  dvifiui',  otre  p4<f>€a  ffKideura  \  Tyot^aiv  Xi-yu- 
pyai  5ia<TKi8vd<riv  cfeircy. 

c.  XXXI.  §  1.  centum  viginti,  supplied  by  Lipsius  from 
Pol.  IV.  96,  as  Livy  would  not  have  added  navium  without  a 
defiuite  number.    As  to  Servilius  cf.  11.  7. 

§  2.  Menlge.  Cf.  Polyb.  I.  39,  Trapeylyfoyro  irpAs  r^v  tlov 
KbiT0<ft6.yia»  vijcov  ^  iraXetrat  fiiv  Mrjiny^y  ov  ixaxpav  8'  aTr^x*' 
Tijf  fiiKpat  2i}/3T€wy.     It  is  now  called  Jerbah. 

Cerdnam,  now  Karkeneh  at  the  N.  W.  extremity  of  the 
Syrtis  opposite  to  Menige. 

§  3.  liizta...ac  ai  -  'just  as  if,'  an  unusual  construction 
though  found  in  Cic.  Or.  post  red.  8.  20,  iuxta  ac  si  meusfrakr 
esset,  and  Sail.  Jug.  45.  2  Fabri. 

P.  Ill,    §  5.    mllle  hominum.    Cf.  note  on  xxi.  61.  1. 

§  7.  Ipse.  The  consul  Servilius,  in  contrast  to  the  classis 
in  3.  0. 

et  collegia  elus,  *as  was  also  hie  colleague,*  agi-eeing  with 
accitus,  but  not  with  the  principal  verb. 

semestri.  The  tlictatorship  was  never  held  more  than  G 
mouths  (Liv.  iii.  29.  5],  probably  because  it  was  at  first  used 
only  for  military  needs,  and  the  eai'ly  campaigns  lasted  only 
through  the  summer.  Mommseu  also  makes  it  probable  that 
it  lasted  only  to  the  end  of  the  term  of  the  ordinary  magistrate 
who  named  to  it.  This  may  explain  the  later  mistake  that 
Camillus  was  dictator  for  a  whole  year,  caused  by  Livy's  words 
anno  circumacto  vi.  1.  *2. 

§  8.  Omnium  prope  ann.  So  also  do  tlie  Fasti,  the  Elogium 
of  Fabius  Max.,  and  Polyb.  in.  87,  as  other  authorities.  It  is 
probable  therefore  that  a  prator,  in  the  absence  of  the  consul, 
presided  over  the  Coviitia  and  made  the  official  declaration. 
CI.  note  on  8.  6. 

§  11.  res  obtlnulsse... follows  fugit  in  or.  obi.  though  a 
parenthetic  clause  quum... esset  has  been  introduced. 

Utulum.  lleferring  to  the  Koman  custom,  by  which  the 
busts  of  ancestors  were  ranged  in  the  atrium  of  a  noble  house 
which  had  the  ius   intagimim,   and  descriptive   notices  were 


NOTES.    XXTI.  c.  XXXI.  §  11— c.  xxxir.  §  8.     277 

added  below  of  the  official  honom-s  and  exploits.  These  were 
carried  in  state  in  the  funeral  processions,  and  referred  to  in 
funeral  speeches.  Family  vanity  may  often  have  altered  these. 
Cf.  Liv.  VIII.  40.  2,  vitiatam  memoriam  funehribus  laudibus  rear 
faUisque  imaginum  titulU. 

c.  XXXII.  §  1.  Atillus.  The  omission  of  the  jyrcBnomen  M. 
to  the  first  name  is  unusual,  while  the  second  has  the  cogno- 
men Geminus  in  the  place  of  the  prcenomen  Cn. 

quod  reliquum.  Some  letters  of  this  [quod  rdi]  quom  are 
supposed  by  Madvig  to  have  slipped  out  of  tlie  text  of  an  early 
MS.,  as  the  later  have  only  quom  aut.  e.  Gronovius'  suggestion 
medium  aut.  e.  is  not  much  to  the  point. 

artibus  *  poUcy,'  as  §  3. 

§  2.  opportuni  ad.  An  unusual  phrase  for  hostile  colli- 
sion. 

palates  exc.     'Cutting  off  stragglers,' 

imiv.  dimlcationls,  'general  engagement,'  cf.  universo  peii- 
cido\  12.  10  for  'decisive  battle'  Livy  uses  supremum  cerUimm, 
there  being  no  definite  equivalent  in  Latin. 

P.  112,  §  3.  el  fulsset.  Madvig's  coiTection  of  the  passage 
of  which  other  readings  are  aheundum  timuisset,  where  the 
gerund  seems  out  of  place,  ovfuga  speciefn  aheundo  timuisset, 

repetlturus  fuerit.  For  this  combination  or  subjunction  of 
the  perf.  future,  cf.  Cic.  ad  Att.  ii.  16,  Pompeius  iffotpitero, 
quid  enimfuturum  fuerit... se  divinare  non  potuisse. 

§  4.  Neapolis  was  first  referred  to  by  Livy  under  the  name 
of  Palffipohs  viii.  26.  1,  but  the  'old  city'  disappeais,  and  the 
new  city  takes  its  place  after  the  siege  and  suiTender  to  Eome. 
Its  other  name  Parthenope  is  derived  from  the  name  of  the 
tsiren,  whom  legend  cast  upon  its  shores,  and  whose  tomb  was 
shown  m  Strabo's  days,  v.  4.  7. 

» 
verba  f.  ut  d.    A  pleonastic  expression  for  '  a  speech  was 
made  to  the  effect.' 

§  6.  subs,  fortunse,  '  a  reserve  for  themselves  in  case  of 
need.' 

§8.  duxissent...ludicaverint.  This  change  of  tense  is  not 
nnusual  in  Livy,  the  first  verb  representing  the  action  from 
tne  point  of  view  of  the  writer   the  second  from  that  of  the 


278 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XXXIII.  8S  1—7 


speaker;    but  it  ia  rare  to  Oiid   the  two  tenses  in  such  close 
connexion. 

c.  xixiii.  §  1.  speculator.  The  conmiercial  relations  of 
the  Carthaginians  must  have  made  it  easy  for  them  to  procme 
inteUigeuce  througli  the  trading  classes,  who  in  Rome,  as  in 
many  Greek  cities,  were  often  aliens  and  slave-born, 

fefellerat,  absolutely  as  £pe  fallendi  xxi.  57.  3. 

§  2.  conluxasseut.  This  has  puzzled  the  commeiUntoif; 
who  understood  it  of  soiiio  plot  to  tamper  with  the  soldiers, 
tlioogh  their  loyalty  was  at  this  time  beyond  suspicion.  The 
verb  is  used  however  of  the  mihtary  oath  of  obedience,  cf.  38. ;{ 
and  CiBsar,  B.  G.  vii.  1,  and  probably  the  slaves  had  tried  to 
enrol  themselves  in  the  legions  as  in  the  case  reported  by  Pliny 
to  Trajan,  Ep.  29,  reper'os  inter  tirones  duoa  servon. 

nrls  fSJ.    Cf.  note  on  10.  7. 

§  3.  DemetriUB  {dviip  Opdaos  fiiv  Kal  rdXfiav  K€KTr},iUvo%,  oKq- 
yttTTov  5i  ravrriv  xal  reX^ws  dupiTov  Pol.  in.  19)  had  been  re- 
warded by  Rome  for  his  siu-rendcr  of  Corcyia  by  being  niade 
governor  in  Illyria,  but  had  risen  in  revolt  again,  and  tied  to 
Philip  when  his  ai  my  was  routed,  and  Pharos  taken. 

P.  113,  §  6-  Plneum.  Teuta  the  queen  dowager  of  the 
Hljnric  Arduei  had  provoked  Rome  by  her  piracies  and  outrages 
on  lioman  envoys.  Defeated  in  the  ensuing  war  she  resigned 
the  government  to  Demetrius  Pharos  who  ruled  in  the  name  of 
her  son  Pineus  over  such  territory  as  was  left  him  by  treaty. 
After  the  revolt  of  Demetrius,  the  liomans  spared  the  youthful 
l*infius,  on  condition  of  the  payment  of  subsidies,  which  were 
now  overdue. 

diet  eziemt.     Cf.  iv.  30.  18,  indutiarum  dies  exierat. 

diem  profeni,  '  the  term  extended.*  The  common  reading  ia 
prof  tire  as  si  diem  proferinms  xxv.  38.  20,  but  the  active  voice 
would  be  used  more  naturally  of  the  creditor  than  of  the  debtor. 

§  6.  i!a  cervlcitoua.  A  metaphor  taken  from  the  yoke  upon 
the  oxen.  Cf.  xui.  60.  5,  cervicibm  prcepotentem  piitimim 
regem  imponere. 

§  7.  8Bd.  Concordia.  This  Cliapel  which  stood  beside  that 
of  Juno  Moucta  on  the  Arx  was  distinct  from  the  larger  temple 
of  Concord,  which  stood  on  the  slope  of  the  hill  towards  the 
Forum,  and  was  founded  by  Camillus  B.C.  2C7,  when  the  con- 
sulship was  thrown  open  to  the  plebs. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XXXIII.  g  7— c.  xxxiv.  §  1.    270 

per,  'on  occasion  of.'    Cf.  ii.  34.  1,  per  secessionem  plebis. 

aeditlonem,  derived  from  sed  'apart'  (cf.  sed  fraude  archaic 
ioT  sine  fraude)  and  irej  cf.  seduco,  sepono. 

Uiennlo  ante.  Manlius  was  in  Cisalpine  Gaul  as  pra;tor  the 
year  before,  xxi.  17.  7;  an  inclusive  reckoning  is  here  adopted. 
Of  the  circumstances  of  the  vow  we  know  nothing. 

locatam,  'put  out  to  contract,'  the  duty  commonly  of  the 
Censors,  but  occasionally  of  commissioners,  as  here,  specially 
appointed. 

§  9.  in  eam  diem... the  time  for  the  elections  often  varied 
with  the  retiurn  of  the  consuls  from  the  seat  of  war,  and  no 
fixed  rules  could  be  adopted,  though  dictators  were  sometimes 
specially  named  to  carry  on  the  elections. 

§  11.  rectius  visum.  The  appointment  of  an  'interrex' 
was  a  constitutional  expedient  in  the  case  of  the  death  or 
resignation  of  the  supreme  magistrate.  The  dictator  was 
regarded  as  a  colleague  specially  named  on  urgent  occasions 
by  a  hving  consul. 

§  12.  vitio  creatis.  The  vitium  might  consist  m  the 
neglect  of  the  formalities  of  the  auspices  (cf.  inauspicato  xxi. 
03.  7),  or  in  some  unfavourable  sign  at  the  time  or  after  the 
ceremony.  It  rested  with  the  college  of  augius  to  decide  by  a 
formal  decretum^  that  the  election  was  so  vitiated,  upon  or 
without  an  appeal  to  them  by  the  senate  or  magistrate.  The 
election  was  not  thereby  made  null  and  void,  but  the  officer 
was  expected  to  abdicate  of  himself,  and  might  at  the  end  of 
his  term  be  impeached  for  his  irreverence  if  he  persisted  in 
retainmg  his  office.  Vitio  facti  ahdicarunt  is  the  regular  entry 
in  such  cases  in  the  Capitohne  Fasti.  The  usage  gave  a  dan- 
gerous encouragement  to  party  intrigues. 

ad  Interregrn.  res.  i.e.  the  term  of  the  consuls'  office 
exphed,  and  they  could  not  therefore  name  another  dictator. 

c.  XXXIV.  §  1.  a  patribUB.  The  traditions  and  the  name  of  the 
inteiTCges  point  to  the  kingly  period  of  Rome,  and  the  vacancy  at 
the  death  of  the  elective  monarch,  when  there  was  no  successor  to 
step  at  once  into  his  place.  Then,  says  Livy  i.  17.  4,  the  senate 
divided  itself  into  ten  decurice,  in  each  of  wliich  the  lot  decided 
the  order  of  rank.  A  board  consisting  of  one  of  each  decuria 
then  held  the  monarchy  in  commission  for  50  days,  each  in 
turn  bearing  the  insignia  of  supreme  command  for  5.  Then 
a  second  board  came  into  office,  and  so  on  till  a  new  king  was 
elected.  The  decuria  was  supposed  to  consist  of  10,  as  the 
early  senate  first  contained  100.    In  the  days  of  the  Republic 


280 


NOTES.     XXTI.  c.  xxxiv.  g  1—8. 


the  patres,  or  patricii,  are  always  spoken  of  in  this  connexion, 
and  it  is  probable,  as  Momm^en  says  (Rom.  ForschungGn^ 
p.  219),  that  only  the  patrician  senators  took  part  in  the  fonna- 
lilies  of  the  intern-jnum. 

certamlne  patmm  ac  pL  The  old  constitutional  stru<j;gle 
between  the  patricians  and  plebs  had  been  tiually  decided  when 
all  the  higher  offices  of  state  were  tlirown  open  to  the  latter 
body.  But  during  the  last  century  a  nobility  had  been  giadu- 
ally  formed,  consisting  of  the  families  whether  of  patrician  or 
plebeian  origin  which  liad  gained  possession  of  the  curule  otiice><, 
and  therefore  of  tlie  ius  imaginum.  This  nobility  was  repre- 
sented by  the  senate  which  consisted  of  ex  officials,  and  the 
privileges  which  it  held  de  facto  were  clung  to  more  tenaciously 
than  tlie  de  iun  claim  of  the  older  patriciate. 

P.  114,  §  2.  concusso,  part,  for  subst.,  'his  attack  upou.' 
Cf.  XXI.  1.  5,  Siciiia  S.  amis,s(e. 

§  3.    auirures.    Cf.  on  ritio  creatis,  3H.  12. 

§  4.  adductum.  tralil.  The  or.  obi.  following  a  verb 
understood  in  criminando. 

§  5.    uniTersls,  'if  united,*  cf.  xxi.  3.3.  0  the  use  of  exit  turn, 

pngnarl,  'the  war  could  be  carried  on'  or  'could  fight  with 
good  effect,'  by  supplying  jnoitpere  from  the  next  line. 

I  6.  pater  patronusque.  Cf.  29.  10.  and  compare  tlie 
phrase  pattT  ^atmfu*  of  the  fetialu. 

§7.    fadus,  'compact.* 

horn.  noTum,  used  distinctively  henceforward  of  thefewwlio 
rose  to  a  level  with  the  privileged  cii*cle  of  nobility  by  gaininj,^ 
the  consulship,  but  contemptuously  applied  like  parvenu.  The 
absence  of  such  a  term  in  English  marks  the  distinctive  feature 
of  an  aristocracy  which  has  been  always  recniited  freely  from 
lower  social  strata. 

§8.  el8dem...Bacris.  This  probably  is  a  metaphor  taken 
from  the  pledges  of  a  secret  society,  as  if  the  aristocratic  cIiibB 
had  bountl  themselves  like  those  in  old  days  in  Greece  by  the 
oath  T(f  5if}fi(t>  KOKovovs  (aofj-ai. 

It  might  with  less  likeliiiood  be  taken  in  the  sense  that  the 
prominent  plebcjiau  fiunilies  had  ideutitied  themselves  with  the 
patrician  by  intermarriage  and  prejudices,  whereas  stress  had 
been  laid  by  the  opponents  of  such  intercourse  (legalized  by 
the  Canuleian  law)  on  the  religious  divisions  of  the  two  orders, 
which  had  distinct  familv  nacra. 


NOTES.     XXIT.  c.  xxxiv.  §  9— c.  xxxv.  §  4.    281 

s  Q  ut  In  patrum  pot.  As  the  interrex  was  named  by  the 
«./r.r*and  he  conducted  the  elections,  they  would  have  more 
fXence  over  them  than  if  a  magistrate  elected  by  the  people 
presided. 

8  10  expugnatum,  '  carried  their  point  by  force,'  as  if  it 
were  a  violence  done  to  the  constitution. 

P  115  Ml.  certe,  'an  undoubte<l  right,'  gained  by  the 
Liciniau  laws  n.c.  367,  consuluvi  utique  alter  ex  plebe  crearetur, 
Liv.  VI.  35.  3. 

Uberum  hab.  'would  use  it  freely,'  as  Ovid,  Fast.  i.  52, 
Verbaque  honoratus  libera  prcetor  }iabct,al^  «0.  <d,quum  noctem 
Uberam  luibuis.^t-t, 

mature  The  MSS.  have  ma(jis  vere,  but  maijis  is  an 
awkward  pleonasm  with  vuille,  and  vere  does  not  eliectively 
balance  dL.  Madvig  supposes  vere  to  have  been  a  cop^ost  s 
mistake  for  lure,  and  the  vul  to  have  been  lengthened  after- 
wards to  mag  is.  , ,    ,  ,  -       .,    • 

c.  xxxv.  §  1.  noblUbus  lam,  'aheady  ennooled,  i.e.  their 
ancestors  had  gained  curule  offices. 

8  2  unus  'alouo'  as  the  aristocratic  candidates  by  dividing 
the  votes  of  tlieir  party  could  not  in  any  case  gain  the  majority 
requireil 

in  manu-.-essent.  The  presiding  magistrate  could  often 
exert  au  influence  over  the  ekction  by  deciding  whether  votes 
could  be  legally  tendered  for  a  candidate. 

8  3  L  JEmilius  Paidus  had  been  consul  with  M.  Livius, 
afterwards"  called  Salinator,  in  B.C.  219,  and  had  conducted 
brilliantly  tlie  Illyrian  war.  They  were  accused  of  embezzling 
the  plunder  and  Livius  was  condemned  by  all  the  tribes  but 
one,  and  quitted  the  city  in  disgust.  W.  remarks  that  a  special 
bill  must  have  been  passed  to  enable  ^milius  Paulus  to  be 
re-elected  within  10  years  as  was  done  afterwards,  Liv.  xxvii. 

6.7. 

ambustus  is  the  same  metaphor  as  40.  a,  scpopulare  mcen- 
dium  priore  comulatu  sevimtum  ejfugis>>e.  Cf.  Juv.  viii.  y-, 
quam  fulmine  iusto  \  et  Capita  et  Numitor  rucnnt  damnante 
senatn. 

S  4  comitlaU  die.  The  comit.  d.  were  probably  at  first 
thcsaiiie  as  the  dies  fasti,  on  which  it  was  /a8  cuvi  populo 
agere,  as  distinct  from  tlie  dies  nefasti,  on  which  for  various 
religious  reasons  no  business  could  l)e  done  Afterwai'ds  the 
fasti  were  restricted  to  a  snndler  number  of  days  wlien  judicial 
but  not  legislative  business  might  be  transiictetl,  while  botb 
were  allowed  on  the  Comitiales. 


282    NOTES.     XXII.  a  xxxv.  §  4 -c.  xxxvi.  §5. 

par  nmsrifl  la  advers.  'matched  rather  as  a  rival  tliun  , 
colleague  •  par  referring  to  the  par  potestas  of  the  eonsuirbv 
which  either  couJtl  thwart  the  otlier.  '  ^ 

§  5.     Millo,  to  be  taken  with  tvenit. 

Ronwe  qiiolifiea  not  nrbana,  in  distinction  to  the  department 
urwhidrfoli,)  "^  ^*'"'  °^  '^'^'^  pnetorshipa  in  contrast  to  the 

peregrlnos.  Out  of  this  juiisdiction  over  aliens  CTaduallv 
grew  more  liberal  principles  and  methods  of  procedure  free  fi  n,;, 
many  of  the  technicalities  of  the  old  lloman  law,  and  out  0 
these  a  system  of  e(]uity  was  developed. 

I  6.  addiU.  not  as  a  new  principle,  for  that  liad  been  al- 
ready  introduced  in  b.c.  227,  Liv.  Epit.  xx. 

uf  V\  ^f*'  culquam.  Of  the  four  Pr^tors  all  but  M.  Pomp. 
Matho  liad  been  consul  before,  so  marked  was  the  wish  to 
secure  tried  officials. 

c.  xxxYi.  §  I.  quantae  olnt... variant.  'In  statinc  the 
numbers.. .give  such  various  accounts.'  The  dependence  of 
Hint  on  vanant  is  obscured  by  the  addition  et  num.  et  gen. 

P.  116,  §  ^.  alii,  num.  to  some  verb  like  ferunt  to  be  un- 
derstood in  variant. 

§  3.  leg.  aucUs.  '  The  complements  of  the  legions  raised 
by. 

mUlibua  pedltum  et  centenis.  For  this  use  of  milUa  for 
nntnda  millia,ci.  xxxvii.  45.  7,  dabitU...millia  talentumper  duo- 
ili'cim  annos.  So  xxix.  15.  4,  $tipendium praterea  iU  coloniU  in 
miUia  arts  aases  sintfiilos  imperari. 

treceni  eq.  Yet  xxi.  17.  3,  the  cavalrv  of  six  le«,'ions 
amounted  to  18()0,  or  300  in  eueli.  Lij>8ius  therefore  inferred 
that  the  number  sli-Mild  here  be  cccc  after  the  addition.  There 
IS  no  MS.  authority  for  the  chanKe.  however,  whicJi  is  not 
borne  out  by  Polybius  or  subsequent  estimates  of  nuiuber. 

dupUcem  num.  eq.  Pol.  in.  107  say.s  rpiwXdaioy  as  a 
general  rule  on  critical  occasions. 

§  4.  septem  et  oct.  8  x  5000  +  8  x  5000  +  8  x  300  +  8  x  GOO 
«  87, 200. 

§  5.  spem... dictator.  Polybius  tells  us  that  the  Eomaua, 
hearing  that  their  army  was  embarrassed  by  the  loss  of  its 
suppHes  which  Hannibal  had  taken,  gave  tJie  consuls  instruc- 
tions to  force  a  poneral  engaKement.  He  omits  all  the  details 
of  the  election  of  Varro  and  the  w.u  nin'^s  of  Fabius. 


KOTI'JS.     XXJI.  c.  xxxvi.  g  6^c.  xxxvii.  §  10.     283 

R  0.     decemviri.     Cf.  note  on  xxi.  62.  G. 

8  7  signa  Cf.  signa  Lanuvii  ad  JimonU  Soxpitce  crnore 
vuniarerc  xxiii.  31.  15,'i.e.  the  statues  or  busts  of  the  Gods. 

Budaase.  The  correction  of  Madvig  in  a  corrupt  passage 
where  the  common  MS.  reading  is  ccsdis,  for  which  Cadns 
and  Carites  have  been  suggested. 

§  8.    id  quidem,  i.  e.  the  repetition  made  it  more  fearful. 

via  fornicata.  This  vaulted  way  was  probably  a  line  of 
porticos  extending  to  the  cmnpii.^  M.  which  no  longer  existed 
m  Livy's  days  (erat).  Probably  it  is  the  same  as  that  mentioned 
iu  XXXV.  10.  10,  porticuni...a  porta  FontinaU  ad  Martin  aram, 
(pia  ill  Camptim  iter  esset,  perduxenmt,  cf.  Nardini  Iloiua  Ant. 
III.  111. 

8  9.  Pfflsto.  Posidonia,  an  old  colony  of  Sybaris,  was  a  Greek 
town  conquered  by  the  Lucanians,  and  afterwards  colonized  by 
the  Romans  under  the  name  of  Piestum.  The  famous  temples 
still  to  be  seen  on  the  deserted  site  date  from  the  times  of  the 
(ireek  culture,  the  loss  of  which  long  afterwards  the  inhabi 
tants  annually  deplored. 

c.  XXXVII.  §  2.  sua  propria.  Heerwa,i,'en  illustrates  the  use 
of  sinuf  (as  distinct  from  alicnii^)  with  proprim  in  contrast  to 
communis  by  xxxiii.  2.  1,  orsus  a  imijonim  suoniin  suisqne  et 
conimitnibus  in  onineni  Grceciain  et  propriis  in  liaolorum  ycntem 
meritiss. 

P  117  §  4.  se  refers  to  Hiero,  sese  in  §  5  to  legati.  The 
envoys  speak  first  in  their  master's  name,  then  in  their  own. 

§  5.  ducentum.  The  gen.  plur.  contracted  form  as  modium ; 
the  MS.  reading  wavers  between  cc  and  ccc. 

§7. 

used. 

auxilia.     Cf.  note  on  xxi.  GO.  4. 

§8.  mllle.  Silius  Italicus  says. -Id^Zirferat  ter  mille  viros  in 
Marte  sagittcc  |  expertos  viii.  615.  Yet  the  ter  is  not  likely  to 
have  slipped  out,  Livy  would  have  written  tna  milha. 

fundltorum.     Cf.  note  on  xxi.  21.  12. 

pugnaces  telo.  pugnax  is  more  often  used  absolutely,  but 
sometimes  with  an  abl.  Of.  Hor.Carm.  iv.G.  8,  trenienda  caspide 
pugmix. 

i  10.  uno  tenore,  'even  to.nour.'  'unswervingly.'  Cf. 
47.  G. 


Milite.      Equivalent  to  pedite,  for  wliich  it  is  often 


il 


284    NOTES.   XXIL  c.  xxxvii.  §12— c.  xxxvni.  §9. 

§  12.    dare    dicare.      A  usual    pleonasm    in    ceremonial 
formuliB  likft  that  in  the  neit  line. 

P.  118,  c.  Mxviii.  §  2.  quod  nunquam.  In  earlier  days  the 
soldiers  had  taken  the  oath  of  obedience  {sacrament um)  singlv 
and  had  also  pledged  themselves  voluntarily  to  their  comrades 
in  the  same  decnria  (of  horse)  or  centuria  (of  foot)  to  be  tnie 
to  each  other.  This  pledge  Mommsen  believes  to  be  a  tra- 
ditional custom  of  old  Italy,  and  to  be  indicated  in  passages 
of  Livy  IX.  39.  3,  x.  38.  2  where  milites  sacrati  are  spoken  of 
This  was  now  made  obligatory. 

§  3.    lussu abitoros.    These  words    are    probably,  as 

Drakeuborch  suggests,  a  marginal  comment  on  iure  iuramlo 
wliioh  has  slipiKJd  into  the  text.  They  seem  needless  in  tliis 
context. 

ad  decnrlanditm.  The  MSS.  have  decuriatum  and  centnri- 
atum,  which  are  not  known  to  occur  elsewhere  in  this  sense  as 
substantives.  Some  propose  to  omit  the  ad,  and  regard  them 
as  supines,  which  would  however  be  used  in  a  passive  sense. 
In  favour  of  the  common  reading  it  may  be  urged  that  Livy  has 
an  ©special  fondness  for  verbals  of  the  4th  decl.  though  centu- 
riatus  occurs  only  as  the  place  of  a  centu rio.  There  wore 
60  eenturiis  in  the  legion,  and  30  decuria  of  the  horse  attache.I 
to  it. 

§  4.  ergo  (l/)7v),  archaic  for  cama,  occurs  chiefly  in  legal 
phrases. 

§  6.  arcessltmn  In  It.  This  is  probably  a  rhetorical  use 
of  the  charge  which  in  early  days  of  tlie  struggles  between  the 
two  orders  was  so  often  urged  by  the  tribunes  against  tlie 
patrician  rulers.  Polybius  ignores  all  these  details  of  conflict  (.f 
opinion  at  Rome. 

§  8.  verier  quam  gratior.  For  this  repetition  of  the  com- 
parative,  cf.  Cic.  pro  Milone,  non  timeo  ne  lihmtim  hac  in  ilium 
evomere  videar  quam  veriiu.  On  the  other  hand  the  secoii.i  is 
onutted  where  it  seems  most  needed  in  i.  25.  14,  eo  tnajore  cum 
gaudio,  quo  prope  (for  propius)  metum  res  fuerat.  So  Tac.  Agr. 
4,  vehementius  quam  caute. 

§9.  quod  ne.  Valla  proposed  quomodo  for  this  reading  of 
the  best  MS.,  but  qui  would  follow  awkwardly  and  it  seems 
better  to  omit  it.    Cf.  xxi.  36.  3,  miranti  qua  res, 

%gJ?^^^^'  ^  **'"'*  suggestion  of  Muretus  for  locatus  of 
MSS.  Cf.  note  on  23.  3  and  iii.  10.  10,  nisi  dum  in  inteqro  n$ 
»itt  4um  dtmi  dum  togati  sint,  caveanl. 


NOTES.    XXII.  c.  XXXVIII.  §  11— c.  xxxix.  §  9.  285 

P  119  §  l-l-    res.-.liominlbus....    Cf.  Hor.  Ep.  1. 1.  19,  Et 

mihi'res,  non  vie  rehus  suhjungere  conor. 

s  12  id  locorum.  In  a  temporal  sense.  Cf .  ix.  45. 1,  nunc 
quando'vana  verba  ad  id  locoinim  fuerint,  rebus  standum  esse. 

§13.  Et  sua...  Fabri  and  W.  retain  the  id  of  the  MSS. 
instead  of  the  correction  of  Gronovius. 

Id  perseveraret.  A  less  usual  construction  than  with  in 
and  the  abl.  but  used  by  Cicero,  Quint.  24,  ncque  te  irsum  id, 
quod  suscepisses,  perseverare. 

c  XXXIX.  §  2.  indicente.  A  correction  of  Gronovius  for 
the  'in'dinentes  of  MSS.,  like  the  nan  me  indicente  hac  fiunt 
Terence  Adelph.  iii.  4.  G2,  and  Cic.  de  fin.  ii.  3  indu^ente  te 
of  some  MSS.  Though  the  act.  part,  is  not  found  elsewhere 
in  Livy,  the  passive  indictus  is  less  rare.     Cf.  v.  15.  6. 

S3,  claudente.  This  is  supported  by  the  use  of  Sal- 
lust  Hist.  111.  25,  7ieqiie  enim  ignorantia  claudit  res,  and 
possibly  of  Cic.  Tusc.  v.  8,  etiainsi  ex  aliqua  parte  clmideret, 
thou«4i  the  form  of  the  word  has  been  objected  to  by  Bentley 
and  other  critics,  as  claudicara  is  more  usual.  The  MS.  read- 
ings vary. 

idem...luris.  Varro  as  consul  had  equal  right  and  autho- 
rity with  his  colleague. 

§  5.  Cum  illo.  Madvig  returns  to  the  older  reading  of 
the  verbs  in  the  indie,  instead  of  making  them  depend  gram- 
matically on  7iescio  an  :  they  really  explain  the  use  of  vijestior 
ami  are  epexegetic.  The  authority  of  the  best  MSS.  is  rather 
ill  favoiu:  of  the  indie. 

§  G.  Omlnis  causa  abslt.  Like  the  modern  Turk  the 
ancient  lloman  apologized  for  the  use  of  unlucky  words,  or 
tried  to  undo  their  effects  by  others  of  happier  sound. 

demums»*only  when'  or  *not  till.' 

furere...insanlt.  Doderlein  ap.  Fabri  compares  Cic.  Tusc^ 
III.  5.  11,  furorem  esse  rati  mentis  ad  omnia  cacitatem.  Quod 
qnum  majus  esse  videatur  quam  insania^  tanien  ejusmodi  est, 
ut  furor  in  sapientem  cadcre  possit,  non  possit  insania. 

P.  120,  §  7.  procellas  to  be  taken  with  ciet,  prodia  with 
jactando. 

§8.  aut...aut.  Here,  as  in  some  other  places,  these  are 
equivalent  to  *  I  am...  if  not,'  or  '  If  I  am  not.' 

§  9.  adYorsus  unum  has  been  suspected  as  obscure'  and 
cold.    It  might  be  taken  to  be  a  contrast  between  the  speaker 


286      NOTIJ^S.     XXI 1.  c.  xxxix.  t^  9-~c.  xl.  §  l 

•nd  Miuucius  or  Varro,  but  the  words  advermtx  te  of  §  17  de. 
cid©  in  favour  of '  in  your  presence  alone,'  i.  e.  Paulus. 

Bodum  •zcesserim.   *I  should  prefer  to  have  gone  too  far.' 

§  10.  sed  eadem  ratio.  W.  remarks  that  two  seiitenceB 
ore  really  implied  in  this,  one  sed  ratio  in  contrast  to  j,ec 
evefitm,  and  a  second  explanatory  of  the  policy  in  question. 

f  11.  armls,  vlrls.  The  asyndeton  is  prominent  here  ami 
in  the  next  .sentence. 

§  12.  Id  fldel  d.  Id  =  *  such  a/  for  which  Fabri  compares 
1.  34.  10,  earn  alitem  en  regione  call  venisse. 

§  13.    in  diem  rapto.  '  On  the  plunder  of  the  day,'  cf.  40. 8 
raptis  in  dii  m  commeatibus.  * 

§  15.  qui  senescat.  '  Wliose  ftreuRth  decays,'  in  dies 
*  from  day  to  day/  dih^tinct  from  in  diem  •  for  a  single  day.' 

§  IC.  sedet  supposed  by  early  commentators  to  have  slippetl 
out  from  likeness  to  following  scd. 

P.  121,  §  17.     Atlllus  without  prmrwmen,  as  32. 1. 

§  18.  consul. B...p<Bnuji  Imp.  An  example  of  the  chiasmus 
frequent  in  Livy. 

falsa,  •  groundless '  or  *  undeserved.' 

§  19.  laborare.  '  Eclipsed,'  cf.  the  hma  labora  of  VerK. 
Ci,  II.  478. 

c.  XL.    §  1.    lata.     •  Sangiiine.' 

magis  would  go  more  naturally  with  vera,  but  it  implies 
also  *  more  inclined  to  admit  the  truth  than  *  Ac. 

§  8.  eemustum.  His  colleague  had  been  condemned,  and 
his  own  character  had  been  called  in  question  v.  35.  3.  Cicero 
Phil.  II.  91  sneeringly  uses  the  epithet  semiistilatus  •  singed ' 
of  the  body  of  J.  CsBsar,  and  p.  Milone  33  of  Clodius,  cadaver 
infelicissimU  lignit  senimtilatum. 

milftagU*.  The  votes  of  tlie  Comitia  if  he  were  put  on 
Ills  trial  before  them.  They  still  acted  as  a  Court  of  Criminal 
Judicature,  in  which  the  Courts  for  the  qnaatioues  perpetuce 
afterwards  took  their  place. 

P.  122,  §  4.  turba,  *  from  the  throng.'  Digni tales  =  men 
of  eminence,  an  abstr.  for  concr.,  is  the  reading  of  many  MSS. 
but  regarded  as  proritm  barbarum  by  Madvig,  though  Cicero 
Sext.  51. 109  UBBB  honestates  thus,  utra causa  popularis...in  qua 


NOTES.     XXIT.  c.  XL.  §  4— c.  xi.i.  §  7. 


2b] 


omiw  honestntea  civitatis,  omnrs  <Btatcs,  omncs  ordincs  una 
con^entiunt.  The  earUer  commentators  corrected  the  passage  to 
turha  qnam  du/uitate  conspcctior,  but  with  little  authority. 

^  5.    propius  H.     Cf.  j?.  pericidum  xxi.  1.  2. 
robur  vWum  also  used  xxvii.  46.  2,  as  rohora  virorvm  xxii. 
6.  2. 

M.  Atilium.    Yet  Polyb.  iii.  IIC  makes  him  fall  at  Caimffi. 

§  8.  superabat.  Used  absolutely  for  supercsse,  as  49.  5 
paiicos  superantcs. 

ne  Q.  quicquam  rellqui.  •  There  was  nothing  left.'  The 
part.  gen.  of  this  kind  is  frequently  used  by  Livy  as  xxi.  4.  9 
niliil  veri,  nihil  sancti. 

§9     supereaset...p.  fuerit.    The  second  verb  is  used  in 
pregnant  sense  'was  ready  and  would  have  been  earned  out. 
(W.) 

c.xLi.  §  1.  ex  praeparato.  Abstr.  use  of  part.  pass. 
•  after  preparation.' 

orto  agrees  with  proelio,  and  is  explained  by  procursu  and 
tussu. 

§2.  Ad...septlngentl.  The  prepositional constr.  of  ad  has 
been  lost  sight  of  from  its  colloquial  use  for  fere,  as  iv.  59.  9, 
adduo  millia  et  quingenti  vivi  capiuntvr.  Yet  in  50. 11,  ad  .sex- 
centoa  evasernnt. 

altemls.  Pol.  in.  110  5ia  t6  wapd  fiiav  ck  rQ>v  iOiafxQv 
iiiTaX(iy.^ivHv  ttju  dpxriv  toOs  uTrdrous.  This  was  in  accordance 
with  the  early  custom,  afterwards  dropped,  that  m  civil  juris- 
diction each  should  have  supreme  authority  by  turns  and  that 
as  a  symbol  of  this  the  fasces  should  be  borne  by  the  lictors 
before  one  only  at  a  time.  Cf.  Cic.  de  Eep.  ii.  31.  55  (PophcolaJ 
instituit  primus,  vt  singulis  consulibns  altcrnis  rnensibm  lic- 
toresprairent.  So  Livy  in.  33.  6,  co  die  penes  prccfectum  juru 
fasces  duodecim  erant.  J.  Caesar  re-introduced  the  old  for- 
mality. Cf.  Suet.  C»s.  20,  antiquum  retulit  morem,  ut  quo 
memc  fasces  non  habcret,  accemus  ante  cum  iret,  lictores  pone 
sequerentur. 

§  4.  Inescatam.  Esca  is  derived  from  the  root  -ed  ledere, 
esum),  like  posca  from  po-  (drink),  pascua  from  ^ja-  (feed), 
fascinus  horn  fa-  (speak,  or  recite  charms),  Corssen  ii.  267. 

P  123  §  7.  mediam  is  a  correction  of  Madvig  for  the 
common  reading  medium  agmen  which  is  awkward  m  agree- 
ment with    impedimenta,  especially  as  there  was  no  otlier 


1] 


I J 


r! 


288    NOTES.     XXil.  c.  xli.  §  9-a  xui.  §  12. 

agmen,  the  army  being  beliind  the  biUs.    The  best  MS.  has 
medium  anmem. 

§  9.    As  W.  remarks,  only  faUa  imagine  is  referred  to  in 
the  iicut  F.  as  all  the  other  circumstances  were  different. 

c.  XLii.  §  2.  prsetorla.  Each  consnl  had  his  own  presto- 
Hum  when  the  two  consular  armies  were  combined. 

§  3.    imu8  t.  mil.    •  Any  common  soldier.* 

§  4.  Statilius  was  himself  a  Lucauian,  cf.  43.  7,  though 
officera  of  the  aUied  contingents  were  often  Komans. 

prafectum.  A  title  specially  used  for  a  cavahy  officer, 
prafectus  turma. 

P.  124,  §  8.  pulll,  referring  to  the  aunpicia  ex  tripudiis. 
The  puUi  were  kept  in  every  camp,  and  fed  before  the  battle ; 
if  any  food  fell  from  their  mouths  to  tlie  ground  it  was  a 
favourable  sign  {tripudium  mlutimum).  This  could  easily  be 
arranged  by  the  pullanus,  who  could  starve  the  chickens  to 
make  them  feed  greedily.  Cf.  Cic.  de  Div.  ii.  35.  73,  imlum 
tn  eayea  et  enecta  fame  si  in  of  am  pultis  invadit^  et  si  aliquid 
ex  ejus  ore  cecidit,  hoc  tu  auspicium...putas, 

ausplclo  has  been  variously  explained  as  an  lustrum,  abl. 
or  as  =  tn  awtpicio,  as  ludis  '  at  the  games,*  is  used  il  36.  1  and 
comitiis  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  32,  but  the  latter  explanation  seems  too 
bold. 

addlcere  is  the  technical  term  for  •  sanction '  of  magistrates 
as  well  as  of  auspicia.    Cf.  i.  36.  3,  nisi  aves  addixissent. 

The  supreme  right  of  taking  the  mispicia  (spectio)  belonged 
to  Varro  who  held  the  imperium  for  the  day,  and  Paulus  had 
only  the  auspicia  minora.  In  later  times  the  higher  magis- 
trate  could  forbid  a  lower  to  note  any  signs  at  a  time  when  he 
wished  to  act  himself  {ne  quis  magistratus  minor  de  cmlo  ser- 
vasse  velit),  and  there  could  be  no  such  collision  as  in  the 
present  case  by  what  was  called  obnuntiatio  or  report  of 
unlucky  omens  to  stop  proceedings. 

§  9.  Claudll  cona.  clades.  The  defeat  of  P.  Claudius 
Pulcher  m  b.c.  248  of!  Drepanum.  Cf.  Liv.  Epit.  xix.  jitms 
mergi  puUis  qui  cibari  nolebant. 

S  12.  impezll  potentes.  *  Kegained  their  authority,'  as 
IS?  1.  13.  8  met  potens. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XLiii.  §  1— c.  XLiv.  §  3.     289 

c.  XLIII.  §  1.  magls  Inconsulte...  'Had  rather  started 
imprudently  than  allowed  their  rashness  to  carry  them  to 
extreme  lengths.' 

P.  125,  §  3.  annonam.  Here,  as  often,  for  '  scarcity  of 
food.'    Cf.  II.  51.  3,  super  bellum  annona  premente. 

§  5.  In  caUdlora.  That  is,  from  the  colder  highlands 
about  Gereonium  to  the  milder  plains  near  the  coast  further 
south.  Pol.  III.  107  represents  his  break-up  from  his  winter- 
quarters  as  taking  place  before  the  consuls  left  Rome. 

§  9.  maiorls  partis,  i.e.  of  the  council  of  war  consisting  of 
the  legati,  tribuni,  pnefecti. 

Cannas.  Polyb.  calls  it  Canna,  and  represents  the  town 
itself  as  destroyed  in  the  year  before,  but  the  citadel  and 
Roman  magazines  as  falling  into  Hannibal's  hands  shortly 
before  the  lust  elections. 

urgente  fato.  A  favourite  phrase  with  Livy,  v.  22.  5  and 
3G.  4. 

§  10.  Vultumo.  Gorssen  derives  this  name  for  wind  and 
river  from  the  root  of  vultur,  convellere,  vulnus,  ii.  157.  W. 
quotes  Aul.  Gell.  ii.  22.  10,  eum  (Vulturnum)  plerique  Grcec'i 
quod  inter  notum  et  eurum  sit  ei/pdvorou  appellant.  Now  known 
as  the  Sirocco.    Hannibal's  camp  therefore  faced  north-west 

slccitate.     Cf.   Hor.  Carm.  in.   30.  11, 
Daunus  agrestium  \  regnavit  populorum. 

P.  126,  c.  XLIV.  §  1.    quo  ad  Qer.     C.  40.  5. 

§  2.  Aufldus.  Polyb.  speaks  of  this  river  as  being  the 
only  one  which  flows  through  the  mountain  barrier  of  the 
Apennines.  It  does  not  however  rise  on  the  western  slope  as 
he  thought.  Horace,  who  was  born  upon  its  banks,  celebrates 
its  force  and  noise,  qua  violens  obstrepit  Aujidus,  Carm.  m.  30. 
10.  Corssen  connects  the  name  with  Ufens,  uber,  ovdap,  from 
the  root  ud/i  =  fruitful,  i.  151. 

ex  sua  cuiusque  opp.  'As  their  respective  positions  al- 
lowed.' 

§  3.  ex  mlnorlbus.  Pol.  iii.  110  says  that  two-thirds  of 
the  axmy  were  on  one  side,  and  one-third  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river  to  the  east,  about  10  stadia  distant  from  each  other, 
and  rather  more  from  the  enemy. 

ulterior.    That  is  opposite  to  the  smaller  camp. 
C.  L.  19 


qua  pauper  aqu^ 


3'i 


290    NOTES.     XXn.  c.  xliv.  §  4— c.  xlv.  §  7. 

§  4.  lacessit.  According  to  Polyb.  he  had  attacked  the 
Bomaua  oo  tlie  march,  but  liia  cavalry  had  been  after  a  time 
beaten  off  by  the  infantry. 

§  5.  exemplum  Fablum.  For  this  apposition  cf.  viii.  35. 
7,  in  oculis  exemplum  erat  Q.  Fabim  M.  Valerio  legato. 

§  6.  usu  ceplsset.  W.  remarks  that  by  the  12  tables  2 
years'  uncontested  possession  gave  a  title  to  property,  and  that 
H.  has  been  that  time  in  Italy.  So  i.  46.  1,  Serrius  quunqnam 
iam  1M11  haml  duhie  regnum  possederat. 

86  constrlctum.     •  His  hands  were  tied.' 

c.  XLV.  §  1.  ad  multum  dlel.  'Up  to  late  in  the  day,' 
m  62.  1.    Cf.  note  on  xxi.  33.  7. 

§  2.  trans  flumen.  Hannibal's  camp  was  on  the  same 
side  of  the  river  as  the  greater  Roman  camp,  and  opposite  to 
it,  but  further  to  the  left  was  the  smaller,  v.  44.  3.  Polybius 
had  explained  this  more  definitely,  as  also  the  freedom  enjoyed 
by  the  latter  from  attack  when  drawing  water. 

P.  127,  §  4.  auxilio.  The  Numidians  were  to  Carthage 
what  the  foreign  contingents,  mixilia,  were  to  Rome. 

§  5.  Bors  Imp.  The  alternation  of  command  was  regular 
from  day  to  day,  but  son  implies  the  chance  of  the  battle 
falling  on  that  day. 

niMi  consulto.  For  this  use  of  nihil  as  a  simple  negative 
of.  IV.  33.  5,  ea  species  nihil  terruit  equoi^  iv.  9.  9,  nihil  Romaua 
plebU  similis.     So  nonnihil  and  quid/iuam. 

glgnam,  i  e.  pugna.     According  to  Plutarch  x*'"*!"'  K6KKim 

§  7.  pedltes,  i.e.  sociorum.  Polyb.,  who  agrees  closely 
with  Livy,  adds  here  a  detail  of  importance,  that  the  infantry 
was  drawn  up  in  much  greater  depth  of  ranks  than  usual. 
Both  writers  state  that  the  Roman  line  faced  southwards,  cf. 
46.  8,  and  imply  that  the  Roman  army  wss  drawn  up  before 
the  Carthagiuiaua  crossed,  but  neither  says  definitely  whether 
the  battle  was  on  the  right  or  left  bank.  But  it  would  have 
been  absurd  for  the  Romans  to  make  their  Ime  of  battle  face 
to  the  south,  with  their  right  resting  on  the  river,  if  the  enemy 
was  still  on  the  opposite  bank,  or  behind  them,  as  he  would 
have  been,  assuming  that  he  was  encamped  on  the  left  bank. 
The  battle  no  doubt  took  place  on  the  left  bank,  and  the 
Roman  lines  were  probably  drawn  across  the  chord  of  the  arc 
formed  by  the  river  opposite  Canme.  This  agrees  also  with 
what  i&  implied  as  to  the  position  of  the  Carthaginian  camp, 


NOTES.     XXTT.  c.  xlv.  §  7— c.  ilvii.  §  6.     291 

arersa  a  Vulturno,  43.  10,  i.e.  on  the  right  bank,  with  its  chief 
outlets  facing  the  enemy  and  the  north. 

§  8.  media  pugna  t.  Equivalent  to  the  media  acies 
tuenda  of  in.  70.  2. 

c.  xLvi.  §  1.  ut  quosque...  Polyb.  says  that  he  crossed  in 
two  places;  the  passage  means  that  the  various  bodies  took 
up  their  places  in  line  where  they  crossed. 

§  3.  utraque  comua.  Referring  only  to  tlie  infantry,  not 
to  the  whole  line  of  battle. 

§4.  et...ceterum...  '  partly,'...' but  especially.'  So  xxi. 
18.4. 

§  5.    dispares  ac  diss.     '  Differing  in  use  and  shape.' 

P.  128,  §  9.  ventua.  Cf.  43.  11.  As  W.  remarks,  Livy  and 
Polyb.  ignore  the  story  told  by  Zonaras  (after  Dion  Cassius) 
that  Hannibal  had  the  ground  behind  ploughed  up  to  hicrease 
the  dust.  Frontinus  tells  the  like  of  Marius.  Strateg.  ii.  in- 
commodum  aliud  subjecit,  ita  ordinata  suorum  acie,  ut  adverso 
sole  et  vento  et  pulvere  barbarorum  occuparetur  acies.  Appian 
Bell.  Hann.  17  reckons  up  four  devices  of  H.  which  helped 
to  gain  the  victory,  the  securing  the  wind  at  his  back,  the 
treachery  of  the  deserters,  simulated  flight,  and  ambuscades. 

c.  XLvii.  §  2.  nullo  relicto  spatlo.  As  the  Romans  were 
much  weaker  in  cavalry,  it  is  probable  that  the  arrangements 
on  the  battle-field  had  this  specially  in  view. 

§  3.  nitentee  has  no  regular  construction,  as  the  vir  which 
is  in  apposition  with  it  takes  a  sing,  detrahebat.  Fabri  com- 
pares XXV.  19.  6,  consules...diversi,  Fulvius  in  agruni  Cumanum, 
Claudius  in  Lucanos  abit. 

§  4.  par,  dum.  This  reading  is  due  to  a  very  acute 
fiaggestion  of  Madvig,  in  place  of  the  animis  parum  constabant 
of  the  best  MSS.  which  like  the  pares  of  other  MSS.  gives 
little  meaning. 

constabant.     'Were  unbroken.' 

§  5.     dlu.    Polyb.  says  iwl  ppaxO. 

acie  densa.  As  above  explained,  the  Roman  ranks  were 
much  deeper  than  usual.    Polyb.  iii.  113. 

P.  129.  a  cetera  prominentem.  Polyb.  explains  this 
niuch  more  clearly  before  his  description  of  the  battle,  when 
he  says  that  Hannibal  drew  up  some  of  the  Celts  and  Iberians 

19—2 


292    NOTESt.    XXTT.  c.  xlvii.  §  5—0.  xlviii.  ^  5. 

in  front  of  hie  line  firivotidis  womv  t6  KJ^prufjui,  wishing  to  keep 
the  Africans  in  reserve  for  a  while,  wpoKivSeOffat  8e  toTs  "Jfirji.m 
KoX  KcXrots. 

§  6.  TObBidia,  i.  e.  not '  the  reserves  '  in  the  ordinary  sense, 
as  they  constituted  the  main  line,  though  they  were  kept  back 
for  a  time,  i<f>€Sp€lat  rd^iv,  Pol. 

§  7.  reductlB  alii.  As  compared  with  the  ranks  of  Celts, 
&c.  on  whose  retiring  the  line  was  again  level,  *  aquavit 
frontem,* 

§  8.    cornua  f.     *  Overlapped.' 

§  10.  fesal  CTiin  rec.  This  would  imply,  as  W.  remarks, 
that  all  three  lines  of  hmtati,  principes,  triarii  had  been 
already  brought  into  action, 

recentibus  ac  vegetls.  Recens  applies  to  tlie  strength, 
vegetm  to  the  spiriU  of  the  troops.    Diiderleiu. 

c.  XLVIII.  §  1.  soclorum  eq.  These  were  more  numerous 
than  the  Boman  cavahry.    Cf.  36.  3. 

§4.  teicm  ao  popUtea.  €1  Hor.  Carm.  in.  2.  15,  mc 
pixrcit  imbelltB  iuventce  \  poplitibm  timidoque  tergo.  Fopkx  is 
connected  by  Corssen  ii.  209  with  pellere,  pulex,  vdWeiv. 

P.  130,  §  5.    aUbl... alibi,  i.  e.  on  the  right... in  the  centre. 

Hasdnibal  was  in  command  on  the  left  wing,  and  Liv>'  has 
not  explicitly  stated  anything  about  hun  since  the  Roman 
cavalry  was  routed.  Folybius  says  that  he  galloped  to  support 
the  Numidians  on  the  right,  and  sent  them  to  pursue  the 
allied  cavalry,  who  gave  way  at  his  approach,  while  he  himself 
charged  the  Romans  in  the  centre.  Livy  has  omitted  some 
details,  or  they  have  dropped  out  of  his  text. 

•a  parte  praeerat  probably  means  that  Hasdrubal,  as  the 
highest  in  command,  gave  general  orders  to  the  whole  cavalry 
when  he  arrived  on  the  right  wing.  This  is  impHed  m 
Polybius. 

■ubductos  ex  media  ado  N.  They  were  posted  on  the  right, 
but  may  have  wheeled  round  on  the  centre,  when  tlie  cavalry 
of  tlie  allies  retired  before  the  charge  of  Hasdrubal.  But  the 
words  are  awkward  and  there  may  be  some  disturbance  of  the 
text.  On  the  whole  we  must  own  that  if  Livy  wrote  this 
chapter  as  we  find  it,  he  had  no  clear  idea  of  the  battle  or 
failed  to  convey  it  to  his  readers.  Polybius  is  entirely  ex- 
pUcit. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  XLVIII.  §  5— c.  xlix.  §  14.    293 

segnla.  Pol.  says  ixiya  fiiv  oCt  iirolovv  oid^v  o6t'  ^iradov  dia, 
rrjj'  ISiorvra  TTjs  fj-dxv^-  They  were  not  used  to  fight  at  such 
close  quarters. 

c.  xLix.  §  1.  Parte  altera.  Polyb.  says  that  Paulus  after 
tlie  rout  of  his  cavalry  on  the  left  wing  rode  up  to  the  centre. 
Tliis  is  implied  but  not  expressed  in  Livy's  occurrit...Han- 
nibali. 

§  2.  equitibus  B.  Probably  his  body-guard,  or  'prcetoriam  * 
in  later  language. 

§  3.  renuntiantl.  Much  more  usual  than  the  denuntianti 
of  most  MSS. 

Quam  mallem.^  More  definitely  expressed  in  Plutarch 
TOiiTo  txaXKov  ijldov\6fxr]u,  rj  d  deSefiivovs  irapiXa^ov.  The  Latin 
version  only  implies  that  the  dismounting  must  lead  to  their 
being  taken,  and  that  Hannibal  wished  that  the  inevitable  end 
were  come. 

§  i.  quale  iam.  '  Such  as  might  be  expected  seeing  that  the 
enemies'  victory  was  certain.'  For  the  elliptical  use  of  quale 
cf.  III.  62.  6,  prmlium  fuit  quale  inter  Jidentes  sibimet  ambo 
cxercitm,  i.  e.  tale  quale  esse  debuit. 

mori  in  vestiglo.     •  Die  where  they  stood.*    Cf.  xxi.  35.  12. 

§  5.  Pepulenint.  •  But  at  length  they  drove  off  the  shat- 
tered remnant,'  nuperare  for  superesse,  as  40.  8. 

§  6.  pratervehens.  *  As  he  was  riding  by.'  More  com- 
monlynsed  in  the  passive,  but  the  want  of  a  pres.  passive 
participle  may  explain  the  former. 

§  9.  macte  virtute.  This  phrase  is  often  used  by  Livy  and 
even  vii.  36.  4  with  a  plural,  and  ii.  12. 14  after  a  ve'rb,fM6erm 
nuKtc  virtute  esse.  Priscian  v.  de  figuris  says  nuicte,  id  est, 
magis  aucte ;  antiqui  Uimcn  et  mactus  dicebant.  Cuitius  p.  148 
connects  it  with  fxaKap,  fiaKpos,  fiijKos. 

P.  131,  §  11.  e  consulatu,  i.  e.  a  charge  that  grew  out  of 
hiB  acts  as  Consul. 

§  13.  castra.  Nothing  is  said  of  their  crossing  the  river, 
wiucli  flowed  between  the  camp,  but  that  is  an  omission  which 
18  to  be  met  equally  in  every  description  of  the  scene. 

§  14.  Venusiam.  A  Roman  colony  on  the  borders  of 
Apuha  where  Horace  was  born.    Cf.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  1.  34 : 

Seqmr  hunc  Lnranvs  an  Appulits  anceps,  I  warn  Venmi- 
nm  arat  finem  sub  utrumquc  colonus. 


i 


294       NOTES.     XXll.  c.  lux.  §  15— c.  l.  §  6. 
f  15.    Quadraglnta.     Pol.  says  about  70,000  in  all. 

tamta  is  scarcely  possible  without  anything  to  balauce  it. 
Oronovius  suggested  aqua  and  Madvig  rata.  The  socn  were 
in  greater  numbers  on  the  field,  and  more  of  them  may  have 
fallen. 

8  16  coniulareB  q.  i.e.  of  the  tnbuni  mi7itum,  whose  rank 
is  included  in  the  different  orders  of  consular  offices.  Ser- 
Tilius  was  tribune,  but  also  commander  of  the  centre  as  le- 
ffatm, 

S  17  magistratus  .  unde  In  senatum.  The  rule  was  deter- 
mined by  the  Lex  Ovinia  qua  sanctum  est  ut  cemores  ex  omnx 
ordim  optimum  quemque  iurati  in  senatum  Ugerent.  rheordina 
in  question  were  doubtless  the  different  orders  of  the  mugis- 
tracies,  commonly  thought  to  be  curule  offices  only.  But  these 
would  not  have  been  numerous  enough  to  fall  up  the  vacimcies 
that  would  occur,  and  the  Ovinian  law  was  passed  by  !i  tribune, 
and  probably  extended  the  right  to  the  plebeian  magistracies 
Cf.  WiUems  Stoat,  p.  188.  Accordingly  the  dictator  entrusted 
with  the  kctio  senatus  in  xiiii.  23  put  on  the  hst  farst  those 
who  had  lately  held  curule  office,  then  exiediles.  extribunes  aud 
«iqnjB.-itor«,  and  alter  them  distinguished  soldiers. 

mm  TOluntate.  As  volunteers,  though  free  from  military 
service  after  holding  office. 

c.  L.  §  1.    Allensl  cladl.     The  battle  of  the  AUa,  390  b.c 
which  was  commemorated  by  a  dies  ater  m  tlie  calendar,  left 
Borne  at  the  mercy  of  the  Gauls,  who  occupied  all  but  the 
Capitol 

P.  132,  §  3.  Figa  ad  AUam.  Cf.  xm.  15.  6,  pugna  ad 
Trebiam. 

morlentis  fnlt.  •  Shared  the  fate  of.'  Cf.  xxiii.  14.  7,  pleU 
novarum  rerum  atque  Hannihalis  tota  esse,  and  xxi.  11.  1. 
Most  of  the  MSS.  have  jugit.  Gronovius  proposed  altenm 
mortem  prope  totm  exercitm  luit,  referring  to  quem  umm 
imontem  eladis  49.  7. 

§4  qui  In  mal.  Another  reason  for  believing  the  larger- 
camp  to  be  on  the  right  bank,  as  W.  remarks,  since  the  siir 
fivors  would  make  theur  way  thence  more  easily  to  Canusium. 

mittunt,  i.  e.  to  the  smaller  camp. 

§  5.  cur...non  venire.  For  the  coustr.  cf.  xxi.  30.  9. 
militi... quid  invium . . . eue. 

§  G.     »8tlmarl  cap.     '  Have  a  price  set  upou  your  heads.' 


^OTES.     XXII.  c.  L.  §  6— c.  LI.  §  4.       295 

dvls  an  Latinus.  Cf.  the  different  treatment  described  in 
7.5. 

Latinus  eocius.  Livy  more  commonly  distinguishes  the 
socii  or  Italians  generally  from  the  Latins,  as  socios  I  jLti- 
numque  nomen,  57.  10,  or  uses  socii  alone  if  no  precise  state- 
ment is  needed.  W.  suggests  that  the  two  terms  may  be  used 
by  asyndeton  like  patres  conscripti,  but  it  is  very  unUkely,  as 
there  is  no  frequent  usage  to  account  for  it. 

§  7.  elves.  Less  usual  for  •  fellow-citizens,'  as  xxi.  13.  1, 
si  eivis  vester  Alco.  Mark  the  rapid  change  from  mavultis  to 
tu  and  estig. 

§  9.    quamvls  qualifies  confcrtos, 

§  10.  H»c  ubl...  An  hexameter  and  a  half  have  here 
slipped  into  the  prose  text.  The  vigorous  rhetoric  of  the 
passage  partly  accounts  for  the  oversight.  Cf.  note  on  xxi. 
9.3. 

P.  133,  §  11.  translatlB  in  d.  This  seems  to  be  borrowed 
from  Caelius  according  to  a  fragment  preserved  in  Priscian, 
III.  22,  Ca;lius  in  primo  historiarum  *  dcxtimos  in  dextris  scuta 
jubet  habere. ' 

ad  sexcentos.  Yet  often  we  have  the  nom.  with  ad  in  the 
sense  oifere  as  above,  41.  2  and  54.  1. 

c.  LI.  §  1.  beUo.  '  As  if  the  war  itself,  not  the  battle 
alone,  were  ended. '  (W.)  This  is  probably  too  farfetched,  as 
bellum  is  used  elsewhere  in  L.  for  pugna ^  cf .  xxi.  8.  2. 

§  2.  According  to  Aul.  Gell.  x.  24  and  Macrobiua  i.  4,  the 
same  story  occurred  both  in  Cato  and  Cselius  in  nearly  the 
same  form.  Die  quinto  Roma:  in  Capitolium  curabo  tibi  eena 
sit  cocta.    It  was  probably  taken  by  Livy  directly  from  CsBlius. 

§  3.    nimis  tota.    Cf.  40.  1. 

quam  ut  earn...  Possibly  to  avoid  the  awkwardness  of 
quam  qiiam.  Cf.  ix.  9.  8,  somnio  Icetiore  quam  quod  mentes 
eorum  capessere  possent. 

temporla  opna  esse.  For  this  constr.  cf.  xxiii.  21.  5,  quanti 
argenti  opus  fuit.  The  commoner  constructions  are  with  abl. 
as  duce  opus  est,  muturato  opus  est,  or  nom.  as  non  dux  opus 
est,  or  inf.  as  quid  opus  est  dicere. 

§  4.    Non  omnia,  &c.     For  the  sentiment  cf.  Eurip.  Khesun 

105,  aXX'  ov  yhp  avros  vavr  Mffraadai  ftpOTciv  iri<pvK€v |  <roi 

fiif  /mxfa^at,  rots  5^  /Joi/Xet'fii'  Ka\w. 


.1 


396      NOTE:s,     XXII.  c.  LI.  §  4— c.  lii.  §  5. 

mti  nescis...  This  was  a  stock  question  in  the  schools  of 
rhetoric  of  later  times,  an  petal  urbem  |  a  Cannis..  Juv.  vii. 
162.  Hannibal  was  too  far  off  to  take  Ilome  by  a  coup  tk 
main.  Its  population  contained  as  many  soldiers  as  his  army, 
and  he  had  no  siege  train.  It  would  have  been  useless  there- 
fore for  him  to  march  on  Kome  in  the  hope  of  speedy  capture. 

§  6.  exeunt...  A  suggestion  of  Madvig  for  iiisistmt, 
wliich  is  not  known  to  be  used  in  such  a  connection  as  with 
ad^  and  the  gerundive. 

§  6.    stricta,  i.e.  smarting  as  they  closed. 

P.  134,  ^  ^-  substratus.  The  best  MSS.  read  snbtracta.^ 
which  represents  the  effort  to  rescue  the  survivor. 

vlTua.     '  Living  indeed,  but  Ac' 

Note  the  repeated  ablatives.  La n fa «(/<;... explanatory  ol 
raUem. 

exsplrasaet..    Of  the  Roman. 

e.  LH.  §  1.  brachio  obi.  •  Threw  up  a  line  of  earthworks 
and  cut  them  off  from  the  water,'  59.  5,  quum  aqua  arceremur. 
Cf.  IV.  'J.  14,  and  Hist.  Bell.  Hisp.  v.,  ut  eum  ah  oppido  com- 
meatuque  excluderei  brachium  ad  pontem  duccre  arpit. 

§  2.  trecenis.  Most  MSS.  have  tricenis,  or  30  only,  as  in 
Hor.  Carm.  ii.  14.  5,  non  si  treccnis,  quotquot  etint  dies,  Ac. 

quadrigatlB.  Cf.  Pliny  N.  H.  33.  3.  43,  Eannibalc  uruente 
andci  unciali'ti  facti,  phcnitque  denarium  udccim  assibus  per- 
mutari....  In  militafi  tamen  stipendio  semper  denarius  pro 
decern  assibm  datUM  est.  Nota:  argenti  fuere  bigm  atque  qua- 
driga ;  inde  bigati  quadrigatique  dirti.  The  nummtis  quadri- 
gatus  was  used  as  an  equivalent  of  the  denariits,  though  Li^ 
employs  the  term  proleptically,  for  in  dealings  with  Carthage 
the  standard  of  weight  was  doubtless  adopted,  Mommsen  Bom. 
Mtinzw.  343. 

§  3.  eeorsum.  As  before  to  tempt  the  fidelity  of  the  socii 
by  different  treatment. 

§4.  ca8tra...tradlta.  This  is  different  from  the  account 
of  Polybius,  in.  117,  who  says  that  10,000  were  left  in  it  to 
attack  the  camp  of  Hannibal,  which  they  had  almost  suc- 
ceeded in  taking  when  they  were  themselves  surprised  by  the 
victorious  Carthaginians,  and  their  own  camp  immediately 
taken. 

§  5.  plurlmum  In  phaleria.  Cf.  Juv.  xi.  102,  magnorum 
artificum  frangebat  pocula  miles  |  ut  pfiakris  gauderet  equus...  \ 
argenti  quod  erat  solU  fulgebat  in  annin. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  LII.  §  5— c.  liv.  §  2. 


297 


ad  vescendum.  Cf .  the  prohibition  of  silver  plate  by 
Sciuio  at  Numautia,  dp-^vpovv  iK-rnatxa  fxrj  ix^tu  irXfop  SikotvXov, 
Pnlvffin  viii.  16,  and  Spartian  Pescenn.  x.  cum  viihtes  quosdam 
inrnnc^  arqenteo  bibere  vidisset,  jmserit  omne  argentnm  swRmo- 
wW  (i«  twi/^'a^p^ditionaii,  addito  eo,  ut  ligneis  vasts  uterentur. 

omnis  cetera.  Fabri  notes  that  this  is  the  only  passage  in 
v'hich  Uxy  puts  these  words  m  this  order,  cf.  20.  6,  vii.  35. 1. 
Cicero  however  twice  has  omnium  ceterarum,  De  I  in.  v.  20, 
and  Orat.  ii.  17. 

§  7.  Apula  is  the  correction  of  Lipsius  for  the  meaning- 
less Patda  of  the  MSS. 

P  135,  c.  Liii.  §  5.  ad  regum  al.,  i.e.  to  become  soldiers 
of  fortune 'in  the  service  of  a  foreign  prince. 

§  C.    torpldos.     Cf.  note  on  xxi.  33.  3. 

conBilium.     *  Council  of  war.' 

fatallB.  'Predestined.'  So  v.  19.  1,  cf.  Camillus  fatalis  dux 
ad  excidium  iUius  urbis. 

8  7  alt.  Grouovius  wished  to  expunge  this,  as  Livy  more 
commonly  omits  the  affirmative  verb,  which  he  supplies  from 
the  negative,  as  in  i.  57.  4,  CoUatinm  negat  verbis  opus  esse, 
paucis  id  quidem  horis  posse  sciri. 

Trent.  The  change  from  tlie  present  to  tlie  past  is  very 
sudden. 

§  9.  concilium,  as  distinguished  from  consilium  in  s.  6, 
*  a  private  meeting.' 

§10.  Ex  mei  animi  s....  This  is  a  common  formula  of 
a  solemn  oath,  with  the  ellipse  of  juro  before  the  ut,  as  m  the 
hiscription,  Ex  mei  animi  senteiUia  ut  ego  its  irnmiciis  eroquos 
C.  Ceesari  Germanico  inimicos  esse  cognovero.  Cf.  Cic.  Off.  iii. 
2'»,  non  cnimfalsumjurare  perjurare  est,  sed  quod  ex  ammi  tui 
sententia  juraris  [sicut  verbis  concipitur  more  nostro)  id  non 
facer c  perjurium  est. 

§  11.  Bi  Bciens  fallo....  As  in  the  Or.  obliq.  xxi.  45.  8,  «i 
fallcret  Jovem  catcrosque  precatus  Deos,  ita  se  mactarent.  This 
form  is  also  illustrated  m  the  Inscriptions,  as  usual  in  impres- 
sive cases. 

P.  136.  afflciaa.  Cicero  rarely  uses  the  second  pers.  subj. 
for  the  imperative  when  addressing  a  definite  person,  as  Livy 
and  later  writers  often  do.    Cf.  vi.  12.  9. 

c.  LIT.  §2.   inequites et  pediti.    This  change  of  constr. 

is  repeated  in  xlv.  31.  2,  tanta  prmia  fuit  ut  in  eqmtem  qua- 
dringeni  denarii,  peditibus  duceni  dividerentur. 


4 
II 


A  favourite  phrase  of  Livy  for  •  totally 


298      NOTES.     XXll.  o.  liv.  §  2-c.  lv.  §  6. 

togas  et  tunicas.    Cf.  xxix.  36.  2,  vestimenta  exercitui  de.. 

<'''f«' ^^^^  ducent(B  toff<B...et  duodecim  millia   tunicarum 

missa.  These  were  probably  intended  for  winter  clothing  and 
m  the  camp.  They  are  only  specified  here  for  the  equites 
whose  pay  was  usually  three  times  as  much  as  that  of  the 
pedttes.  The  larger  number  of  tunica  in  the  passage  quoted 
corresponds  to  the  more  frequent  use  of  that  dress  by  the  lower 
orders  of  Rome. 

§  4.  et  lam.  The  conjunction  et  has  here  an  explanatory 
emphasis.  '' 

§  7.    ocddlone  occ. 
destroyed.' 

P.  137|  §  8.  edlssertando.  Equivalent  to  si  edissertavero. 
Ihe  word  is  an  unusual  one  except  in  Plautus,  as  Stich.  ii.  1. 

'     'iri^^^  ^^  '°°^  °^  frequentatives,  and  the  disserendo  of 
some  MSS.  is  more  likely  a  later  variation. 

§  9.  nuntlabantur  nee  uUa. . . esse.  A  change  of  construction 
from  the  Or.  dir.  to  the  Or.  obi.  which  is  quite  in  Livy's  style 
m  rhetorical  passages. 

§  11.  Compares  scilicet  The  best  MS.  has  comparcsset, 
which  suggested  the  present  reading  to  Madvig. 

?ectlgale8  ac  atlp.    Cf.  note  on  xxi.  41.  7. 

c.  LV.  §  1.  curiam  Hostlllam.  The  senate- house  by  the 
l-orum  ascribed  to  Tullus  Hostilius.  Cf.  i.  30.  2,  temphm 
ordint  ab  se  aucto  curiam  fecit,  qua  Hostilia  usque  ad  patrum 
nostrum  atatem  oppellata  est, 

^  %  2.  neque  dubitabant...veaturum.  This  use  of  non  duUto 
-^'1  do  not  doubt  that'  with  the  inf.  is  scarcely  found  in 
Cicero,  who  always  uses  quin,  unless  perhaps  in  Ep.  ad  Att. 
TO.  1,  but  it  is  common  in  Livy. 

§3.  nondum  palamfacto,  i.  e.  qui  vivi  mortuique  essent. 
lAvy  often  uses  the  abl  abs.  of  the  past  part,  without  a  sub- 
stantive  mpermisso,  edicto,  debellato,  in  cases  where  a  sentence 
18  taken  as  the  subject  to  agree  with  it ;  but  it  is  a  further 
licence,  when  it  is  used  as  here  without  any  such  relation.  Cf. 
Tac.  Ann.  xi.  10.  3,  in  ciyus  amnis  transgressu  multum  certato, 
pervtcit  Bardanes. 

M*.  PJ^o^octo-.-fore,  'surely  there  must  be  some.'  Cf.  i. 
54.  1,  invimm  profecto  superbiam  regiam  civibus  esse,  quam 
ferre  ne  liberi  quidem  potuiment. 

P.  138,  §  6.  Ulud.  Referring  to  the  duties  specified 
below.    CI.  30.  5. 


NOTES.     XXll.  c.  LV.  §  7--C.  lvh.  § 


299 


s  7  auctorem, '  the  informant  who  would  carry  the  tidings 
of ',  &c.  For  tliis  use  of  auctor  cf.  i.  16.  6,  gravis  ut  traditur 
quamvis  magna  rei  auctor, 

c  Lvi  §  1  pedlbus  Issent,  i.  e.  had  voted  without  further 
discussion  Hence  the  senators  who  commonly  gave  a  silent 
vote  or  divided  without  speaking,  were  called  pedant.  "Ihe 
nmcistrate  who  presided  used  the  formula,  qui  hac  sentitis  in 
Znc  partem,  qui  alia  omnia  in  illam  partem  He,  qua  sentitis, 

turn  demum  is  an  emphatic  way  of  introducing  a  con- 
sequent,  after  certain  antecedents  or  conditions  have  been 
specified. 

§  2.    Incompositorum  inord.    Cf.  oO.  8. 

6  3  nundinantem,  '  bargaining,'  a  conjecture  of  Gronovius 
for^the  unmt^oing  nuiMar^em  of  most  MSS.  The  nundina 
Zvm  mna)  seem  to  have  been  at  first  the  ninth  days  be  ore 
he  Sierds,  but  in  later  use  to  have  stood  for  the  beginnmgs 
ni^e^ly' Latin  week  of  eight  days  -1^- the  f^-^  J^^^^ 
into  the  town  to  market.  Varro  de  r.  r.  2  pnef.  1,  r^i^jcrres 
ZnL  ita  diviserunt  ut  nonis  mode  diebus  ^^-^^^^^  ^^• 
parent,  reliquis  vii.  ut  rura  colerent.  Cf.  Mommsen  Kom. 
Chrou.  254. 

S4  anniversarium  Cereris.  Cf.  Valer.  Max.  i.  1.  15,  «acra 
.X  Graciatramlata,  qua  ob  inventionem  Proserpina  mitrona 
o/«n  The  cMef  festival  of  this  worship  took  place  in  AprU 
bu  as  W.  observes,  this  cannot  weU  be  intended  here  as 
the  battle  of  Canute  was  fought  in  ^^^^f  ;J  '  „f  *.  ?f  ;„^ 
17.  5,  Q,  CUiudim...cladem  pugna  Cannen^is  factam  dicit  ante 

diem  quartum  Nonas  Sextiles. 

nee  lueentibus est  fas.    Cf.  Ovid.  Fast.  iv.  619,  Alba 

dJnf  efrerem:  vestes  Cerealibus  albas  \  sumte  nunc  pulli 
vdZs  JJabest :  so  xxxiv.  6  the  period  of  pubhc  mournmg  is 
Umited  to  thirty  days  for  the  same  cause. 

P.  139  §  8-  aliam,  equivalent  to  ceteram,  as  in  xxi.  27.  6, 
alius  exercitus. 

c  Lvii.  §  1.  M.  Claudlum.  This  Marcellus  had  defeated 
the  Gauls  at  Clastidium  a  few  years  before,  and  was  one  of  the 
Ittt  itd^^^^^^  age;  Pliny  says  of  him  undequadrag^e.^s 

dimicavit. 

§  2.  Vestales.  At  first  four,  afterwards  six,  young  girls  of 
the  bJst  fa^ies  of  the  state  were  P^g^^  to  devote  fch^^^^^^^ 
years  of  unmarried  life  to  the  service  of  the  holy  fi^®  of  Vesta. 
Great  respect  was  uniformly  paid  to  them,  and  at  then:  inter- 


300 


NOTES,     XXII.  c.  LVii.  §§  2~^Q. 


cession  even  criminals  were  pardoned  bnt  flrrn»ir.i««c  a 

was  required  of  them  by  tbeSe  thi  ^ly^^mZnTT 

oot  by  their  neglect,  and  all  their  do^gs  wJre  w^^^^^^ 

rS  ininff  ^^^^i^^emjmto  cultum,  and  when  found  Stv 
of  incontinence  was  buried  alive  ad  vortam  Cnllir,^!^ a.^ 
via  strata  defo^sa  Scelerato  Cam  J  Z7  15  6  Th^nff  u' 
was  several  times  repeated,  but  ft  iimes  the  goddess  scCue'j 
the  penitent  or  justified  the  innocent  by  specifl  portents! 

§  3.    »<^ba    quoB.    The  relative  in  the  plural  imnlies  fl.n 
class  of  scnbes  by  a  constr.  ad  Bynenn,  as  xxvn  11  TinZ^t 

mlnores  pontifices.    Of  this  lower  order  of  pontifices  littl. 

nbr^     T  ""'^  ""*^  discharged  certain  ceremonial  duties  of 

rtrllT ^1  K  '  ""Z  '^T  ''^^  ^^^*^g  ^ff^rings  to  JunoTtbe 
Cuna  Calabra.    Macrob.  i.  16.    Varro's  definition  of  pontifel 

^l^J!^^vVT  *''*^^°***='*^^  ^itli   the  old  wooden  bridge 
toes  Ina  M^el;f  S^'"^''"*"?""  .'^  ^^'  ^'"^"^'^^  '^  ^^^ 

Pinter frn!ri«!;r^"J\fP^^""^^  •*   ^«   ^^°^^  ^"•^••"^    /'««'•'•. 

riutarch  from  sacnhce  to  the  potentes.      Ga^ttlintr  derived   i 
from  pompa  and  Pfund  from  the  Oscan  j^onfiVrw™    tl  o 
pnests  bemg  the  calculators  of  early  ^ietv      Corrsen    m.1 
Curtms  accept  Varro'e  account.  .naloZ:cTpo^':^l\tlt 

del\f  SrcrimJ^al.  "^'^  '"""'"^^^  ^^  "^«  ^-^'*^'  ^^  *^- 

S  «.  Fabltts  Pictor,  the  historian,  for  whom  see  the  Intiod 
The  cognomen  of  the  family  was  derived  fr<,m  a  Fabiul  of 
whom  Pliny  writes.  N.  H.  35.  4.  apud  RomamThonosmL^ 
hue  (pmgendz)  arti  contigit.  Siqvidem  cognomina  ex  eapC 
torum  traxerunt  Fahii  clanssima  gentu :  pnncemam  ens 
cogmmanu  ipse  ^dem  Salutis  pinxit  anno  yroTc^TccccL 

Tat  ^:}t  rwlrtT'  ^^  "^rr  """-"-*•  The~ei'  an 
Ju^n^lll  tiff  ''T'^<  ^'"^«  "'^  ''^  'P'<=^'^  f^ones. 
^rofZl^h.  ''■'^^'-  **  ''''*''^°  Antistius  Labeo  took  to  it 

professionally  m  re$  m  nsu  et  contumelia, 

rdi^  of  tZ,  n^^  ""^  Roman  recognition  of  Delphi  in  the 

reign  of  larquimus  Superbus  i.  56.  5. 

WOTlldla.    Used  in  an  archaic  sense  for  mpplicatimihm. 

tmutuT^^  Romano  aacro.  Yet  the  old  forms  of  devo- 
Uoii  to  the  dn  tmuci  m  illustrated  in  the  story  of  Curtius  and 


mT£S.     XXIT.  c.  LVII.  §  6— c.  lviii.  §  8.    301 

the  Decii,  and  in  the  elaborate  formula  quoted  by  Livy  viii.  9. 
5,  point  to  an  early  sacrifice  of  human  victims.  The  ancient 
usage  of  the  ver  sacrum  has  probably  a  like  bearing.  A  few 
years  before  there  had  been  a  similar  case  in  the  Gallic  war. 
The  language  of  Pliny  implies  that  the  victuns  bore  a  repre- 
sentative character,  as  did  the  Decii  in  their  devotion  for 
Rome.  Pliny  N.  H.  38.  2,  Boarip  cero  in  foro  Grcecum  Gra- 
camque  defossos  aut  aliarurn  gentium^  cum  quibus  turn  res  esset, 
etiam  nostra  atas  vidit. 

P.  140,  §  8-  leglo  tertia.  There  is  probably  some  con- 
fusion here,  as  the  third  legion  seems  to  have  fought  at  Canna), 
cf.  53.  2. 

Teanum  Sid.,  spoken  of  by  Strabo  v.  3.  9  as  command- 
ing the  Via  Latina,  and  the  most  important  town  upon  it  be- 
tween Kome  and  Capua. 

§9.  prsetextatos,  i.e.  boys  not  yet  in  their  seventeenth 
year  when  the  robe  broidered  with  tlie  broad  band  of  purple 
ip-atexta)  was  exchanged  for  the  toga  virilis. 

§  10.  ex  formula,  i.  e.  in  accordance  with  the  special  terms 
of  their  alliance  to  Eome.  Cf.  xxvii.  10.  2  where  eighteen 
colonic  profess  their  readiness  to  send  larger  contingents  than 
they  were  by  law  obliged  to  levy. 

Anna,  tela,  alia.  An  example  of  asyndeton  frequent  in 
business  details. 

§  11.  Bervltiis,  the  abstract  for  the  concrete  servif  of  fie- 
quent  use  in  L. 

vellentne  militare.  Hence  the  name  volones  applied  to 
them :  according  to  Macrobius  i.  11.  30  it  was  not  the  first 
time  they  had  been  used. 

c.  LVIII.  §  2.  slcut  ante  ad  Trebiam.  This  was  not  men- 
tioned by  Livy  at  the  time,  though  in  7.  5  it  was  specified  m 
the  case  of  the  prisoners  at  L.  Trasimene. 

§3.  Et...et...  imply  a  contrast  rather  than  a  mere  con- 
junction. 

P.  141  §  4.  equltl  qulngenoB.  This  was  not  contained 
in  the  stipulations  of  52.  3. 

§  5.  quamcunque.  Often  used  by  Livy  as  here  without  a 
verb. 

§  8.  mlnlme  Romanl.  Cf.  i.  63.  4,  minime  arte  Romana 
fraude  ac  dolo. 


IP 


ii 


i 


302     NOTES,     XXU.  c.  lviii.  §  8~c.  lix.  §  10. 

§  f.    diet.  YtrMi.     'In  the  name  of  the  d.*    Cf.  Cic.  Ep 
ad  Att.  XVI.  11,  Attica  meis  verbii  suavium  des. 

e.  Lii.  I  1.    lenatus.datus  est     Cf.  note  on  xxi,  12.  8. 

Pata-ea  conscrlptl.    The  writers  generally  thought  that  this 
phrase  denoted  the  original  senators  of  patrician  origin  and 
the    later   enrolled    of    plebeian   rank,    thus  Livy  ii.   i.  7, 
[Brutus]  patrum  numerum  primorihint   equeatris  gradus  eCcth 
ad   trecentorum  summam  explevU :    traditumque   inde  fertnr 
ut  in  senatum  vocarentur  qui  patres  quique  comcripti  esseiit 
Servius  ad  .Mn.  i.  426  ascribes   them  to  an  earlier  change 
eonscriptos  qui  post  a  Servio  Tullio  e  plebe  electi  sunt.     Bnt 
it  is  unlikely  that  the  plebs  was  admitted  in  such  early  tiiiks 
to  the  ruling  council,  and  comcribere  is  simply  to  enrol,  as  in 
the  expressions  comcribere   exercitum,   trihttm,  collegia.     It 
is  probable  that  patres  comcripti  meant  only  '  Those  put  upon 
the  roll  of  the  Senate,'  and  so  '  Members  of  the  Senate  '    t'f 
Willems  S6nat.  p.  39. 

P.  142,  §  7.  a  Oallis  auro,  i.  e.  after  the  capture  of  Eome 
B.C.  390. 

patres  vestros,  i.  e.  the  fathers  of  the  senators  before  whom 
the  speech  was  delivered.  It  was  however  more  than  U) 
years  since  the  battle  with  Pyrrhus  near  Heraclea.  Tlie 
senate,  though  filled  with  ex-officials,  was  practically  coufineJ 
to  the  ruling  families  of  Borne. 

§  8.    nee  supersumus  nisi.    •  And  only  those  of  us  survive,' 

§  9.  ne  in  acleq.  fuemnt.  This  is  Madvig'g  correction  of 
the  refugerunt  of  the  MSS.  which  had  been  long  noticed  as 
suspicious  in  connection  with  in  acie.  Perizonius  suggested 
ex  acie.  W.  objects  to  fuerunt  that  Polybius  represents  all 
the  prisoners  as  the  garrison  left  in  the  camp,  but  this  does 
not  seem  very  forcible. 

§  10.  extuUsse.  The  use  of  the  infin.  perfect  with  velle 
is  of  frequent  occurrence,  when  the  result  rather  than  the 
progress  of  the  action  is  to  be  expressed.  The  old  laws  com- 
monly have  it  in  prohibitions,  as  Ne  Baccanal  habuisse  velit, 
so  Horace,  Sat.  11.  3.  187,  ne  quis  humasse  velit  Aiacem  Atride 
vetoi  cur.    Cf.  i.  2.  28,  sunt  qui  nolint  tetigisse     Zumpt,  590. 

ITlorlatl  Bint.  As  the  subj.  of  the  future  perfect,  this  word 
like  extulisse  expresses  the  action  in  a  livelier  form  as  a  com- 
pleted result.  Cf.  XXX.  14.  5,  nulla,.. virtutum... est  qua  ego 
aque  ac  temperantia...gloriatus/uerim. 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  Lix.  §  12— c.  lx.  §  i.      303 

§  12.    nam  si  ellipticaUy.     *  I  compare  our  money  price, 
and  not  our  worth,  for,'  &c. 

P  143  §  !*•    avaJ^or  an  crud.    Cf.  note  on  xxi.  4.  9. 

8  16.  moveat...cemaU8.  The  pres.  is  used  to  represent 
the  scenes  as  pictured  at  the  moment  to  the  fancy. 

§  16.  Intueri.  The  doors  of  the  senate-house  were  left 
open,  while  the  friends  of  the  prisoners  crowded  round. 

§  17.  medlusfidius.  Equivalent  to  •  So  help  me  the  God 
of  Faith,'/dm«  being  connected  vfith  fides,  Jido,  fadus,  as  the 
genius  of  fidelity  in  social  intercourse,  such  as  the  Serrno 
Saneus  was  among  the  Sabines.  Analogous  to  the  formation 
of  the  word  are  forms  like  edepol  =  0  deiis  Pollux. 

Indlgnl  ut.  Less  frequent  than  the  use  of  qui,  but  in 
xxiii  42  13  both  constructions  are  combined.  Si  modo  quos 
ut  socios  haberes  dignos  duxisti,  baud  indignos  iudicas  quos  in 
fidem  receptos  tuearis. 

§18.  Suum  quisque  h.,  i.  e.  'We  may  not  be  all  of  the 
same  spirit,  but  I  for  my  part,'  <Src. 

c  LX.  §  2.  arbltris.  Cf.  i.  41.  3,  Tanaquil  claudi  regiam 
iubet,  arbitros  eiecit.  The  strangers  bidden  to  withdraw  were 
the  envoys  lately  heard. 

§  3.  prohibendos.  Cf.  iii.  28.  7,  ad  prohibeiida  circumdari 
opera.  Madvig  compares  this  use  of  the  gerundive  with  the 
personal  use  of  the  passive  iubeor  in  such  sentences  as  xlii. 
31.  2,  in  Macedoniam  sena  millia  peditum  scribi  iussa.  Suet. 
Tib.  11,  iussi  sunt  omnes  agri  in  publicam  porticum  deferri. 

§  4.  pradlbusque  ac  pradils  cavendum  populo.  This  is  a 
customary  formula  in  all  cases  of  security  given  to  the  state, 
and  commonly  limited  to  such  cases  by  the  words  pubhce, 
in  publicum,  or  populo.  The  prcedes,  written  provides  m 
the  lex  agraria,  were  the  sureties  who  were  bound  over;  they 
were  to  be  landowners,  and  their  pradia  {prahendia)  might 
be  seized  upon  in  case  of  default  {ea  pignore  data  public e 
mancipio  fidem  prastant.  Varro  1. 1.  v.  40).  The  legal  charac- 
teristics of  these  pradia  are  stated  Cic.  pro  Flacc.  di.  vy, 
qiiaro  sintne  ista  pradia  censm  censendo,  habeant  ius  civile, 
sint  necne  sint  mancipii,  that  is,  they  must  be  freehold  under 
strict  Boman  law.  The  formula  occurs  in  the  Lex  Malacitana 
of  the  1st  century  of  the  Empire,  where  see  the  comment  of 
Mommsen,  p.  470. 


fli 


301  NOTES,     XXIL  c.  lx.  §§  5— 2G. 

P.  144.  §  5.  T.  ManUus  Torquatus.  Descended  from  an 
ances  or  o\hkBpT<Bmmen  and  nomen,  whose  title  of  TormuiZ 
L.  explained  by  Livy,  vii.  10,  as  derived  from  the  collar  ZZZ 
of  the  Gaul  whom  he  slew.  K^orque^i) 

§11.    SI,  nt...sl,  ut.     In  both  eases  Madvic  has  con-flMn^ 

enJZ'  V^'  .''''•  ^"^  ^^^«  ^^   awkwfrd  tmnTtb 
sentence.    He  notes  a  similar  mistake  in  the  MSS.  m  vn  li  8 

and  XXXIV.  2.  7,  as  also  Tac.  Hist.  i.  83,  dcuhi  for  ni  uhL 
P.  Decius,  B.C.  340  near  Saticula.     Gf.  vii.  34 
P.  145.    Calpiimius  Flamma  in  b.c.  258  near  Camarina. 

nf  fy}I'  •  Jt^^^tJ.-faPlte.      The  caput  comprised  the  sum 
of  the  rights  imphed  in  personal  freedom,  civil  and  fai    h- 

deminutio  capitu  with  it.  The  forfeiture  of  freedom  was  o 
course  the  worst  or  dem,  maxima.  In  the  case  of  those  who 
had  given  themselves  up  with  arms  in  their  hands  it  could  not 
be  recovered  easily  by  the  forms  of  postUminium, 

atoalienato.    Madvig's  correction  for  ahalieiiati  of  the  MSS 

nolftir'  n'  ""Tf  ^'^''^^^'^  «i*h«r  absolutely  or  with  a  pre! 
ITT^.        would  seem  natural  to  say  ahaUenari  ah  alLa 
re,m  the  sense  of  being  estranged  from  a  place  or  pursuit 
but  not  from  a  right  {jure).  pursuit, 

^  ^l' :,  ®??*P  ^^^'  ^  e^iptically  put  for  'and  might  have 
succeeded  if,'  «fec.  "i^B""  "»>« 

™k  J;  ^^^JJ  f^'    "*™ '  ^^^"^ '  «"^PtJc«"y  implies  the  reason 
J^JeTMet  "^^  ^'^^         instead  of  the  usual  combination 

§  21.  favlsse.  The  MSS.  read  fuisse  ut,  which  is  evi- 
dently comipt.  W.  corrects  it  to  fuisge  mui  which  sounds  ill 
and  IS  somewhat  weak,  while  Madvig's  suggestion  is  spuited 
and  balances  invidere  in  the  next  line. 

§  24.    ante  secundam  h.,  i.e.  after  sunrise. 

§  25.  H»c  vobls.  *  This,  mark  you, '  Ac.  Cf.  Hor.  Epist. 
I.  d.  15,  qmd  mihi  Celsm  agitf  It  is  called  by  grammarians 
the  dativus  ethicus. 

§26.  Et  V08.  Most  MSS.  have  quos,  which  probably 
grew  out  of  the  abbreviation  for  et  and  uos. 

et  is  inserted  by  Madvig  to  avoid  an  awkward  asyndeton 
whicli  sounds  ill  after  amet.  ac  manetis. 


NOTES.     XXIL  c.  LX.  §  26— c.  lxi.  §  13.     305 

P.  147,  c.  LXI.  §  5.  decern  primes,  like  the  3^/fa  roin  ivi- 
^aveaTarovs  of  Polybius — those  of  highest  social  status  chosen 
as  the  representatives. 

Ita  admlssoB. .  .ne  t.  *  Admitted  on  the  understanding  that,' 
(frc,  an  ellipse  not  unfrequent  in  the  case  of  ita...ne  in  Livy  as 
VII.  31.  1,  Cf.  the  use  of  tantum  ne  ...reciperentur.  xxi. 
19.5. 

§  7.  novos  legates.  *  The  last  comers.'  So-  novi  milites 
•recruits.' 

§  8.  vlctosque  paucls  sent.  '  Outvoted  by  a  small  ma- 
jority.' 

§  9.  proxiinis  censoribus.  Not  '  by '  but  •  in  the  time  of,* 
as  consule  Manlio. 

notls  ignoxninilsque.  The  censors  could  expel  members 
from  the  Senate,  or  strike  off  the  roll  of  the  knights  {equum 
adimere),  or  remove  from  a  country  tribe  to  a  city  tribe  {tribu 
movere),  or  disfranchise  altogether  {(srarium  facere).  These 
powers  of  moral  censure  grew  out  of  the  large  authority  vested 
in  them  for  taking  the  census  of  the  population.  At  such 
times  the  nota  of  their  disapproval  was  affixed  to  the  name 
upon  the  roU. 

P.  148.  omnl  delnde  vita.  'For  the  rest  of  his  life.' 
An  adjectival  use  of  the  adverb,  which  is  frequent  in  our 
author. 

caruerlnt.  'Abstained  from.'  Cf.  Cic.  Mil.  7.  18,  caruit 
foropostea  PompeiuSy  caruit  senatu^  caruit  publico. 

§  11.  Defecere.  A  summary  account  is  here  given  of  the 
defections  of  the  following  years.  Central  Italy  remained  for 
the  most  part  constant  to  Rome,  except  her  old  rivals  of 
Samnium,  while  the  alien  peoples  fell  away. 

Atellani.  Known  chiefly  in  connection  with  the  fabula 
Atellano!  of  which  L.  speaks  vii.  2.  10  in  his  sketch  of  the 
early  comedy  of  Italy. 

§  12.  Uzentlni.  Represented  by  Ugento  to  the  north- 
west of  the  lapygian  promontory. 

§  13.  Romam  adventum.  Verbal  substantives  implying 
motion  are  often  accompanied  by  an  accusative  without  a 
preposition,  so  reditu^,  legatio,  introitm,  concursatio  as  in 
examples  collected  by  Fabri. 


I 


C.  L. 


20 


306 


NOTES.     XXII.  c.  Lxi.  §§  14,  15. 


§14.  coiifliill...gratl»  acta.  Frontinus  Str.  iv.  6.  6 
says  that  Varro  refused  the  offer  of  the  Senate  to  make  him 
dictator,  on  the  ground  that  the  office  should  fall  on  a  more 
fortunate  man.  But  he  often  served  afterwards  in  posts  of 
trust  or  honour,  a  fact  which  discredits  the  accounts  of  his 
antecedents  as  given  in  Livy. 

1 16.  niMl  recusandum  suppl.  Carthage  is  said  to  have 
degraded  or  even  crucified  her  commanders  who  were  unfor- 
tunate.   CI  Polyb.  I.  11,  Diod.  xx.  10. 


APPENDIX  I. 
ON  THE  ROUTE  OF  HANNIBAL. 

Thb  passage  of  Hannibal  across  the  Alps  was  even  in  Livy's 
days  a  controverted  question,  as  we  may  gather  from  his 
words  (XXI.  38.  6)  'ambigi  quanam  Alpes  transient.'  It  is  still 
matter  of  dispute,  and  endless  varieties  of  route  have  been 
proposed,  most  of  wliich  however  are  hopelessly  at  variance 
with  the  language  of  the  ancient  writers,  or  with  the  nature  of 
the  ground,  as  since  explored.  More  or  less  definite  state- 
ments on  the  subject  are  found  in  the  following  authorities. 

1.  Polybius  was  born  during  the  war,  and  after  some  time 
spent  in  public  Ufe  in  Greece,  was  taken  as  one  of  the  Achaan 
hostages  to  Kome.  He  lived  there  in  the  society  of  distin- 
guished men,  whose  fathers  might  have  taken  part  in  the 
great  struggle ;  he  sought,  as  he  tells  us,  information  from 
contemporary  witnesses,  and  travelled  himself  among  the  Alps 
to  gather  further  knowledge  in  the  scenes  of  the  events.  He 
was  eminently  accurate  and  truthful  as  a  writer,  and  his 
authority  is  undoubtedly  first-rate.  His  account  is  found  iii. 
35 — 60. 

2.  We  have  the  narrative  of  Livy  (xxi.  23—38),  who  wrote 
two  centuries  after  the  second  Punic  war  began.  His  work 
was  on  too  large  a  scale  to  admit  of  very  special  studies  for  the 
period  before  us ;  he  makes  no  claim  to  personal  knowledge  of 
the  localities  in  question ;  his  descriptions  of  topography  are 
often  vague  and  indistinct ;  and  on  all  grounds  his  evidence 
on  these  points  must  rank  far  lower  than  that  of  the  Greek 
writer. 

3.  There  is  a  passage  bearing  on  this  subject  in  the  life  of 
Hannibal  by  Cornelius  Nepos,  the  contemporary  and  friend  of 
Cicero.  Ad  ecu  (Alpes)  posteaquam  venit  qtue  Italiam  ab 
Gallia  sejungunt,  quas  nevw  unquam  cum  exercitu  ante  eum 
prater  Herculem  Graium  transient,  quo  facto  is  hodie  saltus 
Graim  appeUatur,  Alpicos  conantes  prohibere  transitum  con- 
cidit. 

20—2 


1 


308 


APPENDIX  L 


ROUTE  OF  HANNIBAL. 


309 


The  valae  of  this  passage  turns  upon  the  meaning  of  u 
talius.  It  might  refer  solely  to  the  pass  of  Hercules,  but  as 
the  writer  must  have  known  the  traditions  of  the  Gallic  hordes 
who  crossed  the  Alps,  it  is  more  probable  that  he  is  specially 
referring  to  the  Graian  chain,  as  that  over  which  both  Hercules 
and  Hannibal  had  passed. 

4.  Some  lines  of  Varro,  the  learned  writer  on  antiquities 
at  the  close  of  the  Kepublic,  are  quoted  for  us  by  Servius  in 
his  eommentary  on  Vergil  x.  13:  quas  [Alpes)  quinque  viis 
Varro  dicit  tramiri  jtosne :  una  qua  estjuxta  mare  per  Ligures: 
altera  qua  Hannibal  transiit :  tertia  qua  Pompeius  ad  His- 
panieme  bellum  pro/ectm  est :  quarta  qua  Hasdrubal  de  Gallia 
in  Italiam  venit :  quinta  qucB  quondam  a  Gracis  pouessa  ««f, 
qum  exinde  Alpe$  Graia  appellantur. 

5.  Strabo,  who  wrote  under  Tiberius,  cites  Polybius  as  men- 
tioning four  passages  across  the  Alps :  Wrra/oas^  vvep^daeis 
oro/icffct  fioyov '  8iA  AtyOuv  fxiv,  rriv  iyyurra  t<Jj  TvppT\viK^ 
ir(\dy€i-  elra  rifp  dia  Tavplvury,  rjv  'Avvl^at  Si7}\dtv  eira 
tV  3t*  ZaXaffffuv '  Tiraprtiv  8i  3to  VaiTu».  IV.  6.  12.  Here 
it  should  be  noted  that  the  important  words  ijv  A.  5.  do  not 
appear  in  a  MS.  of  great  value  (Ep.  Vat.  482),  that  if  genuine, 
they  may  easily  have  been  transplaced,  or  that  they  may  be 
regarded  as  a  comment  of  Strabo,  rather  than  an  extract  from 
Polybiua  Strabo  himself  shows  elsewhere  little  interest 
in  the  route  of  Hannibal,  and  does  not  mention  it  where  it 
would  naturally  occur. 

Now  if  we  turn  to  the  third  book  of  Polybius  we  shall  find 
that  the  whole  journey  from  Carthago  Nova  to  the  Italian  plains 
is  definitely  measured.  We  are  told  that  there  were  2G00 
stadia  to  the  river  Iberus,  and  thence  to  Emporeion  1600,  and 
1600  more  to  the  passage  of  the  Khone.  From  the  Rhone  to 
the  beginning  of  the  Alps  {wpos  rri»  dva^oXrjv  tQv  'A\iriwv) 
there  were  1400,  while  the  remainder  of  the  way  (Xotrai  ai  tw 
A.  wir€/)^oX(u)  was  1200  stadia. 

As  far  as  the  Pyrenees  there  is  no  doubt  about  the  route, 
but  much  depends  upon  the  place  at  which  the  Ehone  was 
crossed,  as  that  becomes  the  starting-point  for  future  measare- 

ments. 

The  description  of  Polybius  clearly  indicates  a  passage  near 
the  town  of  Orange,  about  the  village  of  Roquemaure,  as  that 
is  halfway  between  the  river's  mouth  and  its  junction  with  the 
Mre,  while  it  should  be  according  to  the  historian  four  days 
march  to  either  point.  The  actual  distance  of  75  miles  to  the 
Mre  is  in  close  harmony  with  the  600  stadia  implied  m  his 
latter  statements.  There  is  also  a  long  stretch  of  broad  stream 
unbroken  hj  any  islands  to  suit  with  the  words   Kara  rr^v 


orXw  pUw.     It  is  moreover  above  the  junction  with  the 
Durance,  to  cross  over  which  would  have  been  a  needless 

labour  for  the  army.  „  .         :,  m 

The  other  place  suggested  near  Beaucaire  and  Tarascon  is 
quite  inconsistent  with  these  data.  In  Livy  there  are  no 
definite  statements  on  the  subject  to  point  to  any  special 
place  After  the  passage  of  the  Rhone  however  he  says  that 
Hannibal  pushed  on  inland  to  avoid  all  contact  with  the  Roman 
army  but  his  route  was  probably  decided  on  beforehand,  and 
he  was  guided  by  the  Gauls,  who  had  invited  him  to  Italy, 
and  who  would  naturally  lead  him  through  the  passes  which 
would  bring  him  witli  most  ease  into  their  cantons. 

Onward  to  the  Is^re  his  route  is  certain,  after  that  all  is 

matter  of  debate.  , .,     •  ,     j       i      j 

Our  two  authorities  give  alike  account  of  the  island  enclosed 
between  the  Rhone  and  the  Isfere— the  insula  Allobrogum  of 
later  days— and  of  the  contests  between  the  native  powers,  m 
which  Hannibal  took  part.  In  Polybius  we  find  besides  the 
following  data:  (1)  'Hannibal  having  in  ten  days  marched 
800  stadia  along  the  river,  began  the  ascent  of  the  Alps.  (2) 
We  hear  that  the  chieftain  with  whom  he  sided  in  the  quarrel 
joined  him  in  his  march,  and  that  the  barbarians  were  kept  m 
check  in  the  plain  country  alike  from  fear  of  the  cavalry,  and 

of  the  native  aid.  , 

The  words  *  along  the  river,'  vapa  rov  Trorafiov,  are  not  in 
themselves  definite.  They  have  been  taken  to  refer  to  the 
IsSre  which  was  spoken  of  not  long  before,  and  most  critics 
accordingly  trace  the  route  of  Hannibal  along  one  or  other  of 
its  banks.  But  there  can  be  httle  doubt  that  the  'river  of 
the  whole  narrative  is  the  Rhone,  and  in  chapter  39  Polybius 
expressly  says  that  they  kept  near  it  to  the  entrance  of  the 
mountain  pass.  Of  course  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  it  was 
tracked  in  all  its  windings,  in  the  great  bend  for  example 
which  it  makes  at  Lyons,  but  only  that  the  general  movement 
was  in  the  direction  of  its  stream.  The  country  through  which 
the  march  would  lie  was  such  that  the  cavalry  could  be  used 
to  good  effect,  while  the  left  bank  of  the  Is^re  would  not  at  all 
meet  this  condition,  and  the  right  one  would  only  partiaUy 
fulfil  it.  In  both  cases  the  mountain  country  comes  m  sight 
too  soon,  and  the  ascent  (ai^ajSoXiJ)  must  have  begun  long  be- 
fore  they  had  traversed  800  stadia  of  road,  or  made  their  ten 
days'  leisurely  advance,  in  constant  fear  of  an  attack. 

Both  these  conditions  are  compUed  with  by  the  route,  which 
following  the  Rhone  up  to  Vienne,  leaves  it  for  a  while  in  its 
great  bend,  and  meets  it  once  more  at  St  Genix,  and  thence  to 
the  pass  of  Mont  du  Chat  where  the  ascent  may  be  taken  to 
begin.  That  point  once  reached  the  way  would  naiuraUy  lead 
along  the  upper  course  of  the  Is^re,  through  the  Tarantaise, 


310 


APPENDIX  I. 


ROUTE   OF  HANNIBAL. 


311 


and  over  the  Little  St  Bernard  to  the  valley  of  Aosta     In 
lAYoar  of  this  route  the  following  reasons  may  be  urged.  ' 

1.  The  local  features  of  the  pass  agree  at  least  as  well  a» 
any  other  with  the  general  description  of  Polybius,  and  th^ 
detailed  accounts  of  the  measurements  of  space  and  time  y^l 
the  16  days  of  march,  that  is,  and  the  1200  stadia  of  wav  Tho 
vaUey  was  a  fertile  one,  and  the  native  town  which  they  Z 
tacked  and  pillaged  may  weU  have  enriched  them  with  ite 

?i  *-f 'i  -.^  ^r''"^T."^r  ^^  *^®  narrative  may  be  probably 
Identified  w^th  the  *  Roche  Blanche '  on  the  Eecius.  The  pass 
is  steeper  on  the  Italian  side,  and  the  dangers  therefore  of  the 
descen  would  have  been  naturally  greater,  and  in  the  ravine 
below  Ma  Tuile'  there  is  a  place  where  the  old  snow  might 
long  remain  unmelted,  and  the  road  for  some  wav  is  much 
exposed  to  avalauohes.  Here  therefore  Hannibal  might  find 
the  track  completely  swept  away,  and  be  obliged  to  halt  untU 
a  new  path  was  cut  upon  the  mountain  side.  Though  the 
pass  Itself  IS  comparatively  low,  the  season  was  advanced  aud 
fresh  snow  had  lately  fallen.  The  climate  was  possibly  more 
severe  m  those  days  than  at  present,  and  the  hardships  seemed 
more  fearful  to  an  army  from  the  South. 

2.    The  pass  called  afterwards  the  Graian  Alp  was  one  of 
the  best  known  and  earliest  used  across  the  mountains     By  it 
streams  of  invading  Gauls  had  passed  centuries  before     Its 
neighbourhood  was  by  far  the  most  fertile  of  them  aU.  and  a^ 
such  best  suited  to  supply  an  army  on  the  march. 

8.  Its  outlet  was  nearest  to  the  country  of  the  Gauls  who 
had  sent  to  invite  the  Punic  forces.  Their  envoys  would 
naturally  know  it  best,  and  be  most  likely  to  guide  the  iu. 
vaders  on  that  course.  Intractable  as  the  Romans  found  at  a 
later  date  the  tribe  of  the  Salassi,  who  held  the  upper  valley  of 
Aosta,  there  was  no  reason  why  they  should  obstruct  the  pas- 
sage of  the  enemies  of  Rome,  and  the  other  tribes,  Libui  or 
Lebeci,  who  were  settled  lower  down,  may  well  have  followed 
the  policy  of  the  powerful  Imubres,  and  sympathized  in  their 
aUiance  with  the  strangers.  Polybius  therefore  did  not  stay  to 
mention  them,  indeed  from  the  island  of  the  AUobrogeg  he 
records  no  names  until  he  makes  Hannibal  issue  from  the  Alps 
among  the  InsubreH,  the  leading  state  of  the  GalMc  confederacy 
against  Rome.  He  gives  his  reasons  for  this  silence,  in  the 
general  ignorance  that  prevailed  of  the  exact  position  of  the 
tribes  and  localities  in  question. 

Livy  wrote,  however,  at  a  later  date,  when  the  Alpme  tribes 
and  names  were  far  better  known  to  the  Italian  public.  His 
information  therefore  is  more  definite  in  that  respect,  and 


seems  to  point  to  an  entirely  differerft  route  from  that  which 
UrSen  traced  above.    After  speaking  of  the  civil  strife  among 
h^  natives  of  the  Island,  and  then  of  the  supplies  furnished  to 
Httimibal  in  return  for  his  decisive  succour,  he  makes  him 
fZ^afl^mm  in  his  way  towards  the  Alps.    Of  the  various 
explanations  offered  of   this  phrase,  two  only  give  a  likely 
meaning.     The  first  assumes  that  he  retraced  his  steps  across 
fhSre  and  down  the  Rhone,  and  then  turned  to  the  left  up 
the  lanks  of  the  river  Dr6me.     The  other  view  leaves  the  bu^k 
0  the^my  on  the  South  of  the  Is^re,  while  a  detachment  only 
orosses  to  decide  the  civil  war,  which  done,  the  whole  con- 
Unues  on  its  march  along  the  Eastern  or  left  bank  up  to 
Grenoble     But  the  latter  version  can  ,^?ke  little  of  the  words 
inTricasthws  Jiexit  which   are  coupled  with  ad  l^vcm    iov 
ZeTrica.tini  lay  further  to  the  South,  and  tlieir  chief  town, 
Called  afterwards  'Augusta  Tricastinorum;  may  be  most  pro- 
bably identrfied  with  Aoste  on  the  Drome,  though  by  some 
Sed  lower  ^^^^^     near  'St  Paul  trois  chateaux '  upon  the 
mine     The  advocates  therefore  of  the  march  up  the  Isere, 
f^me  that  the  words  in  question  have  slipped  out  of  their 
TropTr  place  in  a  passage  which  describes  the  march  up  the 
K  towards  the  Island.    Accepting  the  711^^,^?^^^^^^^^^ 
we  may  follow  the  track  described  by  Livy  along  the  Drome  up 
To  AosCandV^     to  Die,  which  stands  ^^J- ^-^^Xm  boT 
a  powerful  tribe  here  mentioned  by  him,  ^l^^^^  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
ders  reached  up  to  the  Isfere  and  the  Dnic,  ^^^  .^^^'l^'^^^'f^ 
on  the  South-East  extended  far  along  the  road  to  f  ap  and  to 
Fmbrun  through  which  country  Hannibal  may  have  led  his 
TrSms   s'ldrtkiR  the  lands  of  the  Tricorii  who  were  spread  to 
the  Noittwesl     He  would  thus  have  reached  the  Durance 
h   i^ZZot  Livy,  and  have  made  his  way  to  Bnan.on^and 
across  the  Mont  Genfevie,  known  to  the  Romans  of  the  time  of 
Cffisar  as  the  Alpes  JuUce,  though  ^^^^'^\^\'f^^J''X^ 
after  the  native  chieftain  who  did  so  much  to  improve  tue 
mountain  roads  about  him  to  win  the  favour  of  Au^^ 
Tt  would  seem  to  have  been  the  same  route,  though  m  a  con- 
aTy  dbectfo^,  w^^^^^  C^sar  foUowed  in  hs  march  mto 

T^aLalTne  Vaul,  as  indicated  in  the  -or^^Oc^^^^ 
est  citerioris  provinci^  ^^*^^"*""'!  "' ^T-    ^?/n  r^^^^^^ 
R  (It   10  5      It  is  the  same  track  also  in  the  ma  n  by  wuicn 
Li^'v    34  togs  BeUovesus  with  his  Gallic  hordes  through 

ba^dy  where  they  settled,  at  the  end  of  ^*,^^,Ff f^^  ^Xes  om^ 
From  the  Island  to  the  ascent  itself,  the  narratives  of  W 

and  Polybius  have  no  points  in  ^^^^^''^^.^tinttl^Z 
furnished  by  the  former  ^ein^  entirely  absent  in  th^^^^^ 
whUe  the  other  conditions  of  the  march  are  quite  distmct. 


i\ 


312 


APPENDIX  I 


language  of  the  two,  though  Liw  adds  «.  f«™?5!!^i  °  "',.""' 
those  of  the  use  of  viueear  ^id  fi^A  ?^!i  *"  ^®'*^^  ""*  " 
the  rocks.  The  too^e^  Wer  wWc^theThaT  •'"""«'' 
mon  are  just  those  which  can  mn»t  ^^ u?  i™  i"  *""'• 
of  the  rivll  routes,  and  tt^luTbe  «SJdtd  attfl^t""^ 
portant  e^denoe  «po«  tte  subject.  B^nlC'er  Irwh?" 
Livyhas  brought  the  Carthaginians  to  tL  J„iS  J??',  f 
pauses  to  notice  the  different'^Sns  whfch'^Tr:  stal!M 
to  give  his  reasons  for  the  route  which  he  hZ  traced  '  ^t 
Pomme  Alps  the  great  St  Bernard,  seemsto  have  been  c^ 

»a3ditsi^^;f  tKZrs^rcarf  n'  -'  ^^' 

««  fi.«  Tx,   •  tsaruer  writer  C»Ilas  Antipater.  whosp  wnrt 

on  tne  loiuio  wars  was  larwplv  iib«/1  v.«  t  •    ^"    *»  wuose  wofk 
vadera  thmimh   ^n^      ifrgejy  used  by  Livy,  brought  the  in- 

w„  occupied  by  theTall^  thiL?he  I^T/ r;'  ^',?  ^'' 
lower  country.  Tradition  comZnIv  .1.  ?^  •^'*'"  ''*'f  *•■* 
of  these  naSes  in  Xs^nnecUon  ^bu7mf r^'^""?,  ",<">'''« 
from  the  mountains  through  be  tr"be"f  the  r"'-*^  "".k 
whom  he  first  came  into  hostile  c^ntait  ^h^LlT"!,""'.  ''•* 
admits  that  there  was  no  sure IvTdenTe  be^re*  Hm  "^d  ttrS^ 

v^M     F™™  .f^  .™  "".""'  "»"«■•  «as  a  guide  of  little 

u^n  thfXne  ti^he7if  d  f^"^"  """"»  ^'^^«"  ^^  '"^^ 
^an  ffoferZint  i.  1  ^•'"',  *",'  *'"^"'y  °°  ">«  ^Tfcmu,,  the 
Sr  The  rrtr^l!,"  T^'°l'  I'el"  of  the  Carthaginian 
Wn  to  ther?„7„^?"''t  «'l'!'=l'.l'e  passed  was  quite  un. 
n^<^  ^  S^f  I       .  °,°  '^'worthy  information  could  be  for- 

two  centuries  later  was  hardiv  likplv  tn  L  ««'      ♦    ^         i 
^AtAi'la      Tf  «To«  1.        "w  "»ruiy  iiKciy  to  06  accurate  m  such 

t^r-thelTsio\°rhT^^^^^^^  '^:,\r.t\:^fi-^'' 

vauey,  tHough  Polybius  teUs  us  that  he  recruited  first  his 


ROUTE  OF  HANNIBAL. 


313 


soldiers*  strength  among  the  friendly  Gauls,  and  then  at  their 
request  made  war  upon  the  tribe  whose  town  bequeathed  its 
name,  if  not  its  site,  to  the  Turin  of  modern  times.  It  was 
commonly  forgotten  that  he  had  been  invited  to  the  Po  by  the 
discontented  Gauls,  of  whom  the  Insubres  were  the  foremost 
dan,  and  that  their  guides  would  naturally  lead  him  first  to 
their  own  cantons,  before  they  urged  him  to  attack  their 
neighbours. 

To  sum  up  then,  it  seems  most  probable,  nay  almost  certain 
that  the  route  adopted  by  the  Eoman  wiiter  was  that  from 
the  Drfime  to  the  Durance,  and  across  the  Mont  Genfevre,  the 
Alpes  Cottia  of  the  Roman  Empire.    It  is  also  probable,  though 
less  evident,  that  Polybius  believed  the  army  to  have  made  a 
longer  circuit  by  the  Khone  and  the  Tarentaise,   across  the 
Graian  Alps,  or  what  is  now  the  Little  St  Bernard.    If  the  two 
historians  really  are  at  issue,  there  is  little  doubt  whose  au- 
thority should  stand  the  higher,  as  the  earlier  had  higher 
qualities  as  an  historian,  and  had  made  more  special  studies  on 
this  subject.     General  probabilities  also  are  in  favour  of  the 
easier,  the  lower,  the  better  known,  and  the  more  favourably 
placed  of  the  two  passes.     If  any  however  prefer  to  think  that 
the  two  accounts  can  be  forced  into  agreement,— and  most 
critics  hitherto  have  assumed  that  this  is  possible— then  it 
should  be  remembered  that  definite  data  in  the  form  of  proper 
names  occur  only  in  the  account  of  Livy,  and  the  problem 
must  be  to  reconcile  the  earlier  conditions  in  Polybius  with  the 
outlet  through  the  Mont  Genfevre.     With  the  narrative  of  Livy 
we  may  probably  connect  the  account  of  Varro  above  quoted, 
which  distinguishes  the  route  of  Hannibal  from  that  across  the 
Graian  Alps,  and  which  may  be  due  to  reasoning  from  like 
data.    He  carries  Pompeius  by  a  different  road  to  Spain,  as  does 
Sallust  also  in  the  fragment  (Hist.  iii.  3)  where  he  puts  into 
that  general's  mouth  the  words  Per  Alpes  iter,  aliud  atque 
Hannibal,  nobis  opportunius  patefeci.    But  the  statements  in 
these  cases  are  too  vague  to  be  critically  handled. 

It  only  remains  now  to  deal  with  a  third  route— that  over 
the  Mont  Cenis— which  has  found  learned  champions  to  ad- 
vocate its  claims.  It  should  be  stated  at  the  outset  that  it  is 
not  certainly  referred  to  by  any  ancient  author,  and  there  is  no 
good  evidence  that  it  was  known  or  used  before  the  eighth 
century  of  our  era  when  Pepin  marched  across  it ;  but  this  is 
not  of  course  conclusive,  for  Hannibal  may  have  been  guided 
over  a  pass  that  was  else  scarcely  known,  and  Latin  writers 
say  too  little  of  the  Alps  to  enable  us  to  reason  sm-ely  from 
their  silence  in  this  case.  But  it  is  important  to  observe  that 
the  natural  construction  of  our  authors  fails  to  suit  the  theory, 
at  least  in  the  form  in  which  it  is  presented  by  its  chief  sup- 
porters, M.  Larauza,  Dr  Ukert  uud  Mr  Ellis.     These  writers. 


APPENDIX  L 


ROUTE   OF  HANNIBAL. 


315 


though  differing  in  details,  agree  in  the  main  features  of  the 
route,  which  they  assume  to  have  passed  along  the  Southern 
hmk  of  the  IsSre,  across  the  Drac  and  the  Komanche,  and  up 
the  Val  de  Gresivaudan,  at  some  point  of  which  the  beginning 
o!  the  mountain  ground  is  reckoned  which  extends  over  the 
heights  that  part  the  valleys  of  the  Arc  and  of  the  Doria. 
They  agree  also  in  the  attempt  to  reconcile  the  statements  of 
both  the  ancient  authors,  by  correcting  them  pretty  freely  where 
they  see  the  need.  In  this  we  may  note  especially  the  following 
points. 

1.  It  is  supposed  that  Polybius  mistook  the  Is^re  for  the 
Rhone,  though  he  travelled  himself  over  the  ground,  and  stated 
that  the  army  kept  near  the  latter  river  till  they  began  to  cUmb 
the  heights. 

2.  The  Allohrogen,  who  are  recorded  as  the  native  tribes 
with  which  the  invaders  came  into  collision  in  their  way  up 
to  the  Alps,  are  commonly  assigned  to  the  North  of  the  Is^re, 
which  was  afterwards  the  insula  Allohroguvi.  The  theory  be- 
fore us  transfers  them  without  the  slightest  evidence,  to  the 
southern  bank,  assuming  that  they  had  no  definite  borders, 
or  that  the  name  itself  was  quite  a  vague  one,  loosely  used  for 
GalUc  tribes,  and  possibly  still  lingering  hi  the  Allevard  near 
St  Jean  de  Maurienne. 

3.  The  march  along  the  Is6re  inverts  the  description  of 
Polybius.  In  the  earher  stages  the  Carthaginians  must  have 
moved  over  rugged  countiy  ill  suited  for  their  horse,  and  ex- 
posed to  native  onsets,  while  the  easier  ground  comes  liightr 
up  in  the  Val  de  Gresivaudan,  and  no  definite  point  can  be 
agreed  on  to  suit  the  measurement  of  distance  given. 

4.  The  passage  of  the  Komanche  would  have  been  formiil- 
ahl©  in  the  face  of  the  Gauls,  who  are  described  as  repelled  only 
by  the  cavaliy  or  by  the  succour  of  a  friendly  chieftain. 

5.  The  Dmemia  of  Livy  must  be  explained  to  be  the  Drac. 
which  the  track  in  question  crossed,  while  it  lay  far  away  from 
the  Durance,  for  which  Druentia  is  the  undoubted  name  m 
ancient  tunes,  known  as  it  was  as  the  line  of  communication 
across  the  Alps  with  Spain. 

6.  The  character  of  the  Mont  Cenis  itself  has  been  com- 
pared minutely  with  the  narrative  before  us,  and  with  some 
forcing  of  the  text  it  has  been  shown  that  the  measurements 
of  time  and  distance  may  possibly  be  verified.  We  need  not 
gtay  to  discuss  these  attempts.  It  is  not  difficult  to  find  some 
features  of  resemblance  in  almost  every  pass  to  the  scenes  ana 
incidents  described  upon  the  march,  and  if  they  were  *l^J^^uiy 
data  we  might  well  despair  of  any  definite  conclusion.  White 
rooks  can  be  found  also  near  the  road,  such  as  that  de  la 


Barmette  in  one  account,  or  the  rock  of  Baune  according  to 
another,  and  there  are  dangerous  spots  in  the  descent  where 
the  road  might  easily  be  swept  away,  and  old  snow  Ue  long 
unmelted. 

7.  One  argument  mdeed  has  been  insisted  on,  that  here 
alone  could  a  point  of  view  be  found  upon  the  summit,  com- 
manding  an  extensive  prospect  of  the  Itahan  plain,  such  as 
that  which  Hannibal  is  said  to  have  had  before  him,  when  he 
tried  to  revive  the  drooping  courage  of  his  soldiers.  The  spot 
in  question  is  not  however  on  the  road  itself,  but  on  a  ridge 
which  was  little  likely  to  have  tempted  the  weary  men  to  need- 
less efforts  through  the  snow  for  the  sake  of  a  fine  view.  Nor 
was  the  actual  prospect  of  importance  for  the  general's  appeal. 
The  phrase  of  Polybius  on  which  stress  has  been  laid  (ivapyeia) 
more  probably  refers  to  the  moral  weight  of  evidence  that  Italy 
was  within  easy  reach,  than  to  any  actual  picture  stretched  out 
before  the  eyes. 

The  language  of  Livy  is  too  definite  indeed  to  be  mistaken, 
in  promontorio  quodam,  uhi  longe  ac  late  prospectiis  erat, 
comistere  jussis  militlbm  Italiam  ostentat....xxi.  35.  7.  But 
we  must  remember  that  Livy  had  little  knowledge  of  the  Alps ; 
that  he  may  easily  have  given  a  different  colouring  to  the 
account  of  the  general's  address  which  he  found  in  the  old 
annalists ;  and  that  he  was  thinking  more  of  rhetorical  effect 
than  of  strict  accuracy  of  local  statements. 

The  three  passes  hitherto  described  are  veiy  far  from  being 
all  of  those  whose  rival  claims  have  been  supported.  Almost 
every  height  which  could  possibly  be  crossed,  and  some  indeed 
that  are  quite  impassable  for  any  but  practised  mountaineers, 
have  been  at  some  time  advocated  as  the  pass  of  Hannibal. 
Some  routes  have  been  disposed  of  by  a  fuller  knowledge  of  the 
rugged  country  which  lies  between  the  Drac,  the  Komanche, 
and  the  Durance,  and  which  until  lately  was  almost  unex- 
plored, and  ill  described  upon  the  maps.  Some  hopelessly 
conflict  with  the  main  data  of  the  ancient  authors,  and  the 
books  or  pamphlets  ^vritten  in  their  defence  are  ordy  monu- 
ments of  misplaced  ingenuity  and  learning.  None  of  these 
seems  now  to  call  for  serious  discussion. 

It  should  be  stated  in  conclusion  that  the  claims  of  the 
Little  St  Bernard,  or  the  Graian  Alps,  to  be  the  pass  intended 
by  Polybius  were  recognized  by  General  Melville  in  1775,  whose 
view  was  expanded  by  M.  de  Luc  in  1818.  Messrs  Cramer 
and  Wickham  in  the  Dissertation  of  1820  supported  the  same 
theory,  and  Mr  Law  in  his  masterly  work  upon  the  subject 
seems  to  have  proved  decisively  that  the  evidence  points  to  that 
conclusion,  while  Livy*s  pass  must  be  the  Mont  Gendvre. 
Niebuhr  and  Mommsen  have  accepted  the  authority  of  Poly- 
bius in  favour  of  the  Graian  Alps. 


$u 


APPENDIX  IL 


APPENDIX  IL 

EXCURSUS  ON  THE  ROMAN   RELIGION 

IN    REI^TION    TO   THE  PRODIGIES 

IN  LIVY  XXL  62  AND  XXIL  10*. 

We  must  turn  to  the  Antiquarians  of  Rome,  rather  than  to 
the  historians  or  the  poets,  if  we  would  learn  the  charac- 
teristic  features  of  the  old  Italian  Worship,  for  in  later  days 
they  were  so  overlaid  by  the  exotic  growth  of  Greek  religion 
that  it  was  not  easy  to  recognize  their  earlier  forms. 

The  Latin  husbandman  was  deeply  impressed  by  the  sense 
of  his  dependence  on  the  powers  of  earth  and  sky:  at  every 
turn  his  path  was  crossed  by  some  supernatural  being  on 
whose  influence,  whether  kindly  or  malign,  his  weal  or  woe  was 
subject.  He  analysed  by  cool  reflection  all  the  processes  of 
daily  life  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave,  and  for  every  incident 
within  the  family  or  social  circle,  for  every  detail  of  husbandry 
he  found  some  guardian  Power  which  he  worshipped  as  di- 
vine. The  names,  harsh  and  uncouth  as  they  may  seem  to  us, 
carried  their  meaning  on  their  face,  and  expressed  the  limits 
of  the  powers  assigned;  they  were  at  first  probably  but 
Attributes  of  the  One  Great  Unknown;  the  Jupiter  or  Divns 
pater,  who  moved  in  mysterious  ways  through  Nature.  The 
deities  of  Italy  were  never  dressed  up  in  human  shapes  by 
fancy,  and  artless  hymns  were  the  only  forms  of  poetry  which 
grew  out  of  thek  worship.  But  the  ritual  needed  for  it  was 
laborious  and  complex;  all  the  details  as  gathered  in  the 
course  of  ages  by  tradition  had  to  be  punctiliously  observed, 
else  prayers  and  offerings  were  deemed  null  and  void.  In 
the  family  the  house-father  taught  his  children ;   in  larger 

f roups  the  brotherhoods  [sLdalicia)  passed  on  from  hand  to 
and  the  saving  knowledge,  while  for  the  State  priestly  guilds 
(collegia),  which  never  could  die  out,  kept  in  their  custody 
the  sacred  lore,  which  like  the  fire  upon  the  city's  hearth, 
burnt  always  with  a  steady  flame.  Of  these,  the  College  of 
the  Pontiffs  was  even  in  the  earliest  age  of  Rome  the  supreme 
guardian  of  the  State  Religion.  It  scarcely  dealt  with  the 
spiritual  life  of  the  family  and  smaller  social  groups ;  it  left 
to  others  the  purely  ministerial  functions  of  the  priest ;  its  duty 
was  to  guard,  to  harmonize,  and  to  interpret  the  Public  Code 

1  Compara  Bouch6-L«derai,  La  PonHfea  de  VAncimne  Rome;  Preller. 
BOmi^u  Mythologi*. 


ROMAN  RELIGION. 


317 


of  Sacred  Law.  It  knew  the  time-honoured  methods  by  which 
each  Power  Divine  must  be  approached ;  it  alone  had  access 
to  the  ancient  formularies  of  prayer,  and  all  the  nice  rules  of 
sacrificial  usage.  None  but  the  Pontiffs  could  be  trusted 
to  draw  up  the  Calendar  from  year  to  year,  and  deter- 
mine all  the  questions  of  casuistry  which  were  suggested 
by  its  fasts  and  feasts.  For  the  worship  of  the  Romans  was 
full  of  Pharisaic  scruples.  The  slightest  deviation  from  old 
usage  might  vitiate  a  long  round  of  ceremonial  forms,  and  the 
whole  service  must  begin  afresh,  or  the  jealous  Power  might 
withhold  its  favour.  In  Cato's  work  on  Agriculture  we  find 
the  author  not  content  with  rules  of  close  economy  and 
skilful  farming;  he  must  also  add  a  sort  of  Liturgy  or 
Common  Prayer-Book  for  the  use  of  the  labourers  upon  the 
farm,  and  the  rubrics,  extracted  as  they  doubtless  were  from 
the  text-books  of  the  Pontiffs,  help  to  show  us  how  labori- 
ously painstaking  was  the  temper  of  Roman  worship.  But 
with  all  its  scrupulous  care  it  could  not  but  go  wrong  at 
times,  the  Sacred  College  therefore  was  called  on  to  provide 
a  remedial  machinery  to  soothe  the  anger  of  the  offended 
Powers.  Was  it  a  case  merely  of  some  ceremonial  neglect? 
the  mistake  observed  might  be  corrected,  the  faulty  service 
be  repeated  {iTistaurare)^  the  compensation  made  for  the 
offence,  and  the  expiation  {piaculum)  was  held  to  be  com- 
pleted. This  was  indeed  no  absolution  for  a  guilty  conscience, 
for  the  forms  prescribed  dealt  only  with  the  outer  act,  and 
gave  no  promises  of  peace  to  minds  diseased. 

Often  however  no  human  eye  had  noted  what  was  wrong, 
and  it  was  left  then  for  the  gods  to  give  their  warnings 
through  unearthly  signs  {prodigia).  If  the  signs  were  given  on 
private  ground  it  rested  with  the  owner  of  the  land  to  set  his 
house  in  order ;  but  if  the  place  was  public  ground,  then  the 
portent  was  a  matter  for  the  State  {publicum  prodigium),  who 
must  accept  the  cliarge  [suscipere),  and  take  the  needful  steps 
through  her  oflficials  {procurare  prod.)  to  satisfy  the  gods  and 
set  the  public  mind  at  rest.  Here  again  was  a  wide  field 
opened  for  the  action  of  the  Pontiffs.  Others  might  shudder 
only  in  their  ignorant  panic,  but  they  must  learn  to  recognize 
the  voice  which  spoke  in  portents,  must  turn  over  their  old 
books  and  profit  by  the  inductions  of  the  past,  must  be  ready, 
if  they  only  could,  to  provide  the  state  with  their  Authorized 
Version  of  God's  Word  to  man.  For  this  purpose,  after  due 
scrutiny  of  evidence,  and  rejection  of  the  ill-attested  {quia  sin- 
guli  auctores  erant  Livy  v.  15.  1),  the  prodigies  were  chronicled 
with  care  from  year  to  year  in  the  priestly  records,  from  which 
Livy  drew  so  largely  for  his  history.  To  isolate  them  from 
each  other  might  mislead  the  student,  rather  they  must  be 
regarded  as  the  scattered  phrases  of  the  message  sent  from 


318 


APPENDIX  //.. 


heaven,  and  skilled  interpreters  must  piece  them  aU  together 
ret  some  recurring  portents  were  met  always  with  hke  forms 


Of  ceremonial  (proctirafio).     A'ahoweV"<^'7t^n7s1;iaredToTa 
iday,  from  the  days  of  old  king  Tullus  (mansit 


nine  days'  holi 

munme  ut  quandoque  idem  prodigium  nuntiaretur,  fena  ver 

nov^dies  agerentur  Livy  i.  31. 3).  If  a  bull  was  heard  to  spfak 

open  air  (Phny  viii.  70).  m  memory  of  the  time  perhaps  when 

&^foTsSe.  """"^  ""^^  '"^^  '°  «"-"-  -  '-"l- 
When  the  scene  of  the  portent  was  a  shrine,  or  anv  clue 
was  given  to  the  Power  which  sent  the  warning  the  College 
knew  what  offerings  were  Ukely  to  find  favour,  prescribed  in 
iome  cases  the  Ao^ticir  major.,,  the  fuU-grown  animals,  con° 
fused  m  later  days  w  th  the  beasts  of  larger  size,  whUeTn 
other  cases  they  could  tell  that  tender  sucklings  (ho^^tice 
lacteM^es)  woM  find  most  favour  on  the  altars  Costly 
gifts  could  seldom  come  amiss,  as  tokens  of  the  votaries' 
submission,  so  weigbty  offerings  of  gold  or  sUver  plate  were 
stored  up  m  the  temple  treasuries,  or  the  choicest  works  of  axt 
in  marble  or  in  bronze  were  called  in  to  represent  the  obiects 
of  popular  gratitude  or  fear.  In  default  of  any  special  clue  to 
the  nature  of  the  offence,  or  of  the  offended  power,  it  might  at 
least  be  well  to  have  recourse  to  the  ancient  usage  of  /«*• 
tration,  to  clear  away  the  stains  of  possible  pollution.     The 

l9uovetaunha)i  the  priestly  tram  moved  round  the  city  walls 
(amburviuvi)  or  round  the  fields  (ambarvalia),  sprinkling  the 
ilT.nn  i  f7P«  "Po^i^.the  bounds,  and  going^^through  the 
long  round  of  the  traditional  prayer,  some  passages  of  which 

m^ti^^Ul)  ^'^  ^^"''^  ^^  country  friends  [De  Re 

Ji  the  experience  of  the  Pontifices  was  at  fault,  other 
advisers  were  cal  ed  in.  The  hamspices  especially  were  skilled 
in  the  Etruscan  love  of  divination.  They  knew  the  language 
of  the  hghtning.  they  could  read  strange  characters  scored 
upon  the  slaughtered  victims,  and  to  them  therefore  were 
referred  tiie  questions  of  the  mysterious  portents  in  the  sky.  or 
m  animals  of  monstrous  birth. 

If  the  prodigies  were  fearful  {tatra)  and  took  the  form  of 
pestilence,  or  earthquake,  or  the  like,  and  the  need  seemed 
very  urgent,  a  newer  fashion  sometimes  superseded  the  old 
machmeiy  of  the  State  ReUgion. 

The  Sibylline  books  had  made  their  way  to  Rome,  if  we 
may  trust  tradition,  as  early  as  the  period  of  the  Tarquins 
Borne  to  Rome  by  a  wave  of  Hellenic  influence  which  passed 
from  the  coast    of   Asia  Minor  along  the  Greek  cities    of 
Campania,  th©  prophetic  utterances  gained  a  sanction  from 


ROMAN  RELIGION 


319 


the  State,  and  a  College  of  Interpreters  to  unfold  or  to  apply 
their  meaning  {decemviri  sacris  faciundis).  The  frugal  Senate 
was  chary  indeed  of  such  appeals,  for  experience  had  proved 
that  the  Sibyll  sold  her  advice  dearly,  and  never  spared  the 
public  purse.  Now  she  recommended  a  costly  deputation  to  beg 
some  foreign  deity  to  consent  to  house  himself  in  Rome  ;  some- 
times a  new  temple  must  be  built  to  lodge  more  worthily  a  recent 
visitor  from  Olympus ;  sometimes  stately  ceremonies  might  be 
enough  if  they  were  only  of  the  newest  fashion,  but  in  each 
case  we  may  note  that  some  forward  steps  were  taken  in 
naturalizing  the  Greek  Pantheon  on  Italian  soil.  So  one  after 
another  the  familiar  forms  of  Greek  mythology  were  recognized 
in  the  religion  of  the  State,  sometimes  thinly  disguised  in 
Latin  dress,  more  often  with  names  and  attributes  almost 
unchanged,  while  the  arrival  of  each  upon  the  scene  was 
marked  by  some  enduring  festival  or  shrine.  To  the  same 
source  may  also  be  assigned  the  imposing  ceremonies  which 
were  for  the  most  part  of  foreign  growth. 

The  lectisternium,  first  heard  of  in  the  year  399  b,  c,  fLivy 
V.  13.  6,)  but  often  repeated  later,  agreed  with  some  features 
of  old  Latin  usage,  but  was  specially  connected  with  the 
characteristic  forms  of  the  Apollo-worship  [Theoxenia).  All 
was  made  ready  for  a  costly  banquet,  and  on  each  couch 
{pulvinaria)  were  laid  the  symbols  of  the  deities  to  be  ap- 
peased, while  the  viands  from'  the  feast,  or  offerings  from  the 
altars,  were  laid  in  solemn  state  before  them.  With  these  were 
commonly  connected  supplicationes,  a  form  of  General  Litany 
or  Processional  Service,  in  which  young  and  old,  citizens  and 
country  folks,  moved  in  long  lines  through  all  the  streets  to 
offer  prayers  in  every  temple  where  the  pulvinaria  were  laid 
out  to  view.  These  in  their  details,  as  also  in  the  occa- 
sions when  we  hear  of  them,  remind  us  of  the  solemn  Paaans 
by  which  Apollo  was  approached  in  times  of  thanksgiving  or 
intercession.  The  SibylUne  books  did  not  fail  also  to  en- 
courage the  system  of  vows  [vota)  which  Roman  usage  had 
long  sanctioned.  Often  in  the  crisis  of  the  battle,  or  some 
time  of  urgent  risk,  magistrates  had  promised  temples  or 
costly  offerings  to  their  guardian  powers,  if  only  the  tide  of 
danger  would  be  rolled  away.  And  so  when  prodigies  were 
rife,  and  panic  spread,  the  advisers  of  the  State  appealed  to 
the  efficacy  of  solemn  vows.  One  such  may  seem  to  call  for 
special  mention,  as  recorded  in  archaic  language  by  the  his- 
torian of  the  2nd  Punic  war. 

It  had  been  an  old  Italian  custom  to  promise  to  the  gods 
in  times  of  crisis  the  produce  of  the  coming  spring  {ver  sa- 
crum), and  the  custom  may  have  dated  from  the  days^  of 
human  sacrifice.  For  among  the  earliest  stories  of  tribal 
movements  in  Central  Italy,  we  read  that  in  days  of  famine 


320 


APPENDIX  III. 


TOch  a  vet  sacrum  had  been  vowed  among  the  Sabine  hiUs 
and  that  when  the  young  of  that  spring  reached  man's  estate 
they  were  sent  forth  in  search  of  some  new  homes,  and  that 
gnided  on  their  several  paths  by  animals  sacred  to  the  Italian 
Mars,  they  made  their  way  into  Samnium  and  Picenum  and 
to  other  lands,  where  they  accepted  henceforth  as  their 
national  symbols,  the  buU  in  Samnium,  the  woodpecker  {picw\ 
m  Ijcenujn,  and  the  wolf  for  the  HirpinU  whose  forefathers 
had  been  led  by  it  to  their  new  homes.  In  the  case  above  re- 
ferred  to  the  senate  gave  its  sanction  to  the  vow,  but  the  Chief 
Pontiff  was  aware  that  ancient  usage  required  the  consent  of 
the  whole  people,  and  a  bill  was  drawn  up  by  his  instructions 
to  be  submitted  to  the  vote  in  the  comitia.  It  was  drawn  up 
with  scrupulous  care  that  no  little  flaw,  or  unforeseen  neglect 
might  vitiate  the  people's  form  of  intercession,  and  indeed  it 
was  expressly  stipulated  that  no  sacrifice  should  lose  its  value 
l!  offered  unwittingly  upon  a  day  of  evil  omen  (si  atro  die 
font  tfuctem). 


APPENDIX  III. 

ON  THE  CHARACTER  OF  C.  FLAMINIUS. 

It  is  commonly  believed  that  the  memory  of  Flaminius  has 
suffered  grievous  wrong  from  the  hatred  of  the  nobles  of  his 
day,  which  is  reflected  even  in  the  narrative  of  Livy,  and  it 
may  therefore  be  convenient  to  put  together  the  little  that  is 
definitely  told  us  o!  his  life  and  doings.  He  came  of  a  plebeian 
lamily,  which  had  won  as  yet  no  curule  honours,  and  he 
showed  as  tribune  that  he  had  the  interests  of  the  poorer 
citizens  at  heart.  As  a  partial  remedy  for  the  economic  evils 
of  his  times  he  proposed  in  an  agrarian  bill— the  first  after  the 
Licinian  laws— to  divide  among  the  needy  much  of  the  state 
domain  available  in  Cisalpine  Gaul  (b.c.  231).  The  nobles  in 
the  senate  stoutly  opposed  the  measure,  which  was  carried 
through  the  comitia  in  spite  of  their  resistance. 

The  sanction  of  the  senate  was  not  technically  needed  to 
give  a  pUbiscitum  force  of  law,  and  the  egotism  of  the  govern- 
ing  classes  may  have  justified  this  bold  innovation  of  Flami- 
nius, but  it  was  a  violent  blow  against  the  representative  power 
in  the  state,  and  as  such  was  noted  by  Polybius  (ii.  21)  as  the 
first  ominous  sign  of  constitutional  decline.  The  aristocracy 
submitted  with  ill  grace,  and  hampered  him  in  his  work  ol 
colonial  distribution  with  ineffectual   delays.      Shortly  after- 


CHARACTER   OF  C,  FLAMINIUS.      321 

wards  the  government  of  Sicily  fell  to  his  lot  as  Prietor,  and 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  endeared  himself  to  the 
provincials  by  clean-handed  justice  (Livy  xxxiii.  42).  His  pro- 
motion to  the  consulship  did  not  follow  till  222,  when  he 
endeavoure4  to  crush  the  Cisalpine  Gauls,  already  defeated  at 
L.  Telamou,  by  invading  the  country  of  the  Imuhres.  In  the 
only  account  of  the  campaign  which  we  possess  (Polyb.  ii.  32) 
he  appears  to  have  been  wanting  in  good  faith  towards  the 
Gauls,  and  by  the  neglect  of  the  common  rules  of  strategy  to 
have  risked  probable  disaster,  from  which  he  was  saved  only 
by  the  steady  valour  of  the  legionaries  and  the  forethought  of 
the  military  tribunes. 

Before  the  campaign  was  over  he  was  summoned  by  the 
senate  to  resign  his  ofiico,  on  the  ground  of  some  technical 
flaw  in  his  election,  but  he  would  not  open  the  despatch  tiQ 
the  victory  was  won,  and  on  his  return  persisted  in  entering 
Rome  in  forms  of  triumph,  despite  the  refusal  of  the  senate. 

The  resentment  of  the  nobles  was  intense,  and  they  forced 
a  dictator  to  resign,  who  had  been  bold  enough  to  name 
Flaminius  as  his  Master  of  the  Horse.  But  it  is  to  the  credit 
of  tlie  latter,  that  in  his  censorship  of  219  he  did  not  stoop  to 
any  petty  jealousies  of  rival  parties,  only  linking  the  memories 
of  that  high  office  with  the  Circus,  and  the  great  Highway 
which  bore  his  name  in  after  ages. 

But  it  was  partly  due  to  his  support  that  the  bill  of  Claudius 
was  passed,  which  forbade  the  Senatorian  families  to  own  mer- 
chant vessels,  a  law  which  rested  no  doubt  in  part  on  the 
aristocratic  prejudice  cf  old  societies,  but  aimed  also  at  pro- 
tecting the  provincials  from  sinister  action  on  the  part  of 
Roman  governors  in  the  interest  of  Roman  traders.  If  bis 
generalship  really  was  so  questionable  in  the  Gallic  war,  it  is 
strange  that  he  should  have  been  re-elected  to  the  consulship 
after  the  disaster  of  the  Trebia. 

There  are  reasons  too  for  doubting  the  account  of  Livy 
which  makes  him  leave  Rome  and  enter  office  at  Ariminum  in 
contempt  of  all  customary  scruples,  though  military  needs 
might  well  excuse  neglect  of  purely  formal  duties.  But  Poly- 
bius is  quite  silent  on  the  subject,  though  his  informants  had 
no  love  for  Flaminius,  and  a  legal  measure,  called  probably 
Lex  Flaminia  minus  solvendi,  seems  to  point  to  the  presence 
of  the  consul  in  the  capital,  although  the  evidence  is  not  con- 
clusive. The  financial  policy  which  it  suggests  accords  indeed 
with  his  other  measures  in  favour  of  the  poorer  classes,  at 
the  expense  also  of  the  wealthier. 

The  position  of  Flaminius  at  Arretium  seems  to  have  been 
well  chosen  for  defence,  and  his  plans  were  probably  suggested 
by  the  campaign  against  the  Gauls  in  224.  He  must  have 
heard  of  Hannibal's  advance,   and  have  shown   no  wish  to 


\ft     MS* 


h\ 


322 


APPENDIX  HI. 


force  an  action,  but  after  sending  to  Ms  colleague  at  Ariminuiii 
to  hasten  to  the  defence  of  Rome,  be  was  forced  to  move  south- 
ward to  effect  a  junction,  and  to  keep  tbe  enemy  meantime  iu 
Tiew. 

His  one  fatal  error  lay  in  tbe  unguarded  entry  into  the 
defile  of  Trasimeiie,  where  his  warier  rival  closed  the  trap 
upon  him.  /Vristocratic  writers  may  have  gladly  taken  him  as 
a  scapegoat,  imagining  the  neglect  of  sacred  forms  as  a  partial 
cause  of  the  disaster,  and  exaggerating  the  rashness  and  in- 
capacity of  the  champion  of  the  commons,  just  as  moderu 
critics  may  have  dwelt  too  fondly  on  his  fancied  virtues  be- 
cause the  nobles  of  bis  own  day  bated  and  maligned  him. 


INDEX  NOMINUM  ET  LOCOHUM. 

N.B.     I.  II.  re-present  books  XXI.  and  XXII.  of  the  Latin  text. 


Abelux,  II.  22.  6 

Acilius,  M'.,  I.  25.  4 

Agates  insulffi,  i.   10.  7,  41. 

6,  49.  6,  II.  56.  7 
^mlKus,  M.,  1. 49.  6, 51. 7,  ii. 

9.11 
Africanus,  P.  Scipio,  i.  46.  8, 

II.  53.  2 

Albinus,    L.    Postumius,    ii. 

35.6 
Alco,  I.  12.  4 
Algidus,  1.  62.  8 
Alia,  II.  50.  3,  59.  8 
Alimentus,  L.  Cincius,  i.  38.  3 
Allifffi,  II.  13.  6,  17.  1,  18.  5 
Allobroges,  i.  31.  4 
Alorcus,  I.  12.  4 
Alpes,  1.  30 

Amiteminus  ager,  i.  62.  5 
Amusicus,  i.  61.  11 
Annius,  M.,  i.  25.  3 
Antistius,  M.,  i.  63.  12 
Antium,  ii.  1.  10 
Appenninus,  i.   53.  6,  58.  3, 

63.  16 
Appia  Via,  ii.  1.  12 
Apulia,  II.  9.  5 
Arbocala,  i.  5.  6 
Ardea,  i.  7.  2,  ii.  1.  19 
Aricia,  ii.  36.  7 
Ariminum,  i.  15.  6,  51.  6, 63. 1 
Arnus,  ii.  2.  2 
Arpi,  II.  1.  9,  9.  5,  12.  3 
Arretium,  ii.  2.  1,  3.  3 


Asina,  P.  Cornelius,  i.  25.  4, 

II.  34. 1 
Atanagrum,  i.  61.  6 
Atellani,  ii.  61. 11 
Atilius,  C,  I.  26.  2,  39.  3,  62. 

10 

L.,  II.  49. 15 

Anfidus,  II.  44.  2 
Ausetani,  i.  23.  2,  61.  8 


Baliares,  i.  21.  11,  55.  2,  ii. 

20.9 
Bargusii,  i.  23.  2 
Beneventanus  ager,  ii.  13. 1 
Bibaculus,  L.  Furius,  ii.  49. 15 
Bibulus,  L.  Pubhcius,  ii.  53.  2 
Boii,  I.  25.  2 
Bomilcar,  i.  27.  2 
Bostar,  ii.  22.  9 
Bovianum,  ii.  24.  12 
Braiicus,  i.  31.  6 
Brixiani,  i.  25.  14 
Brnttii,  ii.  61.  12 
Busa,  II.  52.  7 


Caelius  Antipater,  i.  38.  7,  46. 

10,  47.  4,  II.  31.  8 
Calatini,  ii.  61. 11 
Cales,  II.  15.  10 
Callicula,  ii.  15.  3 
Callifanus  ager,  ii.  13.  6 
Calpnrnius,  C,  ii.  61.  6 


324     INDEX  NOMINUM  ET  LOCORUM. 


INDEX  NOMINUM  ET  LOCORUM,     325 


Camillas,  M.  Furins,  ii.  3.  10, 

Campania,  ii.  13.  3 
Cannae,  ii.  43.  9,  49.  13 
Cannsium,  ii.  50,  4,  62.  7 
Capena,  ii.  1.  10 
Capua,  ii.  1.  12,  13.  3 
Carpetani,   i.  6.   11,   11.   13, 

32.  4 
Carthago  Nova,  i.  5. 4, 21. 1 
Cartlialo,    ii.  15.   8,    49.   13, 

58.7 
Casiliniim,  ii.  13.  6,  15.  3 
Casinum,  ii.  KJ.  G 
Castulonensie  saltuB,  ii.  20. 12 
CaudinsB  furcute,  ii.  14.  12 
Celtiberi,  i.  67.  5 
Celtiberia,  i.  43.  8 
Cenomanni,  i.  55.  4 
Centenius,  C,  ii.  8.  1 
Cento,  C.  Claudins,  ii.  34.  1 
Cercina,  ii.  31.  2 
Cissis,  I.  60.  7 
Clastidium,  i.  48.  8 
Claudius,  Q.,  i.  63.  3 
Corsi,  I.  16.  4 
Corsica,  ii.  31.  1 
Cortona,  ii.  4.  1 
Cosanus  portus,  ii.  11.  6 
Cremona,  i.  25.  2,  56.  9 
Cremonis  iugnm,  i.  38.  7 
Crotonienaes,  ii.  61.  12 
Cursor,  L.  Papirius,  ii.  14.  12 


Basins,  i.  48.  9 
Decins,  P.,  ii.  60.  11 
Delphi,  II.  57.  5 
Demetrius  Pharius,  ii.  33.  3 
Druentia,  i.  31.  9 
Ducarius,  ii.  6.  3 


Ebusus,  II.  20.  7 
Emporiae,  i.  60.  2 
Emporium,  i.  57.  6 
Eiyx,  1.  10.  7,  41.  6 
Etruria,  i.  26.  3 


Fabius,  Pictor,  ii.  7.  1 

Q.,  I.  18.  1 

Maximus,  ii.    8. 


6—,  38.  13 


II.  53.  1 


FaesulaB,  ii.  3.  3 
Palerii,  ii.  1.  11 
Falernus  ager,  ii.  13.  9 
Feronia,  ii.  1.  18 
Flaccus,  P.Valerius,  i.  6.8 

—    Fulvius,  II.  12.  1 

Flaminia,  Via,  ii.  11.  15 
Flaminiiius,  Caeso  Quinctius, 

II.  33.  8 
Flaminius,  C,  1. 15.  6,  57.  !. 

63.  1— II.  7.  5 
Flamma,   M.  Calpurnius,   ii. 

60.  11 
Floronia,  ii.  57.  2 
Formiae,  ii.  16.  4 
Fulvins,  C,  I.  59.  10 


Gabii,  ii.  14.  11 
Gades,  i.  21.  9.  22.  5 
Gain,  I.  23.  1 
Gallica  busta,  ii.  14.  11 
Geminus,  Cn.  Servilius,  i.  15. 
6,  57.  4,  II.  1.  4,  31.  1,  40.  6 
Genua,  i.  32.  5 
Gereonium,  ii.  18.  7,  23.9 


Hadrianus  agcr,  ii.  9.  5 
Hamilcar,  i.  1.  4, 10.  8,  41.  8 

Gisgonis  fil.  i.  51. 2 

Hanno,  i.  3.  3, 10.  2 

Bomilcaris  fil.  i.  27. 2 

—^ I.  60.  5 

Hasdrubal,  i.  2.  3 
I.  22.  2,  32.  4,  41. 

2,  60.   6,  II.  19.  1,  46.  7 
Heraclea,  ii.  59.  8 
Herennius,  C. ,  i.  25.  4 
Q.  Baebius,  n.  34. 

Hennandica,  i.  5.  6 

Hicro,  I.  49.  3,  50. 7,  u.  37. 1 


Himilco,  i.  12.  1,  ii.  19.  3 
Hirpini,  ii.  13.  1,  61.  11 
Histri,  I.  16.  4 
Hostilia  curia,  ii.  55.  1 

lotumuli,  I.  45.  3 
Ilergavonenses,  ii.  21.  6 
Ilergetes,  i.  22.  3,  23.  2,  61.  5, 

II.  21.  2 
Iliberri,  i.  '24.  1 
niyrii,  i.  16.  4,  ii.  33.  5 
Indibilis,  ii.  21.  2 
Insubres,  i.  25.  2,  39.  1,  45.  3 
Insula  Allobrogum,  i.  31.  4 
Isara,  i.  31.  4. 

lunius  M.,  II.  57.  9 
__ II.  59.  1 

Lacetania,  i.  23.  2 
Laeetani,  i.  60.  3,  61.  8 
Lanuvium,  i.  62.  4 
Larinum,  ii.  IS.  8,  24.  1 
Latiaiis  lupiter,  i.  63.  8 
Latina  Via,  ii.  12.  2 
Lentulus,  Cn.  Corn.,  ii.  49.  6 

L.  Corn.,  ii.  10.  1 

Lepidus,  M.  .^milius,  ii.  35. 1 
Libui,  I.  38.  7 
Libyphoenices,  i.  22.  3 
Licinius,  C,  i.  18.  1 
Ligures,  i.  22.  2,  26.  3,  38.  3 
LilybfiBum,  i.  49.  4,  ii.  31.  6 
Liparte,  i.  49.  2 
Liternum,  ii.  16.  4 
LiviuB,  M.,  I.  18.  1 
Locri,  II.  61.  12 
Longuntica,  ii.  20.  6 
Longus.  V.  Ti.  Sempronius 
Luca,  I.  59.  10 
Lucani,  ii.  61.  12 
Luceria,  ii.  9.  5 
Lucretius,  L.,  i.  59.  10 
Lusitani,  i.  57.  5 
Lnsitania,  i.  43.  8 
Lutatius,  C,  1. 18.  8,  ii.  14. 13 
_ I.  25.  3 


Magalus,  i.  29.  G 

Mago,  I.  47.  4,  54.  2,  56.  9,  ii. 

46.  7 
Maharbal,  i.  12.  1,  45.  2,  ii. 

13.  9,  46.  7,  51.  1 
Mancinus,  L.  Hostilius,  ii.  15. 

4 
Mandonius,  u.  21.  2 
ManHus,  L.,  i.  17.  7,  25.   8, 

39.  3,  II.  33.  7 
Marcellus,  ]\I.  Claudius,  ii.  35. 

6,  57.  1 
Marius  Statilius,  ii.  42.  4,  43. 

7 
MaiTuciiii,  it.  9.  5 
Marsi,  ii.  9.  5 
Maso,  C.  Papirius,  i.  25.  4 
Masfiicus  mons,  ii.  14.  1 
Massilia,  i.  20.  8,  25.  1,  26.  3 
Matho,  M'.  Pomponius,  ii.  33. 

11,  35.  6,  55.  1 
Mauri,  I.  22.  3 
Melita,  i.  51.  1 
Menige,  ii.  31.  2 
Merenda,  P.  Cornelius,  ii.  35. 

1 
Messana,  i.  49.  3 
Metapoutum,  ii.  61.  12 
Metellus,  L.  Caecilius,  ii.  53.  5 
Metilius,  ii.  25.  3 
Minucius,  M.,  ii.  8.  6,  14.  4, 

24.  1,  49.  16 
Mutina,  i.  25.  6 

Neapolitani,  ii.  32.  4 
Nova  Classis,  ii.  20.  6 
Numerius  Decimius,  ii.  24. 11 
Numidee,  i.  22.  3,  29.  1 

Ocriculum,  n.  11.  6 
Olcades,  i.  5.  2 
Onusa,  I.  22.  5,  ii.  20.  3 
Opimia,  ii.  57.  2 
Oretani,  1. 10. 13 
Ostia,  II.  11.  5,  37.  1,  57.  7 
Otacilius,  T.,  ii.  10.  10.  31.  6, 
56.6 


326      INDEX  WMmUAf  ET  LOCORUM. 


INDEX  NOMINUM  ET  LOG  DRUM.     327 


Padus,  I.  25. 13,  39.  3,  47.  2 

PaBstum,  II.  :-JG.  9 
Pffitns,  Q.  iElius,  ir.  35.  2 
Papirius  Cursor,  ii.  14.  12 
Pauhis,  L.  -Emilias,  i.  18.  1, 

II.  35.  3,  38.  8,  45.  5,  49.  1 
Peligni,  ii.  9.  6,  18.  C 
Pentri,  ii.  61. 11 
Philippua  Mac,  ii.  33.  3 
Pliilo,  L.  Vetnnus,  ii.  33.  11 
Philus,  P.  Furiii3,  II.  53.  4 
Picenus  ager,  i.  62.  5,  ii.  9.  2 
Pictor,  Q.  Fabius,  ii.  57.  5 
Pineus,  ii.  35.  5 
PisaB,  I.  39.  3 
Placentia,  i.  25.  2,  39.  4,  56.  5, 

57.  11 
PoBninus  mona,  i.  38.  9 
Pomponiua,  M.,  ii.  7.  8 
~~— ~— — —  S6X.,  I.  51.  6 
Praeneste,  ii.  1.  9, 12.  2 
PraBtutiantis  ager,  ii.  9.  5 
Pulcher,  Ap.  Claudius,  ii.  42. 9 

II.  53.  2 

Pupiiis,  C,  II.  33.  8 
Pyrenaei,  i.  23.  2,  26.  4 
Pyrrhus,  ii.  59.  8 


Begnltis,  M.  Atilius,  ii.  25. 16. 
31.7 

Rhodanus,  i.  26.  4,  40.  % 
Rusoino,  I.  24.  3 
Rutuli,  I.  7.  2 


Sabimis  ager,  ii.  12.  1 
Sagnntnm,  i.  5 — 15 
Salinator,  M.  Livius,  ii.  35.  8 
Samnites,  ii.  61.  11 
Samnimn,  ii.  13.  1 
Sardi,  i.  16.  4 
Sardinia,  i.  1.  5.  40,  5 
Scipio,  P.  Cornelius,  i.  6.  3, 

17.  1,  26.  3,  32.   1,  46.  5. 

52.  7.  II.  22.  1 
— African  us, 

I.  46.  8.  II.  63.  2 


Scipio,  Cn.,  i.  32.  3,  ;}9.  10, 

40.  3,  60.  1 
ScriboniuR,  L.,  ii.  61.  6 
Seduni,  i.  38.  9 
Sempronius  Blaasns,  n.  31.  5 

T.,  II.  57.  9 

Ti.,  I.  6.  3,  17.  1, 

49.  1,  50.  7,  52.  8,  69.  2 
Serranus,  C.  Atilius,  ii.  35.  2 
Serviliiis,  C,  i.  25.  3 

V.  Geminus 

Sicilia,  i.  1.  6,  40.  5 
Sidicinus,  ii.  42.  11 
Sinuessa,  ii.  14.  4 
Spoletium,  ii.  9.  1 
Stellatis  campus,  ii.  13.  6 
Sura,  P.,  II.  31.  6 

Tagns,  I.  6.  8 

Tamphilus,  Q.  Baebius,  i.  6.  8. 

18.1 
Tannetum,  i.  25.  13 
Tarentum,  ii.  69.  7 
Tarracina,  ii.  15.  11 
Tarraco,  i.  61.  2,  ii.  19.  5 
Taurini,  i.  38.  5 
Teanum,  ii.  57.  8 
Telcsia,  ii.  13.  1 
Terentius,  Q.,  i.  63.  11 
Tiberis,  i.  80.  11,  ii.  11.  6 
Tibur,  II.  11.  3 

Ticinus,  i.  15.  4,  39.  10,  46.  1 
Torquatus,  T.  Manlius,  ii.  (50. 

6 
Trasumeiinus,  ii.  4.  1 
Trebia,  i.  15.  4,  48.  4,  62.  3 
Tricastini,  i.  31.  9 
Tricorii,  i.  31.  9 
Tuditanus,  P.  Sempronius,  ii. 

60.  6,  60.  8 
Turdetani.  i.  6.  1,  12.  5 


Umbria,  n.  8.  1 
Uzentum,  n.  61.  12 


Varro,  C.  Terentius,  ii.  25.  18, 

34.  2,  41.  3,  45.  5 
Veii,  II.  3.  10 
Venusia,  ii.  49.  14,  54.  1 
Veragri,  i.  38.  9 
Vergiliie,  i.  35.  0 
Viboniensis  ager,  i.  51.  1 
VictumvicB,  i.  57.  9 
Vooontii,  i.  31.  9 


Volcffi,  I.  26.  0 
Volciaui,  i.  19.  8 
Vulcani  ins.,  i.  49.  2 
Vulso,  L.  Maulius,  ii.  35.  1 
Vulturnus  fl.,  ii.  14.  1 

ventus,  II.  43.  10, 

46.9 

Zacyntbus,  i.  7.  2 


Vaccaei,  i.  5.  6 


Cambrilige: 

PKINTEI)   BY  J.   A    c.    F.    CLAY, 

AT  THE    UNIVEHSITY  PItESS. 


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